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ISCARIUS AND DAEDALUS. 


By Sur Frederick Leighton, 1830-1889. 


‘IR FREDERICK LEIGHTON was born at Scarborough, England, Dec. 3, 
1830.: _His father was a doctor, but early recognized his son’s, bias toward 
painting and gave ‘him what he considered the best training for his pro- 

fession, Atten his father started him ona series of grand tours, visiting Rome, 
- Blorence, Frankfort; Berlin, Paris, and Brussels... In each of these places he received 
instructions from the most distinguished masters, He exhibited his first picture 
(fhe Procession of Cimabue’s Madonna) at the Royal Acadetny in 1855. This 
picture was bought by the Queen, After this he studied im Paris four years under 
“Ary Scheffen. ’. He became‘a Royal Academician in 1869, and on the death of Sir 


Francis Grant in 1878. he was elected see and was knighted, He was created 


a baronet in 1886, 

Sir Frederick Leighton is'a scholar and man of the wb 8 as well as.an artist, 
He has gained great distinction in art, both as painter and sculptor. He won the 
grand medal of honor for sculpture at the Paris Exposition of 1889, 

Neches, is acakcely one aia honor that has not been conferred upon him, 


we 


THE 


IDEAS 


THAT HAVE INFLUENCED 


CIVILIZATION 


IN THE 


ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS 


OLIVER J. THATCHER, Pu. D. 


DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY, UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO 


AUTHOR OF “EUROPE IN THE MIDDLE AGE” (wiTH F. SCHWILL), 
“A SHORT HISTORY OF MEDIAEVAL EUROPE,” “A GEN: 
ERAL HISTORY OF EUROPE” (witTH F. SCHWILL), 

“A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF 

THE APOSTOLIC CHURCH.” 


EDITOR 


TEN VOLUMES 
VOL. X 


1860-1303 


BOSTON 


CHICAGO 
THE ROBERTS-MANCHESTER PUBLISHING CO. 
MILWAUBEE 


Grand de Hure Edition 


LIMITED To 1000 CoMPLETE SETS, OF WHICH THIS IS 


INO, gti hire ey Sutany en 


COPYRIGHT 1902 
BY 
ROBERTS-MANCHESTER PUBLISHING Co, 


ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 


J. H. YEWDALE & SONS Co,, 


27; 88 7G Biavias oe 


} 
{ 
| 


EDITOR’S ACKNOWLEDGMENT 


ALTHOUGH THE EDITOR only is responsible for the matter 
included in this set of books, yet he has been greatly assisted by the 
suggestions he has received from specialists in their own fields. As 
the editing of the last volumes is not yet finished, it is impossible to 
give full credit for such advice, but the editor takes this opportunity 
to acknowledge the important counsel or additional suggestions 
received from: 


A. H. SAYCE, LL. D., D. D., 
PROFESSOR OF ASSYRIOLOGY, QUBEN’S COLLEGE, OXFORD UNIVERSITY. 


CRAWFORD H. TOY, A. M., LL. D., 
PROFESSOR OF ORIENTAL LANGUAGES, HARVARD UNIVERSITY. 


WALTER MILLER, A. M., 
PROFESSOR OF CLASSICAL PHILOLOGY, 
THE LELAND STANFORD JUNIOR UNIVERSITY 


HENRY RUSHTON FAIRCLOUGH, PH. D., 
PROFESSOR OF CLASSICAL LITBRATURE, 
THE LELAND STANFORD JUNIOR UNIVERSITY. 


FRANK FROST ABBOTT, PH. D., 
PROFESSOR OF LATIN, UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO. 


JOHN CAREW ROLFE, PH. D., 
PROFESSOR OF LATIN, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN. 


DANA C. MONRO, A. M., 
DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY, UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA. 


EDWARD G. BOURNE, PH. D., 
PROPEBSSOR OF HISTORY, YALE UNIVERSITY. 


FERDINAND SCHWILL, PH. D., 
DEPARTMENT OF MODERN HISTORY, UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO. 


HARRY BURNS HUTCHINS, LL. D., 
DEAN OF THE DEPARTMENT OF LAW, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN. 


WILLIAM H. WELCH, M. D., LL. D., 
DEAN OF THE MEDICAL FACULTY, JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY. 


THEODORE WILLIAM RICHARDS, PH. D., 
DEPARTMENT OF CHEMISTRY, HARVARD UNIVERSITY. 


PAUL REINSCH, PH. D., 
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE, UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN. 


H. H. MANCHESTER, A. B., 
MANAGING EDITOR FOR THE ROBERTS-MANCHESTER PUBLISHING CO 


. : Rohe 
at ot Le 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


VOLUME X. 

PAGE 
ISCARIUS AND DAEDALUS (LEIGHTON) Frontispiece 
THE KING AND THE BEGGAR MAID (BURNE JONES) 5 
KARL MARX 10 
BLESSED DAMOZEL (ROSSETTI) 182 
-ROENTGEN 227 
THE PERIODIC LAW (Table) 254 


-PROSERPINE 337 


TABLE OF CONTENTS 


VOLUME X. 
PaGE 
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 5. 
that 
Kart Marx 10 
Manifesto of the Communist Party II 
FRIEDRICH ENGELS 31 
Scientific Socialism 31 
INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION 52 
The Public Control of Railroads 53 
A CoMPARISON OF MUNICIPAL AND PRIVATE OWNERSHIP 76 
H. W. Macrosty (F asian SOCIETY) IOI 
English State Socialism IOI 
SOCIAL CONDITIONS 124 
ROBERT SOMERS 124 
The South after the War 124 
REDFIELD PROCTOR 135 
Conditions in Cuba 135 
F, H. SAwYeER 147 
Prospects in the Philippines 147 
Life and Character of the Tagals 155 
ARCHAOLOGY 182 
F. E. PEISER | 184 
A Sketch of Babylonian Society - 184 
FHYSICS 208 
JAMES CLERK MAXWELL 208 
Electricity a Wave in the Ether 209 


M. HenrI POINCARE 
The Maxwell and Hertz Theory of Electricity and Light a2r15 


W. K. RoENTGEN 
The X-Rays 


WeoecH PREECE 


Wireless Telegraphy: the Preece and Marconi Systems 


CHEMISTRY 


D. J. MENDELEEF 
The Periodic Law of the Chemical Elements 


Sir NokMAN LOCKYER 
The Chemistry of the Stars 


BIOLOGY 


Aucust WEISMAN 
The Continuity of the Germ Plasm as the Foundation 
of a Theory of Heredity 


Rospert Kocu 
Theory of Bacteria 


Louis PAstTEuR 
: On Fermentation 
Inoculation for Hydrophobia 


PSYCHOLOGY, 


- Davin FERRIER 
Localization of the Functions in the Brain 


Sir WILLIAM CROOKES 
Telepathy 


PHILOLOGY 
THE CONSONANTS (GRIMM’S AND VERNER’S Laws) 
THE VOWELS 


THE DERIVATION OF ENGLISH FROM LATIN 


CHRONOLOGICAL INDEX 


GENERAL ALPHABETICAL AND ANALYTICAL INDEX 


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THE KING AND THE BEGGAR MAID 
Ry Bape jones! sie toe 


IR EDWARD BURNE JONES was ee in Rieenigetioe: England, Aug, 28, 
1833, of Welsh extraction. He attended King Edward’s, Grammar ‘School 
of that town from 1844-1852, whem he entered Exeter College, Oxford, with 


the intention, of taking orders in the.Church of England, But though he was 


touched: with the ecclesiastical spitit of the place he seems to have felt no: real 
vocation for the clerical career-and ‘by 1855, while still an, undergraduate, his desire 


to become an artist had crystallized into aresolye.. He came up to London and was’: ~ 


introduced. to Rossetti, who perstaded him to abandon the idea’ of returning to . 
Oxford.’ He received his inspiration as an artist from Rossetti, but developed hig . 

originality and powerindependently of the: schools. His university made him 
honorary. D.C. L. in 1881, his college (Exeter) elected him an honorary fellow in 


1882, and in 1885,at the suggestion of Sir Frederic Leighton, he was. nominated: .. 


(without his knowledge) for election at the Royal Academy, and was chosen A. R. A> “ 
But he only exhibited one picture there, “The Depths of the Sea,” in 1886, and in 
1893 resigned his Associateship, He was appointed a Chevalier of the Legion’ of . 
Honor (in ’89) and elected member of the Institute of France (in °90)..° In the early 
part of his career he exhibited chiefly under the auspices of the Old Water Colour 
Society, but in 1870 he left that society, of which, however, he was afterwards an 
hotiorary member, His pictures-were among the chief attractions at the Grosvenor’. 
Gallery; but in ’87 he severed his connections with that institution and took a 
prominent part in the establishment of the New Gallery, In 1894 Queen Victoria, 
on the advice of Mr, Gladstone, conferred a baronetcy upon him.’ Burne-Jones’ art 
appeals in all its strength and fullness only to people of @ certain type of mind 
and education, but to them he appeals’ as no other modern ‘painter has done, He 
also had remarkable talent for decorative work, He furnished cartoons for stained 
glass windows and designs for tapestry. and needlework... He gaye much time and 
thought to his design called “The Tree of Life,” executed in mosaic by Salviati for 


the American church in cyan for he vai, “Tt is to bein pla ee is to last for 


eternity.’’ 
He was Shdyaed Kipling’s sacle. ‘He died June I 7 1598. 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


PROBABLY the most important social movement of the present time 
springs from a conception of the state as a social organism in opposition 
to the Adam Smith conception of it as economically merely a conglom- 
eration. of individuals. On the latter theory each individual should be 
left to himself, competition should be uncontrolled, the government 
should keep out of economic affairs. On the former basis, the state is an 
organism which should control all its parts for the good of the whole. 

Such attempts by government to control trade are not new, but the 
object would seldom be “for the good of the whole” except where was 
acknowledged the sovereignty of the people. It is interesting to glance 
back over such attempts to control industry made by governments, and 
at the same time compare the efforts made by individuals or classes to 
control it for their own benefit. 

In Greece, Sparta by its peculiar laws made itself an agricultural 
aristocracy with the work done by serfs. Trade was practically anni- 
hilated. In Athens all were free to come and trade. The government, 
however, fixed a maximum price on olives, grain, barley meal, bread; 
saw that the food was kept pure, and the measures correct; and pre- 
vented a “corner” on grain by compelling two-thirds of that imported 
to be put on the market. Here, too, as in Sparta, the traders were for- 
eigners and not a respected class. The manual work was done by 
slaves. 

In Italy the land fell into the hands of large slave-holders, who 
used it for grazing purposes. The government sold imported grain for 
Jess than the small Italian farmers could raise it, and thus ruined the 


* 


6 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


small farmer for the benefit of the population at Rome. The Roman 
senator was forbidden from entering into any speculative trade venture, 
e. g., commerce, or the farming of the revenue; but this law was often 
avoided by joining an association. Almost all large businesses at Rome 
were carried on by incorporated associations. A man was advised to 
send out fifty ships with forty-nine other merchants rather than to send 
out one on his own account. It gave him the benefit of the law of 
averages,—acted as now does insurance, which was unknown in those 
days. 

Hand labor suffered in social status because of the proximity of 
slave labor. But this seems to have been lessened to some extent by 
the existence of trade corporations. ‘Numa is fabled to have divided 
workmen into nine classes, each of which became a society. Such 
associations later became regular corporations, and exerted considerable 
influence on the economics of the time. The membership seems both in 
the time of the republic and empire to have been voluntary, but they 
seem to have included practically all free craftsmen in the large cities. 

Taken altogether the system of the empire was decidedly paternal. 
Mines and roads of communication were owned by the government, and 
the emperor paid very close attention to affairs which we should now 
consider strictly municipal. 

During the middle ages, practically all trades were under control 
of trade guilds. We read of a weavers’ and fullers’ guild in England 
as early as 1130. No one was permitted by the king to follow an occu- 
pation unless a member of the guild, and an apprenticeship, usually of 
seven years, was necessary before a man could be admitted to a 
guild. Merchant guilds also existed early, but liberty in buying and 
selling was in general given to all in England in 1335. From the twelfth 
to the eighteenth century the guilds practically regulated industry, sub- 
ject to the control of the king. In the eighteenth century the guilds did 
not keep pace with the growth of the great industries, and were fiercely 
attacked by the laissez-faire school of economists. Their influence waned 
and the laws in their favor were left uninforced. The law compelling 
apprenticeship was abolished in 1814, and all trade privileges of the 
guilds taken away. But not long after this trade unions began to be 
developed to take their place. 

Even before the time of the Tudors it was the custom of the king 
to give the monopoly of dealing in a certain article to some favorite as 
a reward. In the time of Elizabeth these monopolies included such 


SOCIAL MC VEMENTS 3 


things as salt, currants, iron, playing cards, carriage of leather, ashes, 
coals, bottles, vinegar, etc. The growth of the system roused great 
discontent, a fierce struggle was waged against it in Parliament in 1601, 
and Elizabeth promised to revoke the patents. The matter was again 
brought to a crisis under James I. by the extortion of the licensers of 
inns, and the whole power was taken from the Crown except in the 
case of patent rights. During the next century Parliament gave exclu- 
sive power to trade in some certain district to a particular company 
formed for exploitation or colonization, as, for example, the East India 
Company or the many American companies, but the economic ideas of 
Adam Smith at the end of the eighteenth century overthrew even this 
policy, and since then the government has confined exclusive privileges 
given to private individuals to patents or copyrights. 

Nineteenth century socialism came in with the century. Fourier 
in 1808 published his theoretical pantheistic view of the world and main- 
tained that all civilization had been but putting the world farther from 
its Creator. His phantasies passed without effect, but in 1817 Owen 
laid a scheme for a socialistic community before the House of Com- 
mons committee on the poor law. A number of such social communities 
sprang up, among them the famous Brook Farm in the United States, 
but practically all were short lived. 

In 1831 the workingmen of Lyons, France, rose in revolt under a 
banner inscribed “Live working or die fighting.” A like movement 
was the Chartist revolts by workingmen in the thirties, for although 
their demands were political, yet the ground of the discontent was 
primarily economic. All of these movements had their rise and fall 
leaving little permanent results except the establishment of trade unions, 
but showing an important undercurrent in society, when Karl Marx 
gave a scientific expression to the movement in Germany. 

Karl Marx (1818-1883) was of Jewish descent. He was a lawyer, 
but gave up his profession for social studies. Between 1843 and 1845 
he was in Paris, and published several articles on socialism, At this 
time, also, he met his lifelong friend, Friedrich Engels. In 1845 he 
was expelled from Paris and settled in Brussels. A society of socialists 
had been organized as the Communist League and at a congress held 
in 1847, Marx and Engels gave to the world the famous “Manifesto of 
the Communist Party” included below. 

In 1867 Marx published the first volume of his great work “Das 
Kapital.” The basis of his system is Locke’s idea that the source of 


8 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS tf 


value and property is labor. Hence he argues that all surplus product 
over the necessary subsistence of the laborer belongs to the laborer, but 
he declares that as a fact this goes to the capitalist. 

This theory found an important result in the formation of The 
International, a league of workmen of the continent which lasted from 
1864 to 1872, and in the gradual growth of trade unions. 

One of the first organizers of modern trade unions in Germany was 
Ferdinand Lassalle, but at his death in 1864 his general workingmen’s 
union numbered only 4,610 members. 

In a great congress at Eisenach in 1869 representatives of the many 
outside unions founded the social democratic workingmen’s party and a 
combination was made with the Lassalle party in 1875. The two to- 
gether by this time numbered 25,000 members. Since this time the 
socialists have been an important power in German politics. 

In England from 1799 to 1824 there had grown up a mass of laws 
against restriction of trade, as a reaction against the mercantile theory 
of the eighteenth century. Until 1824 it was a crime to belong to a 
union. Such restrictions were partly removed in that year and more 
fully in 1871. 

In the United States there were many local unions early in the 
century, but the first union including aH the main trades of a city seems 
to have been in 1833 in New York. In 1861 a number of trades had 
a national organization. After the war organization was again begun 
and spread rapidly until the panic of ’73. From 1877 to 1893 the labor 
unions seem to have had a rapid growth and the decrease in the panic 
of ’93 was only about 12 per cent., not as great as during previous de- 
pressions. To-day practically all general trades are well organized, 
especially in cities of some size. | 

The necessity of a city water supply, the general spread of lighting 
by gas, the invention of the railroad in 1814, of the telegraph in 1835, 
of the telephone in 1878, of the incandescent electric light in 1879, and 
the introduction of electric street railways all created a class of indus- 
tries which have been called “natural monopolies.” They are all public 
utilities, and only one is essential in a given field; that is, each plays an 
important part in present day civilization, has in fact, become a public 
necessity, and as each is practically unlimited in possible capacity, it is 
vastly more economical to have one industry than two or more of the 


same kind in the same field. 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 9 


Since 1882 another class of partial monopolies has sprung up. In 
1882 the Standard Oil Company was organized, which was able to con- 
trol about 85 per cent. of the total output of refined oil in the United 
States. Since then a vast number of such combinations have been 
formed, all aiming to control the most of the output and the prices in 
their lines. Vast capital, enabling them to wait for returns, better 
freight rates, which their greater volume of business has enabled them 
to procure, the cutting off of routine expenses and the expense of com- 
petitive selling, have all given them an advantage over the small com- 
petitor. 

These are real economic advantages. The evils result chiefly 
from an ability to charge too high where there is a virtual monopoly ; 
special rates from public utilities such as railroads; and undue influ- 
ence in city councils and other legislative bodies. 

The question of the control of such monopolies is one that is sure 
to be of the greatest importance.in the near future. It involves a direct 
opposition between the idea of government as made up of individuals 
with the consequent /aissez-faire principles of economy, and the idea of 
it as a social organism where the whole should supervise all its parts. 
Most of our ideas of government ownership or control come, though 
bereft of its most radical features, from the socialism of Marx and 
Engels. This in a far less extreme form is also the basis of the socialist 
party of Germany—the strongest single party in numbers in the empire 
—and of the state socialism represented by the Fabian Society, for 
example, in England. 


10 


KARL MARX 


Kart Marx was born of Jewish parents at Treves, in the province 
of the Rhine, May 5, 1818. He studied at Bonn and Berlin, and began 
the practice of law, then gave it up, and became editor of a radical news- 
paper that was suppressed because of its attacks on the Prussian gov- 
ernment. 

THe moved to Paris, but was expelled in 1845, and went to Brussels, 
where he founded a German workingman’s association, and issued 
(with Engels) his famous “Manifesto” given below. 

He again became editor of the Rheinische Zeitung at Cologne, but 
it was again suppressed, and he went to England, where were his head- 
quarters for the rest of his life. 

The International Workingmen’s Association was founded in 1864. 
The first volume of Das Kapital was issued in 1867. Marx starts in 
with Locke’s idea that the basis of property is labor, and works out a 
theory that in the evolution of society, the employing class has come to 
appropriate the surplus earnings of labor. This, with his consideration 
of society as an evolution, are the two most important and influential 
ideas of the book. 

The “Manifesto” was much more radical and heated than this later 
exposition of his ideas, but he believes in the inevitable assumption by 
the laboring class of the means of production. 

His theories are a part of almost all socialistic writings, and, with- 
out his radical and unnecessary features, the idea that society is an 
organism which should control what concerns all for the good of all is 
playing a prominent part in all present day social thought. 

Marx died in London, March 14, 1883. 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS il 


MANIFESTO OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY 


By Kart Marx AND FRIEDRICH ENGELS 

A specter is haunting Europe—the specter of Communism. All the 
powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this 
specter; Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French radicals and 
German police spies. 

Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as com- 
munistic by its opponents in power? Where the opposition that has not 
hurled back the branding reproach of Communism, against the more 
advanced opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adver- 
saries ? 

Two things result from this fact. 

I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers 
to be in itself a power. 

II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of 
the whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and 
meet this nursery tale of the Specter of Communism with a manifesto of 
the party itself. 

To this end the Communists of various nationalities have assembled 
in London, and sketched the following manifesto to be published in the 
English, French, German, Italian, Flemish and Danish languages. 


by 


BouRGEOIS AND PROLETARIANS 


The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class 
struggles,/ 
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild- 
“master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood 
in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now 
hidden, now open fight, that each time ended either in revolutionary 
reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contend- 
ing classes. 

In the earlier epochs of history we find almost everywhere a com- 


plicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold grada- 


12 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


tion of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, 
plebeians, slaves; in the middle ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild- 
masters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, 
again, subordinate gradations. 

The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of 
feudal society has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but 
established new classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of 
struggle in place of the old ones. 

Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeois, possesses, however, this dis- 
tinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms. Society as a 
_whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into 
two great classes directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat. 

From the serfs of the middle ages sprang the chartered burghers of 
the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of the bour- 
geoisie were developed. 

The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up 
fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East Indian and Chinese 
markets, the colonization of America, trade with the colonies, the in- 
crease in the means of exchange and in commodities generally, gave to 
commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, 
and thereby, to the revolutionary element in the tottering feudal society, 
a rapid development. 

The feudal system of industry, under which industrial production 
was monopolized by close guilds, now no longer sufficed for the grow- 
ing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing system took its 
place. The guild masters were pushed on one side by the manufactur- 
ing middle class; division of labor between the different corporate 
guilds vanished in the face of division of labor in each single workshop. 

Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. 
Even manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon steam and machinery 
revolutionized industrial production. The place of manufacture was 
taken by the giant, Modern Industry, the place of the industrial middle 
class, by industrial millionaires, the leaders of the whole industrial 
armies, the modern bourgeois. 

Modern industry has established the world’s market, for which the 
discovery of America paved the way. The market has given an im- 
-mense development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by 
land. This development has, in its turn, reacted on the extension of 
industry ; and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation and rail- 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 18 


ways extended, in the same proportion the bourgeoisie developed, 
increased its capital, and pushed into the background every class handed 
down from the middle ages. 

We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product 
of a long course of development, of a series of revolutions in the modes 
of production and of exchange. 

Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was accompanied 
by a corresponding political advance of that class. An oppressed class 
under the sway of the feudal nobility, an armed and self-governing 
association in the medizval commune, here independent urban repub- 
lic (as in Italy and Germany), there taxable “third estate’ of the 
monarchy (as in France), afterwards, in the period of manufacture 
proper, serving either the semi-feudal or the absolute monarchy as a 
counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, corner-stone of the great 
monarchies in general, the bourgeoisie has at last, since the establish- 
ment of Modern Industry and of the world’s market, conquered for 
itself, in the modern representative State, exclusive political sway. The 
executive of the modern State is but a committee for managing the 
common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie. 

The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary part. 

The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an 
end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn 
asunder the motley feudal ties that bound man to his “natural supe- 
riors,” and has left remaining no other nexus between man and man 
than naked self-interest, callous “cash payment.” It has drowned the 
most heavenly ecstacies of religious fervor, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of 
philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation. It 
has resolved personal worth into exchange value, and in place of the 
numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up that single, 
unconscionable freedom—Free_ Trade. In one word, for exploitation, 
veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted naked, 
shameless, direct, brutal exploitation. 

The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto 
honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the 
physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its 
paid wage laborers. 

The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, 
and has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation. 

The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal 


4 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


display of vigor in the middle ages, which Reactionists so much admire, 
found its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has been 
the first to show what man’s activity can bring about. It has accom- 
plished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, 
and Gothic cathedrals ; it has conducted expeditions that put in the shade 
all former exoduses of nations and crusades. 

The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the 
instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and 
with them the whole relations of society. Conservation of the old modes 
of production in unaltered forms was, on the contrary, the first condition 
oi existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionizing 
of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, ever- 
lasting uncertainty and agitation, distinguish the bourgeois epoch from 
all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of 
ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away; all new- 
formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid 
melts into air, all that is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to 
face with sober senses his real conditions of life and his relations with 
his kind. 

The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases 
the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle every- 
where, settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere. 

The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world’s market 
given a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every 
country. To the great chagrin of Reactionists, it has drawn from under 
the feet of industry the national ground on which it stood. All old- 
established national industries have been destroyed or are daily being 
destroyed. They are dislodged by new industries, whose introduction 
becomes a life and death question for all civilized nations, by industries 
that no longer work up indigenous raw material, but raw material 
drawn from the remotest zones, industries whose products are con- 
sumed, not only at home, but in every quarter of the globe. In place of 
the old wants, satisfied by the productions of the country, we find new 
wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of distant lands and 
climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion and self-suff- 
ciency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-depend- 
ence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual production. 
The intellectual creations of individual nations become common prop- 
erty. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 15 


more impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures, 
there arises a world literature. 

The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of 
production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws 
all, even the most barbarian, nations into civilization. The cheap prices 
of its commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters down all 
Chinese walls, with which it forces the barbarians’ intensely obstinate 
hatred of foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of 
extinction, to adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them 
to introduce what it calls civilization into their midst, 7. e., to become 
bourgeois themselves. In one word, it creates a world after its own 
image. 

The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rule of the towns. 
It has created enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban popula- 
tion as compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part 
of the population from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made the 
country dependent on the towns, so has it made barbarian and semi- 
barbarian countries dependent on the civilized ones, nations of peasants 
on nations of bourgeois, the East on the West. 

The bourgeoisie keeps more and more doing away with the scat- 
tered state of the population, of the means of production, and of prop- 
erty. It has agglomerated population, centralized means of production, 
and has concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary conse- 
quence of this was political centralization. Independent, or but loosely 
connected provinces, with separate interests, laws, governments and sys- 
tems of taxation, became lumped together into one nation, with one gov- 
ernment, one code of laws, one national class interest, one frontier, and 
one customs tariff. 

The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has 
created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all 
preceding generations together. Subjection of Nature’s forces to man, 
machinery, application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam 
navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents 
for cultivation, canalization of rivers, whole populations conjured out of 
the ground—what earlier century had even a presentiment that such 
productive forces slumbered in the lap of social labor? 

We see then: the means of production and of exchange on whose 
foundation the bourgeoisie built itself up, were generated in feudal 
society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of pro- 


16 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


duction and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society pro- 
duced and exchanged, the feudal organization of agriculture and 
manufacturing industry, in one word, the feudal relations of property, 
became no longer compatible with the already developed productive 
forces ; they became so many fetters. They had to be burst asunder. 

Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social 
and political constitution adapted to it, and by the economical and politi- 
cal sway of the bourgeois class. 

A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern 
bourgeois society with its relations of production, of exchange, and of 
praperty, a society that has conjured up such gigantic means of produc- 
tion and of exchange, is like the sorcerer, who is no longer able to 
control the powers of the nether world whom he has called up by his 
spells. For many a decade past the history of industry and commerce 
is but the history of the revolt of modern productive forces against 
modern conditions of production, against the property relations that are 
the conditions for the existence of the bourgeoisie and of its rule. It is 
enough to mention the commercial crises that by their periodical return 
put on its trial, each time more threateningly, the existence of the bour- 
geois society. In these crises a great part not only of the existing 
products, but also of the previously created productive forces, is peri- 
odically destroyed. In these crises there breaks out an epidemic that, in 
all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity—the epidemic of 
overproduction. Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of 
momentary barbarism; it appears as if a famine, a universal war of 
devastation had cut off the supply of every means of subsistence; 
industry and commerce seem to be destroyed; and why? because there 
is too much civilization, too much means of subsistence, too much 
industry, too much commerce. The productive forces at the disposal of 
society no longer tend to further the development of the conditions of 
bourgeois property ; on the contrary, they have become too powerful for 
these conditions, by which they are fettered, and so soon as they over- 
come these fetters, they bring disorder into the whole of bourgeois soci- 
ety, endanger the existence of bourgeois property. The conditions of 
bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created by 
them. And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one 
hand, by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the 
other, by the conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough 
exploitation of the old ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 17 


extensive and more destructive crises, and by diminishing the means 
whereby crises are prevented. 

The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the 
ground are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself. 

But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring 
death to itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield 
those weapons—the modern working class—the proletarians. 

In proportion as the bourgeoisie, 7. e., capital, is developed, in the 
same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, developed ; 
a class of laborers who live only so long as they find work, and who find 
work only so long as their labor increases capital,—These laborers, who 
must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity. like every other article 
of commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of 
competition, to all the fluctuations of the market. 

Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of labor, 
the work of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and, conse- 
quently, all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage of the 
machine, and it is only the most simple, most monotonous, and most 
easily acquired knack, that is required of him. Hence, the cost of pro- 
duction of a workman is restricted almost entirely to the means of sub- 
sistence that he requires for his maintenance, and for the propagation of 
his race. But the price of a commodity, and therefore also of labor, is 
equal to its cost of production. In proportion, therefore, as the repul- 
siveness of the work increases, the wage decreases. Nay, more, in pro- 
portion as the use of machinery and division of labor increases, in the 
same proportion the burden of toil also increases, whether by prolonga- 
tion of the working hours, by increase of the work exacted in a given 
time, or by increased speed of the machinery, etc. 

Modern industry has converted the little workshop of the patri- 
archal master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. Masses 
of laborers, crowded into the factory, are organized like soldiers. As 
privates of the industrial army they are placed under the command of 
a perfect hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves of 
the bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois State, they are daily and hourly 
enslaved by the machine, by the overlooker, and, above all, by the indi- 
vidual bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly this despot- 
ism proclaims gain to be its end and aim, the more petty, the more 
hateful and the more embittering it is. 


The less skill and exertion of strength is implied in manual labor, 
» 


18 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


in other words, the more modern industry becomes developed, the more 
is the labor of men superseded by that of women. Differences of age 
and sex have no longer any distinctive social validity for the working 
class. All are instruments of labor, more or less expensive to use, 
according to age and sex. 

No sooner is the exploitation of the laborer by the manufacturer so 
far at an end that he receives his wages in cash, than he is set upon by 
the other portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, the 
pawnbroker, etc. 

The lower strata of the middle class—the small tradespeople, shop- 
keepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and peas- 
ants—all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because their 
diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which modern 
industry is carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the large 
capitalists, partly because their specialized skill is rendered worthless by 
new methods of production. Thus the proletariat is recruited from all 
classes of the population. 

The proletariat goes through various stages of development. With 
its birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first the contest 
is carried on by individual laborers, then by the workpeople of a factory, 
then by the operatives of one trade, in one locality, against the individual 
bourgeois who directly exploits them. They direct their attacks not 
against the bourgeois conditions of production, but against the instru- 
ments of production themselves; they destroy imported wares that com- 
pete with their labor, they smash to pieces machinery, they set factories 
ablaze, they seek to restore by force the vanished status of the workman 
of the middle ages. 

At this stage the laborers still form an incoherent mass scattered 
over the whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition. If 
anywhere they unite to form more compact bodies, this is not yet the 
consequence of their own active union, but of the union of the bour- 
geoisie, which class, in order to attain its own political ends, is compelled 
to set the whole proletariat in motion, and is moreover yet, for a time, 
able to do so. At this stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight 
their enemies, but the enemies of their enemies, the remnants of absolute 
monarchy, the land owners, the non-industrial bourgeois, the petty bour- 
geoisie. Thus the whole historical movement is concentrated in the 
hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory so obtained is a victory for the 
bourgeoisie. 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 19 


But with the development of industry the proletariat not only 
increases in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its 
strength grows and it feels that strength more. The various interests 
and conditions of life within the ranks of the proletariat are more and 
more equalized, in proportion as machinery obliterates all distinctions of 
labor, and nearly everywhere reduces wages to the same low level. The 
growing competition among the bourgeois, and the resulting commer- 
cial crises, make the wages of the workers ever more fluctuating. The 
unceasing improvement of machinery, ever more rapidly developing, 
makes their livelihood more and more precarious; the collisions between 
individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and more the 
character of collisions between two classes. Thereupon the workers 
begin to form combinations (Trades’ Unions) against the bourgeois; 
they club together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found 
permanent associations in order to make provision beforehand for these 
occasional revolts. Here and there the contest breaks out into riots. 

Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The 
real fruit of their battles lies not in the immediate result, but in the ever 
improved means of communication that are created in modern industry 
and that place the workers of different localities in contact with one 
another. It was just this contact that was needed to centralize the 
numerous local struggles, all of the same character, into one national 
struggle between classes. But every class struggle is a political struggle. 
And that union, to attain which the burghers of the middle ages, with 
their miserable highways, required centuries, the modern proletarians, 
thanks to railways, achieve in a few years. 

This organization of the proletarians into a class, and consequently 
into a political party, is continually being upset again by the competition 
between the workers themselves. But it ever rises up again; stronger, 
firmer, mightier. It compels legislative recognition of particular inter- 
ests of the workers, by taking advantage of the divisions among the 
bourgeoisie itself. Thus the ten-hours’ bill in England was carried. 

- Altogether, collisions between the classes of the old society further, 
in many ways, the course of development of the proletariat. The bour- 
goeoisie finds itself involved in a constant battle. At first with the aris- 
tocracy; later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie itself whose 
interests have become antagonistic to the progress of industry; at all 
times with the bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In all these countries it 
sees itself compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for its help, and 


20 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


thus to drag it into the political arena. The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, 
supplies the proletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie. 

Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling 
classes are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the proletariat, 
or are at least threatened in their conditions of existence. These also 
supply the proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and 
progress. 

Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, 
the process of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact 
within the whole range of old society, assumes such a violent, glaring 
character, that a small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift and 
joins the revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in its hands. 
Just as, therefore, at an earlier period, a section of the nobility went 
over to the bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeoisie goes over to _ 
the proletariat, and in particular, a portion of the bourgeois ideologists, 
who have raised themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically 
the historical movement as a whole. 

Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie 
to-day, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other 
classes decay and finally disappear in the face of modern industry; the 
proletariat is its special and essential product. 

The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the 
artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie to save from 
extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They are 
therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay, more, they are 
reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If by chance 
they are revolutionary, they are so only in view of their impending 
transfer into the proletariat; they thus defend not their present, but 
their future interests, they desert their own standpoint to place them- 
selves at that of the proletariat. 

The “dangerous class,’’ the social scum, that passively rotting class 
thrown off by the lowest layers of old society, may here and there be 
swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions of 
life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of reac- 
tionary intrigue. 

In the conditions of the proletariat, those of old society at large are 
already virtually swamped. The proletarian is without property; his 
relation to his wife and children has no longer anything in common 
with the bourgeois family relations; modern industrial labor, modern 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS al 


subjection to capital, the same in England as in France, in America as 
in Germany, has stripped him of every trace of national character. Law, 
morality, religion are to him so many bourgeois prejudices, behind 
which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois interests. 

All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortify 
their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their con- 
ditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become masters of 
the productive forces of society, except by abolishing their own pre- 
vious mode of appropriation, and thereby also every other previous 
mode of appropriation. They have nothing of their own to secure 
and to fortify ; their mission is to destroy all previous securities for, and 
insurances of, individual property. 

All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, 
or in the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self- 
conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in the inter- 
est of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratum of our 
present society, cannot stir, cannot raise itself up, without the whole 
super-incumbent strata of official society being sprung into the air. 

Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat 
with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat of 
each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own 
bourgeoisie. 

In depicting the most general phases of the development of the 
proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within 
existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open 
revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the 
foundation for the sway of the proletariat. 

Hitherto every form of society has been based, as we have already 
seen, on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes. But in 
order to oppress a class certain conditions must be assured to it, under 
which it can at least continue its slavish existence. The serf, in the 
period of serfdom, raised himself to membership in the Commune, just 
as the petty bourgeois, under the yoke of feudal absolutism, managed 
to develop into a bourgeois. The modern laborer, on the contrary, 
instead of rising with the progress of industry, sinks deeper and deeper 
below the conditions of existence of his own class. He becomes a 
pauper, and pauperism develops more rapidly than population and 
wealth. And here it becomes evident that the bourgeoisie is unfit any 
longer to be the ruling class in society and to impose its conditions of 


22 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


existence upon society as an overriding law. It is unfit to rule because 
it is incompetent to assure an existence to its slave within his slavery, 
because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state that it has to 
feed him instead of being fed by him. Society can no longer live under 
this bourgeoisie; in other words, its existence is no longer compatible 
with society. 

The essential condition for the existence, and for the sway of the 
bourgeois class, is the formation and augmentation of capital; the con- 
dition for capital is wage-labor. Wage-labor rests exclusively on com- 
petition between the laborers. The advance of industry, whose 
involuntary promoter is the bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the 
laborers, due to competition, by their revolutionary combination, due to 
association. The development of modern industry, therefore, cuts from 
under its feet the very foundation on which the bourgeoisie produces 
and appropriates products. What the bourgeoisie therefore produces, 
above all, are its own grave diggers. Its fall and the victory of the pro- 
letariat are equally inevitable. 


IT. 


PROLETARIANS AND COMMUNISTS 

In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a 
whole? 

The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other 
working class parties. 

They have no interests separate and apart from those of the pro- 
letariat as a whole. | 

They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own by which 
to shape and mould the proletarian movement. 

The Communists are distinguished from the other working class 
parties by this only: 1. In the national struggles of the proletarians of 
the different countries, they point out and bring to the front the com- 
mon interests of the entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 
2. In the various stages of development which the struggle of the work- 
ing class against the bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and 
everywhere represent the interests of the movement as a whole. 

The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically the 
most advanced and resolute section of the working class parties of 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 23 


every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the 
other hand, theoretically they have over the great mass of the prole- 
tariat the advantage of clearly understanding the line of march, the 
conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian move- 
ment. 

The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all the 
other proletarian parties: formation of the proletariat into a class, over- 
throw of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the 
proletariat. 

The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based 
on ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or 
that would-be universal reformer. 

They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing 
from an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on 
under our very eyes. The abolition of existing property relations is not 
at all a distinctive feature of Communism. 

All property relations in the past have continually been subject to 
historical change, consequent upon the change in historical conditions. 

The French revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in 
favor of bourgeois property. 

The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of 
property generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But mod- 
ern bourgeois private property is the final and most complete expression 
of the system of producing and appropriating products, that is, based on 
class antagonisms, on the exploitation of the many by the few. 

In this sense the theory. of-the-Communists may be summed up in 
the single sentence: Abolition of private property. 

We Communists have-been reproached with the desire of abolish- 
ing the right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man’s 
own labor, which property is alleged to be the groundwork of all per- 
sonal freedom, activity and independence. 

Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mean the 
property of the petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of prop- 
erty that preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to abolish 
that ; the development of industry has to a great extent already destroyed 
it, and is still destroying it daily. 

Or do you mean modern bourgeois private property ? 

But does wage labor create any property for the laborer? Nota bit. 
It creates capital, 7. ¢., that kind of property which exploits wage-labor, 


24 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


and which cannot increase except on condition of begetting a new 
supply of wage-labor for fresh exploitation. Property in its present 
form is based on the antagonism of capital and wage-labor. Let us 
examine both sides of this antagonism. 

To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a social 
status in production. Capital is a collective product, and only by the 
united action of many members, nay, in the last resort, only by the 
united action of all members of society, can it be set in motion. 

Capital is therefore not a personal, it is a social power. 

When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into 
the property of all members of society, personal property is not thereby 
transformed into social property. It is only the social character of the 
property that is changed. It loses its class character. 

Let us now take wage-labor. 

The average price of wage-labor is the minimum wage, 1. e., that 
quantum of the means of subsistence, which is absolutely requisite to 
keep the laborer in bare existence as a laborer. What, therefore, the 
wage-laborer appropriates by means of his labor, merely suffices to pro- 
long and reproduce a bare existence. We by no means intend to abolish 
this personal appropriation of the products of labor, an appropriation 
that is made for the maintenance and reproduction of human life, and 
that leaves no surplus wherewith to command the labor of others. All 
that we want to do away with is the miserable character of this appro- 
priation, under which the laborer lives merely to increase capital, and is 
allowed to live only in so far as the interest of the ruling class requires it. 

In bourgeois society living labor is but a means to increase accumu- 
lated labor. In Communist society accumulated labor is but a means to 
widen, to enrich, to promote the existence of the laborer. 

In bourgeois society, therefore, the past dominates the present; in 
Communist society the present dominates the past. In bourgeois society 
capital is independent and has individuality, while the living person is 
dependent and has no individuality. 

And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeois: 
abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly so. The abolition 
of bourgeois individuality, bourgeois independence, and bourgeois free- 
dom is undoubtedly aimed at. 

By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions of pro- 
duction, free trade, free selling and buying. 

But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying dis- 


ite ee 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 25 


appears also. This talk about free selling and buying, and all the other 
“brave words” of our bourgeoisie about freedom in general, have a 
meaning, if any, only in contrast with restricted selling and buying, 
with the fettered traders of the middle ages, but have no meaning 
when opposed to the Communistic abolition of buying and selling, of the 
bourgeois conditions of production, and of the bourgeoisie itself. _ 

You are horrified at our intending to do away with private prop- 
erty. But in your existing society private property is already done 
away with for nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is 
solely due to its non-existence in the hands of those nine-tenths. You 
reproach us, therefore, with intending to do away with a form of prop- 
erty, the necessary condition for whose existence is the non-existence of 
any property for the immense majority of society. 

In one word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your 
property. Precisely so: that is just what we intend. 

From the moment when labor can no longer be converted into capi- 
tal, money, or rent, into a social power capable of being monopolized, 
i. e., from the moment when individual property can no longer be trans- 
formed into bourgeois property, into capital, from that moment, you say, 
individuality vanishes ! 

You must therefore confess, that by “individual” you mean no 
other person than the bourgeois, than the middle class owner of prop- 
erty. This person must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and made 
impossible. 

Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the prod- 
ucts of society : all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subju- 
gate the labor of others by means of such appropriation. 

_ It has been objected, that upon the abolition of private property all 
work will cease and universal laziness will overtake us. 

According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone to 
the dogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who work, 
acquire nothing, and those who acquire anything, do not work. The 
whole of this objection is but another expression of tautology, that there 
can no longer be any wage-labor when there is no longer any capital. 

All objections against the Communistic mode of producing and 
appropriating material products have, in the same way, been urged 
against the Communistic modes of producing and appropriating intel- 
lectual products. Just as, to the bourgeois, the disappearance of class 
property is the disappearance of production itself, so the disappearance 


26 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


of class culture is to him identical with the disappearance of all culture. 

That culture, the loss of which he laments, is, for the enormous 
majority, a mere training to act as a machine. 

But don’t wrangle with us so long as you apply to our intended 
abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notions 
of freedom, culture, law, etc. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth of 
the conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property, 
just as your jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a law 
for all, a will, whose essential character and direction are determined by 
the economical conditions of existence of your class. 

The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternal 
laws of nature and of reason, the social forms springing from your 
present mode of production and form of property—historical relations 
that rise and disappear in the progress of production—the misconcep- 
tion you share with every ruling class that has preceded you. What you 
see clearly in the case of ancient property, what you admit in the case of 
feudal property, you are of course forbidden to admit in the case of your 
own bourgeois form of property. 

Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this 
infamous proposal of the Communists. 

On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family, 
based? On capital, on private gain. In its completely developed form 
this family exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this state of things 
finds its complement in the practical absence of the family among the 
proletarians, and in public prostitution. 

The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its 
complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of capital. 

Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children 
by their parents? To this crime we plead guilty. : 

But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations, when 
we replace home education by social. 

And your education! Is not that also social, and determined by the 
social conditions under which you educate, by the intervention, direct or 
indirect, of society by means of schools, etc.? The Communists have 
not invented the intervention of society in education ; but they do seek to 
alter the character of that intervention, and to rescue education from the 
influence of the ruling class. | 

The bourgeois clap-trap about the family and education, about the 
hallowed co-relation of parent and child become all the more disgusting, 


“ie ae 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 27 


as, by the action of modern industry, all family ties among the prole- 
tarians are torn asunder, and their children transformed into simple 
articles of commerce and instruments of labor. 

But you Communists would introduce community of women, 
screams the whole bourgeoisie in chorus. 

The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production. 
He hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in com- 
mon, and naturally can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of 
being common to all will likewise fall to the women. 

He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do 
away with the status of women as mere instruments of production. 

For the rest nothing is more ridiculous than the virtuous indigna- 
tion of our bourgeois at the community of women which, they pretend, 
is to be openly and officially established by the Communists. The Com- 
munists have no need to introduce community of women; it has existed 
almost from time immemorial. 

Our bourgeois, not content with having the wives and daughters of 
their proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common prostitutes, 
take the greatest pleasure in seducing each other’s wives. 

Bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of wives in common, and 
thus, at the most, what the Communists might possibly be reproached 
with, is that they desire to introduce, in substitution for a hypocritically 
concealed, an openly legalized community of women. For the rest it is 
self-evident that the abolition of the present system of production must 
bring with it the abolition of the community of women springing from 
that system, 7. e., of prostitution, both public and private. : 

_ The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish 
countries and nationality. 

The workingmen have no country. We cannot take from them 
what they have not got. Since the proletariat must first of all acquire 
political supremacy, must rise to be the leading class of the nation, must 
constitute itself the nation, it is, so far, itself national, though not in the 
bourgeois sense of the word. 

National differences and antagonisms between peoples are daily 
more and more vanishing, owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, 
to freedom of commerce, to the world’s market, to uniformity in the 
mode of production and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto. 

The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still 
faster. United action, of the leading civilized countries at least, is one 
of the first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat. 


28 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another is put 
an end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will also be put an 
end to. In proportion as the antagonism between classes within the 
nation vanishes, the hostility of one nation to another will come to 
an end. 

The charges against Communism made from a religious, a philo- 
sophical, and, generally, from an ideological standpoint are not deserv- 
ing of serious examination. 

Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man’s ideas, 
views, and conceptions, in one word, man’s consciousness, changes with 
every change in the conditions of his material existence, in his social 
relations and in his social life? 

What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectual 
production changes its character in proportion as material production is 
changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its 
ruling class. 

When people speak of ideas that revolutionize society they do but 
express the fact that within the old society the elements of a new one 
have been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even 
pace with the dissolution of the old conditions of existence. 

When the ancient world was in its last throes the ancient religions 
were overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas succumbed in 
the eighteenth century to rationalist ideas, feudal society fought its 
death battle with the then revolutionary bourgeoisie. -The ideas of 
religious liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave expression to 
the sway of free competition within the domain of knowledge. 

“Undoubtedly,” it will be said, “religious, moral, philosophical and 
juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical develop- 
ment. But religion, morality, philosophy, political science, and law, 
constantly survived this change.” 

“There are besides eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice, etc., 
that are common to all states of society. But Communism abolishes 
eternal truths, it abolishes all religion and all morality, instead of consti- 
tuting them on a new basis; it therefore acts in contradiction to all past 
historical experience.” 

What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all past 
society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms, antagon- 
isms that assumed different forms at different epochs. 

But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 29 


past ages, viz., the exploitation of one part of society by the other. No 
wonder, then, that the social consciousness of past ages, despite all the 
multiplicity and variety it displays, moves within certain common forms, 
or general ideas, which cannot completely vanish except with the total 
disappearance of class antagonisms. 

The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with tra- 
ditional property relations ; no wonder that its development involves the 
most radical rupture with traditional ideas. 

But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to Communism. 

We have seen above that the first step in the revolution by the work- 
ing class is to raise the proletariat to the position of the ruling class; to 
win the battle of democracy. 

The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees, 
all capital from the bourgeoisie; to centralize all instruments of produc- 
tion in the hands of the State, 7. e., of the proletariat organized as the 
ruling class; and to increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as 
possible. 

Of course, in the beginning this cannot be effected except by means 
of despotic inroads on the rights of property and on the conditions of 
bourgeois production; by means of measures, therefore, which appear 
economically insufficient and untenable, but which, in the course of the 
movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate further inroads upon the old 
social order and are unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionizing 
the mode of production. 

These measures will, of course, be different in different countries. 

Nevertheless in the most advanced countries the following will be 
pretty generally applicable: 

1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of 
land to public purposes. 

2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax. 

3. Abolition of all right of inheritance. 

4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels. 

8. Centralization of credit in the hands of the State, by means of a 
national bank with State capital and an exclusive monopoly. 

6. Centralization of the means of communication and transport in 
the hands of. the State. 

7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by 
the State; the bringing into cultivation of waste lands, and the improve- 
ment of the soil generally in accordance with a common plan. 


30 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


8. Equal liability of all to labor. Establishment of industrial 
armies, especially for agriculture. | 

9g. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; 
gradual abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a 
more equable distribution of the population over the country. 

10. Free educaton for all children in public schools. Abolition of 
children’s factory labor in its present form. Combination of education 
with industrial production, etc., etc. 

When, in the course of development, class distinctions have dis- 
appeared and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a 
vast association of the whole nation, the public power will lose its politi- 
cal character. Political power, properly so called, is merely the organ- 
ized power of one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during 
its contest with the bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circum- 
stances, to organize itself as a class, if, by means of a revolution, it 
makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps away by force the old 
conditions of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have 
swept away the conditions for the existence of class antagonisms, and of 
classes generally, and will thereby have abolished its own supremacy as 
a class. | 

In place of the old bourgeois society with its classes and class 
antagonisms we shall have an association in which the free development 
of each is the condition for the free development of all. 


31 


FRIEDRICH ENGELS 


FRIEDRICH ENGzLS was born at Barmen, Germany, 1820. He 
was a lifelong friend of Karl Marx and with him is one of the founders 
of German socialism. Since 1842 he lived mostly in England. He died 
in 1896. 


SCIENTIFIC SOCIALISM 


The new German philosophy culminated in the Hegelian system. 
In this system—and herein is its great merit—for the first time the 
whole world, natural, historical, intellectual, is represented as a process, 
1. €., aS in constant motion, change, transformation, development; and 
the attempt is made to trace out the internal connection that makes a 
continuous whole of all this movement. and development. From this 
point of view the history of mankind no longer appeared as a wild 
whirl of senseless deeds of violence, all equally condemnable at the 
judgment seat of mature philosophic reason, and which are best for- 
gotten as quickly as possible; but as the process of evolution of man 
himself. It was now the task of the intellect to follow the gradual 
march of this process through all its devious ways, and to trace out the 
inner law running through all its apparently accidental phenomena. 

That the Hegelian system did not solve the problem it propounded 
is here immaterial. Its epoch-making merit was that it propounded the 
problem. This problem is one that no single individual will ever be 
able to solve. Although Hegel was—with Saint Simon—the most en- 
cyclopedic mind of his time, yet he was limited, first, by the necessarily 
limited extent of his own knowledge, and, second, by the limited extent 
and depth of the knowledge and conceptions of his age. To these limits 
a third must be added. Hegel was an idealist. To him the thoughts 
within his brain were not the more or less abstract pictures of actual 
things and processes, but, conversely, things and their evolution were 
only the realised pictures of the “Idea,” existing somewhere from 
eternity before the world was. This way of thinking turned everything 


32 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


upside down, and completely reversed the actual connection of things 
in the world. Correctly and ingeniously as many individual groups 
of facts were grasped by Hegel, yet, for the reasons just given, there is 
much that is botched, artificial, laboured, in a word, wrong in point of 
detail. The Hegelian system, in itself, was a colossal miscarriage— 
but it was also the last of its kind. It was suffering, in fact, from an 
internal and incurable contradiction. Upon the one hand, its essential 
proposition was the conception that human history is a process of evolu- 
tion, which, by its very nature, cannot find its intellectual final term in 
the discovery of any so-called absolute truth. But, on the other hand, 
it laid claim to being the very essence of this absolute truth. A system 
of natural and historical knowledge, embracing everything, and final for 
all time, is a contradiction to the fundamental law of dialectic reasoning. 
This law, indeed, by no means excludes, but, on the contrary, includes 
the idea that the systematic knowledge of the external universe can 
make giant strides from age to age. 

The perception of the fundamental contradiction in German ideal- 
ism led necessarily back to materialism, but nota bene, not to the simply 
metaphysical, exclusively mechanical materialism of the eighteenth cen- 
tury. Old materialism looked upon all previous history as a crude heap 
of irrationality and violence ; modern materialism sees in it the process of 
evolution of humanity, and aims at discovering the laws thereof. With 
the French of the eighteenth century, and even with Hegel, the con- 
ception obtained of Nature as a whole, moving in narrow circles, and 
forever immutable, with its eternal celestial bodies, as Newton, and 
unalterable organic species, as Linnzus taught. Modern materialism 
embraces the more recent discoveries of natural science, according to 
which Nature also has its history in time, the celestial bodies, like the 
organic species that, under favourable conditions, people them, being 
born and perishing. And even if Nature, as a whole, must still be said 
to move in recurrent cycles, these cycles assume infinitely larger dimen- 
sions. In both aspects, modern materialism is essentially dialectic, and 
no longer requires the assistance of that sort of philosophy which, queen- 
like, pretended to rule the remaining mob of sciences. As soon as 
each special science is bound to make clear its position in the great total- 
ity of things and of our knowledge of things, a special science dealing 
with this totality is superfluous or unnecessary. That which still sur- 
vives of all earlier philosophy is the science of thought and its laws— 
formal logic and dialectics. Everything else is subsumed in the posi- 
tive science of Nature and history. 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 33 


Whilst, however, the revolution in the conception of Nature could 
only be made in proportion to the corresponding positive materials fur- 
nished by research, already much earlier certain historical facts had 
occurred which led to a decisive change in the conception of history. 
In 1831, the first working-class rising took place in Lyons; between 
1838 and 1842, the first national working-class movement, that of the 
English Chartists, reached its height. The class struggle between pro- 
letariat and bourgeoisie came to the front in the history of the most 
advanced countries in Europe, in proportion to the development, upon 
the one hand, of modern industry, upon the other, of the newly- 
acquired political supremacy of the bourgeoisie. Facts more and more 
strenuously gave the lie to the teachings of bourgeois economy as to 
the identity of the interests of capital and labour, as to the universal 
harmony and universal prosperity that would be the consequence of un- 
bridled competition. All these things could no longer be ignored, any 
more than the French and English Socialism, which was their theoret- 
ical, though very imperfect, expression. But the old idealist conception 
of history, which was not yet dislodged, knew nothing of class struggles 
based upon economic interests, knew nothing of economic interests; pro- 
duction and all economic relations appeared in it only as incidental, 
subordinate elements in the “history of civilisation.” 

The new. facts made imperative a new examination of all past his- 
tory. Then it was seen that all past history, with the exception of its 
primitive stages, was the history of class struggles; that these warring 
classes of society are always the products of the modes of production 
and of exchange—in a word, of the economic conditions of their time; 
that the economic structure of society always furnishes the real basis, 
starting from which we can alone work out the ultimate explanation of 
the whole superstructure of juridical and political institutions, as well 
as of the religious, philosophical, and other ideas of a given historical 
period. Hegel had freed history from metaphysics—he had made it dia- 
lectic; but his conception of history was essentially idealistic. But now 
idealism was driven from its last refuge, the philosophy of history ; now 
a materialistic treatment of history was propounded, and a method 
found of explaining man’s “knowing” by his “being,” instead of, as 
heretofore, his “being” by his “knowing.” 

From that time forward Socialism was no longer an accidental dis- 
covery of this or that ingenious brain, but the necessary outcome of the 
_struggle between two historically developed classes—the proletariat and 


the bourgeoisie. Its task was no longer to manufacture a system of 
Sie. 


34 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


society as perfect as possible, but to examine the historico-economic 
succession of events from which these classes and their antagonism had 
of necessity sprung, and to discover in the economic conditions thus cre- 
ated the means of ending the conflict. But the Socialism of earlier 
days was incompatible with this materialistic conception as the con- 
ception of Nature of the French materialists was with dialectics and 
modern natural science. The Socialism of earlier days certainly crit- 
icised the existing capitalistic mode of production and its consequences. 
But it could not expiain them, and therefore could not get the mastery 
of them. It could only simply reject them as bad. The more strongly 
this earlier Socialism denounced the exploitation of the working-class, 
inevitable under Capitalism, the less able was it clearly to show in what 
this exploitation consisted and how it arose. But for this it was neces- 
sary—(1) to present the capitalistic method of production in its his-_ 
torical connection and its inevitableness during a particular historical 
period, and therefore, also, to present its inevitable downfall; and (2) 
to lay bare its essential character, which was still a secret. This was 
done by the discovery of surplus-value. It was shown that the appro- 
priation of unpaid labour is the basis of the capitalist mode of produc- 
tion and of the exploitation of the worker that occurs under it; that 
even if the capitalist buys the labour-power of his labourer at its full 
value as a commodity on the market, he yet extracts more value from it 
than he paid for; and that in the ultimate analysis this surplus-value 
forms those sums of value from which are heaped up the constantly 
increasing masses of capital in the hands of the possessing classes. The 
genesis of capitalist production and the production of capital were both 
explained. 

These two great discoveries, the materialistic conception of history 
and the revelation of the secret of capitalistic production through sur- 
plus-value, we owe to Marx. With these discoveries Socialism became 
a science. The next thing was to work out all its details and relations. 

The materialist conception of history starts from the proposition 
that the production of the means to support human life and, next to pro- 
duction, the exchange of things produced, is the basis of all social 
structure; that in every society that has appeared in history, the manner 
in which wealth is distributed and society divided into classes or orders, 
is dependent upon what is produced, how it is produced, and how the 
products are exchanged. From this point of view the final causes of all 
social changes and political revolutions are to be sought, not in men’s 
brains, not in man’s better insight into eternal truth and justice, but in 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 35 


changes in the modes of production and exchange. They are to be 
sought, not in the philosophy, but in the economics of each particular 
epoch. The growing perception that existing social institutions are 
unreasonable and unjust, that reason has become unreason, and right 
wrong, is only proof that in the modes of production and exchange 
changes have silently taken place, with which the social order, adapted 
to earlier economic conditions, is no longer in keeping. From this it 
also follows that the means of getting rid of the incongruities that have 
been brought to light, must also be present, in a more or less developed 
condition, within the changed modes of production themselves. These 
means are not to be invented by deduction from fundamental principles, 
but are to be discovered in the stubborn facts of the existing system of 
production. 

What is, then, the position of modern Socialism in this connexion? 

The present structure of society—this is now pretty generally con- 
ceded—is the creation of the ruling class of to-day, of the bourgeoisie. 
The mode of production peculiar to the bourgeoisie, known, since Marx, 
as the capitalist mode of production, was incompatible with the feudal 
system, with the privileges it conferred upon individuals, entire social 
ranks and local corporations, as well as with the hereditary ties of sub- 
ordination which constituted the framework of its social organisation. 
The bourgeoisie broke up the feudal system and built upon its ruins the 
capitalist order of society, the kingdom of free competition, of personal 
liberty, of the equality, before the law, of all commodity owners, of all 
the rest of the capitalist blessings. Thenceforward the capitalist mode 
of production could develop in freedom. Since steam, machinery, and 
the making of machines by machinery transformed the older manufac- 
ture into modern industry, the productive forces evolved under the 
guidance of the bourgeoisie developed with a rapidity and in a degree 
unheard of before. But just as the older manufacture, in its time, and 
handicraft, becoming more developed under its influence, had come 
into collision with the feudal trammels of the guilds, so now modern 
industry, in its more complete development, comes into collision with 
the bounds within which the capitalistic mode of production holds it 
confined. The new productive forces have already outgrown the capital- 
istic mode of using them. And this conflict between productive forces 
and modes of production is not a conflict engendered in the mind of 
man, like that between original sin and divine justice. It exists, in fact, 
objectively, outside us, independently of the will and actions even of the 
men that have brought it on. Modern Socialism is nothing but the 


36 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


reflex, in thought, of this conflict in fact; its ideal reflection in the 
minds, first, of the class directly suffering under it, the working-class. 
Now, in what does this conflict consist ? 
Before capitalistic production, 7. e., in the Middle Ages, the system 
of petty industry obtained generally, based upon the private property 
of the labourers in their means of production; in the country, the 
agriculture of the small peasant, freeman or serf; in the towns, the 
handicrafts organized in guilds. The instruments of labour—land,. 
agricultural implements, the workshop, the tool—were the instruments 
of labour of single individuals, adapted for the use of one worker, and, 
therefore, of necessity, small, dwarfish, circumscribed. But, for this 
very reason they belonged, as a rule, to the producer himself. To con- 
centrate these scattered, limited means of production, to enlarge them, 
to turn them into the powerful levers of production of the present day— 
this was precisely the historic réle of capitalist production and of its 
upholder, the bourgeoisie. In the fourth section of “Capital” Marx 
has explained in detail, how since the fifteenth century this has been 
historically worked out through the three phases of simple co-operation, 
manufacture and modern industry. But the bourgeoisie, as is also 
shown there, could not transform these puny means of production into 
mighty productive forces, without transforming them, at the same time, 
from means of production of the individual into social means of pro- 
duction only workable by a collectivity of men. The spinning-wheel, 
the handloom, the blacksmith’s hammer, were replaced by the spinning- 
machine, the power-loom, the steam-hammer ; the individual workshop, 
by the factory implying the co-operation of hundreds and thousands 
of workmen. In like manner, production itself changed from a series 
of individual into a series of social acts, and the products from indi- 
vidual to socia! products. The yarn, the cloth, the metal articles that 
now came out of the factory were the joint product of many workers, 
through whose hands they had successively to pass before they were 
ready. No one person could say of them: “I made that; this is my 
product.” | 
But where, in a given society, the fundamental form of production 
is that spontaneous division of labour which creeps in gradually and 
not upon any preconceived plan, there the products take on the form of 
commodities, whose mutual exchange, buying and selling, enable the 

individual producers to satisfy their manifold wants. And this was the 
case in the Middle Ages. The peasant, e. g., sold to the artisan agricul- 
tural products and bought from him the products of handicraft. Into 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 37 


this society of individual producers, of commodity-producers, the new 
mode of production thrust itself. In the midst of the old division of 
labour, grown up spontaneously and upon no definite’ plan, which had 
governed the whole of society, now arose division of labour upon a 
definite plan, as organised in the factory; side by side with individual 
production appeared social production. The products of both were sold 
in the same market, and, therefore, at prices at least approximately 
equal. But organisation upon a definite plan was stronger than spon- 
taneous division of labour. The factories working with the combined 
social forces of a collectivity of individuals produced their commodities 
far more cheaply than the individual small producers. Individual pro- 
duction succumbed in one department after another. Socialised pro- 
duction revolutionised all the old methods of production. But its 
revolutionary character was, at the same time, so little recognised, that 
it was, on the contrary, introduced as a means of increasing and 
developing the production of commodities. When it arose, it found 
ready-made, and made liberal use of, certain machinery for the pro- 
duction and exchange of commodities; merchants’ capital, handicraft, 
wage-labour. Socialised production thus introducing itself as a new 
form of the production of commodities, it was a matter of course that 
under it the old forms of appropriation remained in full swing, and 
were applied to its products as well. 

In the medizval stage of evolution of the production of commod- 
ities, the question as to the owner of the product of labour could not 
arise. The individual producer, as a rule, had, from raw material be- 
longing to himself, and generally his own handiwork, produced it with 
his own tools, by the labour of his own hands or of his family. There 
was no need for him to appropriate the new product. It belonged 
wholly to him, as a matter of course. His property in the product was, 
therefore, based upon his own labour. Even where external help was 
used, this was, as a rule, of little importance, and very generally 
was compensated by something other than wages. The apprentices and 
journeymen of the guilds worked less for board and wages than for 
education, in order that they might become master craftsmen them- 
selves. 

Then came the concentration of the means of production and of the 
producers in large workshops and manufactories, their transformation 
into actual socialised means of production and socialised producers. 
But the socialised producers and means of production and their prod- 
ucts were still treated, after this change, just as they had been before, 


38 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


1. é., aS the means of production and the products of individuais. Hith- 
erto, the owner of the instruments of labour had himself appropriated 
the product, because, as a rule, it was his own product and the assistance 
of others was the exception. Now the owner of the instruments of 
labour always appropriated to himself the product, although it was no 
longer his product, but exclusively the product of the labour. of others. 
Thus, the products now produced socially were not appropriated by 
those who had actually set in motion the means of production and 
actually produced the commodities, but by the capitalists. The means 
of production, and production itself, had become in essence socialised. 
But they were subjected to a form of appropriation which presupposes 
the private production of individuals, under which, therefore, every one 
owns his own product and brings it to market. The mode of production 
is subjected to this form of appropriation, although it abolishes the 
conditions upon which the latter rests. 

This contradiction, which gives to the new mode of production 
its capitalistic character, contains the germ of the whole of the social 
antagonisms of to-day. The greater the mastery obtained by the new 
mode of production over all important fields of production and in all 
manufacturing countries, the more it reduced individual production to 
an insignificant residuum, the more clearly was brought out the incom- 
patibility of socialised production with capitalistic appropriation. 

The first capitalists found, as we have said, alongside of other 
forms of labour, wage-labour ready-made for them on the market. But 
it was exceptional, complementary, accessory, transitory wage-labour. 
The agricultural labourer, though, upon occasion, he hired himself out 
by the day, had a few acres of his own land on which he could at ali 
events live at a pinch. The guilds were so organised that the journey- 
man of to-day became the master of to-morrow. But all this changed, 
as soon as the means of production became socialised and concentrated 
in the hands of capitalists. The means of production, as well as the 
product, of the individual producer became more and more worthless ; 
there was nothing left for him but to turn wage-worker under the 
capitalist. Wage-labour, aforetime the exception and accessory, now 
became the rule and basis of all production; aforetime complementary, 
it now became the sole remaining function of the worker. The wage- 
worker for a time became a wage-worker for life. The number of these 
permanent wage-workers was further enormously increased by the 
breaking-up of the feudal system that occurred at the same time, by 
the disbanding of the retainers of the feudal lords, the eviction of the 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 39 


peasants from their homesteads, etc. The separation was made com- 
plete between the means of production concentrated in the hands of the 
capitalists on the one side, and the producers, possessing nothing but 
their labour-power, on the other. The contradiction between socialised 
production and capitalistic appropriation manifested itself as the antag- 
onism of proletariat and bourgeoisie. | 

We have seen that the capitalistic mode of production thrust its 
way into a society of commodity-producers, of individual producers, 
whose social bond was the exchange of their products. But every soci- 
ety, based upon the production of commodities, has this peculiarity : 
that the producers have lost control over their own social inter-relations. 
Each man produces for himself with such means of production as he 
may happen to have, and for such exchange as he may require to satisfy 
his remaining wants. No one knows how much of his particular article 
is coming on the market, nor how much of it will be wanted. No one 
knows whether his individual product will meet an actual demand, 
whether he will be able to make good his cost of production or even to 
sell his commodity at all. Anarchy reigns in socialised production. 

But the production of commodities, like every other form of pro- 
duction, has its peculiar, inherent laws inseparable from it; and these 
laws work, despite anarchy, in and through anarchy. They reveal 
themselves in the only persistent form of social inter-relations, 7. e., in 
exchange, and here they affect the individual producers as compulsory 
laws of competition. They are, at first, unknown to these producers 
themselves, and have to be discovered by them gradually and as the 
result of experience. They work themselves out, therefore, independ- 
ently of the producers, and in antagonism to them, as inexorable natural 
laws of their particular form of production. The product governs the 
producers. , 

In medizval society, especially in the earlier centuries, production 
was essentially directed towards satisfying the wants of the individual. 
It satisfied, in the main, only the wants of the producer and his family. 
Where relations of personal dependence existed, as in the country, it 
also helped to satisfy the wants of the feudal lord. In all this there was, 
therefore, no exchange; the products, consequently, did not assume the 
character of commodities.. The family of the peasant produced almost 
everything they wanted; clothes and furniture, as well as means of sub- 
sistence. Only when it began to produce more than was sufficient to 
supply its own wants and the payments in kind to the feudal lord, only 


46 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


then did it also produce commodities. This surplus, thrown into so- 
cialised exchange and offered for sale, became commodities. 

The artisans of the towns, it is true, had from the first to produce 
for exchange. But they, also, themselves supplied the greatest part of 
their own individual wants. They had gardens and plots of land. 
They turned their cattle out into the communal forest, which, also, 
yielded them timber and firing. The women spun flax, wool, and so 
forth. Production for the purpose of exchange, production of com- 
modities, was only in its infancy. Hence, exchange was restricted, the 
market narrow, the methods of production stable; there was local ex- 
clusiveness without, local unity within; the mark in the country, in the 
town, the guild. 

But with the extension of the production of commodities, and es- 
pecially with the introduction of the capitalist mode of production, the 
laws of commodity-production, hitherto latent, came into action more 
openly and with greater force. The old bonds were loosened, the old 
exclusive limits broken through, the producers were more and more 
turned into independent, isolated producers of commodities. It became 
apparent that the production of society at large was ruled by absence of 
plan, by accident, by anarchy; and this anarchy grew to greater and 
greater height. But the chief means by aid of which the capitalist mode 
of production intensified this anarchy of socialised production, was the 
exact opposite of anarchy. It was the increasing organisation of pro- 
duction, upon a social basis, in every individual productive establish- 
ment. By this, the old, peaceful, stable condition of things was ended. 
Wherever this organisation of production was introduced into a branch 
of industry, it brooked no other method of production by its side. The 
field of labour became a battle-ground. The great geographical discov- 
eries, and the colonisation following upon them, multiplied markets and 
quickened the transformation of handicraft into manufacture. The war 
did not simply break out between the individual producers of particular 
localities. The local struggles begat in their turn national conflicts, the 
commercial wars of the seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries, 

Finally, modern industry and the opening of the world-market 
made the struggle universal, and at the same time gave it an unheard-of 
virulence. Advantages in natural or artificial conditions of production 
now decide the existence or non-existence of individual capitalists, as 
well as of whole industries and:countries. He that falls is remoselessly 
cast aside. It is the Darwinian struggle of the individual for existence 
transferred from Nature to society with intensified violence. The cone 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 41 


ditions of existence natural to the animal appear as the final term of 
human development. The contradiction between socialised production 
and capitalistic appropriation now presents itself as an antagonism be- 
tween the organisation of production in the individual workshop and 
the anarchy of production in society generally. 

The capitalistic mode of production moves in these two forms of 
the antagonism immanent to it from its very origin. It is never able to 
get out of that “vicious circle,’ which Fourier had already discovered. 
What Fourier could not, indeed, see in his time, is, that this circle is 
gradually narrowing; that the movement becomes more and more a 
spiral, and must come to an end, like the movement of the planets, by 
collision with the centre. It is the compelling force of anarchy in the 
production of society at large that more and more completely turns the 
great majority of men into proletarians; and it is the masses of the 
proletariat again who will finally put an end to anarchy in production. 
It is the compelling force of anarchy in social production that turns 
the limitless perfectibility of machinery under modern industry into a 
compulsory law by which every individual industrial capitalist must 
perfect his machinery more and more, under penalty of ruin. 

But the perfecting of machinery is the making human labour super- 
fluous. If the introduction and increase of machinery means the displace- 
ment of millions of manual, by a few,machine workers, improvement 
in machinery means the displacement of more and more of the machine- 
workers themselves. It means, in the last instance, the production of a 
number of available wage-workers in excess of the average needs of 
capital, the formation of a complete industrial reserve army, as I called 
it in 1845, available at the times when industry is working at high 
pressure, to be cast out upon the street when the inevitable crash comes, 
a constant dead weight upon the limbs of the working-class in its 
struggle for existence with capital, a regulator for the keeping of wages 
down to the low level that suits the interests of capital. Thus it comes 
about, to quote Marx, that machinery becomes the most powerful 
weapon in the war of capital against the working-class; that the instru- 
ments of labour constantly tear the means of subistence out of the hands 
of the labourer; that the very product of the worker is turned into an 
instrument for his subjugation. Thus it comes about that the economis- 
ing of the instruments of labour becomes at the same time, from the 
outset, the most reckless waste of labour-power, and robbery based 
upon the normal conditions under which labour functions ; that machin- 
ery, “the most powerful instrument for shortening labour-time, becomes 


42 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


the most unfailing means for placing every moment of the labourer’s 
time and that of his family at the disposal of the capitalist for the pur- 
pose of expanding the value of his capital” (“Capital,’ English edition, 
p. 406). Thus it comes about that over-work of some becomes the pre- 
liminary condition for the idleness of others, and that modern industry, 
which hunts after new consumers over the whole world, forces the con- 
sumption of the masses at home down to a starvation minimum, and in 
doing thus destroys its own home market. “The law that always equi- 
librates the relative surplus population, or industrial reserve army, to 
the extent and energy of accumulation, this law rivets the labourer to 
capital more firmly than the wedges of Vulcan did Prometheus to the 
rock. It establishes an accumulation of misery, corresponding with 
accumulation of capital. Accumulation of wealth at one pole is, there- 
fore, at the same time, accumulation of misery, agony of toil, slavery, 
ignorance, brutality, mental degradation, at the opposite pole, 7. ¢., on 
the side of the class that produces its own product in the form of cap- 
ital.”’ (Marx’ “Capital” [Sonnenschein & Co.], p. 661.) And to ex- 
pect any other division of the products from the capitalistic mode of 
production is the same as expecting the electrodes of a battery not to 
decompose acidulated water, not to liberate oxygen at the positive, 
hydrogen at the negative pole, so long as they are connected with the 
battery. 

We have seen that the ever-increasing perfectibility of modern 
machinery is, by the anarchy of social production, turned into a com- 
pulsory law that forces the individual industrial capitalist always to 
improve his machinery, always to increase its productive force. The 
bare possibility of extending the field of production is transformed 
for him into a similar compulsory law. The enormous expansive force 
of modern industry, compared with which that of gases is mere child’s 
play, appears to us now as a necessity for expansion, both qualitative 
and quantitative, that laughs at all resistance. Such resistance is 
offered by consumption, by sales, by the markets for the products of 
modern industry. But the capacity for extension, extensive and inten- 
sive, of the markets is primarily governed by quite different laws, that 
work much less energetically. The extension of the markets cannot 
keep pace with the extension of production. The collision becomes 
inevitable, and as this cannot produce any real solution so long as it 
does not break in pieces the capitalist mode of production, the col- 
lisions become periodic. Capitalists production has begotten another 
“vicious circle.” 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 43 


As a matter of fact, since 1825, when the first general crisis broke 
out, the whole industrial and commercial world, production and ex- 
change among all civilised peoples and their more or less barbaric 
hangers-on, are thrown out of joint about once every ten years. Com- 
merce is at a standstill, the markets are glutted, products accumulate, 
as multitudinous as they are unsalable, hard cash disappears, credit 
vanishes, factories are closed, the mass of the workers are in want of 
the means of subsistence, because they have produced too much of the 
means of subsistence; bankruptcy follows upon bankruptcy, execution 
upon execution. The stagnation lasts for years; productive forces and 
products are wasted and destroyed wholesale, until the accumulated 
mass of commodities finally filter off, more or less depreciated in value, 
until production and exchange gradually begin to move again. Little 
by little the pace quickens. It becomes a trot. The industrial trot 
breaks into a canter, the canter in turn grows into the headlong gallop 
ofa perfect steeplechase of industry, commercial credit, and speculation, 
which finally, after breakneck leaps, ends where it began—in the ditch 
of a crisis. And so over and over again. We have now, since the 
year 1825, gone through this five times, and at the present moment 
(1877) we are going through it for the sixth time. And the character 
of these crises is so clearly defined that Fourier hit all of them off, when 
he described the first as “crise plethorique,” a crisis from plethora. 

In these crises, the contradiction between socialised production and 
capitalist appropriation ends in a violent explosion. The circulation of 
commodities is, for the time being, stopped. Money, the means of cir- 
culation, becomes a hindrance to circulation. All the laws of production 
and circulation of commodities are turned upside down. The economic 
collision has reached its apogee. The mode of production is in rebellion 
against the mode of exchange. 

The fact that the socialised organisation of production within the 
factory has developed so far that it has become incompatible with the 
anarchy of production in society, which exists side by side with and 
dominates it, is brought home to the capitalists themselves by the violent 
concentration of capital that occurs during crises, through the ruin of 
many large, and a still greater number of small, capitalists. The whole 
mechanism of the capitalist mode of production breaks down under the 
pressure of the productive forces, its own creations. It is no longer able 
to turn all this mass of means of production into capital. They lie fal- 
low, and for that very reason the industrial reserve army must also lie 


44 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


fallow. Means of production, means of subsistence, available labourers, 
all the elements of production and of general wealth, are present in 
abundance. But “abundance becomes the source of distress and want” 
(Fourier), because it is the very thing that prevents the transformation 
of the means of production and subsistence into capital. For in capital- 
istic society the means of production can only function when they have 
undergone a preliminary transformation into capital, into the means of 
exploiting human labour-power. The necessity of this transformation 
into capital of the means of production and subsistence stands like a 
ghost between these and the workers. It alone prevents the coming 
together of the material and personal levers of production; it alone for- 
bids the means of production to function, the workers to work and live. 
On the one hand, therefore, the capitalistic mode of production stands 
convicted of its own incapacity to further direct these productive forces. 
On the other, these productive forces themselves, with increasing energy, 
press forward to the removal of the existing contradiction, to the aboli- 
tion of their quality as capital, to the practical recognition of their 
character as social productive forces. 

This rebellion of the productive forces, as they grow more and 
more powerful, against their quality as capital, this stronger and 
stronger command that their social character shall be recognised, forces 
the capitalist class itself to treat them more and more as social produc- 
tive forces, so far as this is possible under capitalist conditions. The 
period of industrial high pressure, with its unbounded inflation of credit, 
not less than the crash itself, by the collapse of great capitalist establish- 
ments, tends to bring about that form of the socialisation of great masses 
of means of production, which we meet with in the different kinds of 
joint-stock companies. Many of these means of production and of dis- 
tribution are, from the outset, so colossal, that, like the railroads, 
they exclude all other forms of capitalistic exploitation. At a fur- 
ther stage of evolution this form also becomes insufficient. The pro- 
ducers on a large scale in a particular branch of industry in a particular 
country unite in a “Trust,” a union for the purpose of regulat- 
ing production. They determine the total amount to be produced, 
parcel it out among themselves, and thus enforce the selling price 
fixed beforehand. But trusts of this kind, as soon as business 
becomes bad, are generally liable to break up, and, on this very 
account, compel a yet greater concentration of association. The whole 
of the particular industry is turned into one gigantic joint-stock com- 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 45 


pany; internal competition gives place to the internal monopoly of this 
one company. This has happened in 1890 with the English alkali 
production, which is now, after the fusion of 48 large works, in the 
hands of one company, conducted upon a single plan, and with a capital 
of £6,000,000. . 

In the trusts, freedom of competition changes into its very opposite 
—into monopoly; and the production without any definite plan of cap- 
italistic society capitulates to the production upon a definite plan of the 
invading socialistic society. Certainly this is so far still to the benefit 
and advantage of the capitalists. But in this case the exploitation is so 
palpable that it must break down. No nation will put up with produc- 
tion conducted by trusts, with so barefaced an exploitation of the com- 
munity by a small band of dividend-mongers. 

In any case, with trusts or without, the official representative of 
capitalist society—the State—will ultimately have to undertake the di- 
rection of production. This necessity for conversion into State-property 
is felt first in the great institutions for intercourse and communication— 
the post-office, the telegraphs, the railways. 

If the crises demonstrate the incapacity of the bourgeoisie for man- 
aging any longer modern productive forces, the transformation of the 
great establishments for production and distribution into joint-stock 
companies, trusts, and State property, show how unnecessary the bour- 
geoisie are for that purpose. All the social functions of the capitalists 
are now performed by salaried employees. The capitalist has no further 
social function than that of pocketing dividends, tearing off coupons, 
and gambling on the Stock Exchange, where the different capitalists 
despoil one another of their capital. At first the capitalistic mode of 
production forces out the workers. Now it forces out the capitalists, 
and reduces them, just as it reduced the workers, to the ranks of the 
surplus population, although not immediately into those of the indus- 
trial reserve army. 

But the transformation, either into joint-stock companies and trusts, 
or into State-ownership, does not do away with the capitalistic nature of 
the productive forces. In the joint-stock companies and trusts this is 
obvious. And the modern State, again, is only the organisation that 
bourgeois society takes on in order to support the external conditions 
of the capitalist mode of production against the encroachments, as well 
of the workers as of individual capitalists. The modern State, no mat- 
ter what its form, is essentially a capitalistic machine, the state of the 


46 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


capitalists, the ideal personification of the total national capital. The 
more it proceeds to the taking over of productive forces, the more does 
it actually become the national capitalist, the more the citizens does 
it exploit. The workers remain wage-workers—proletarians. The cap- 
italist relation is not done away with. It is rather brought to a head. 
But, brought to a head, it topples over. State-ownership of the pro- 
ductive forces is not the solution of the conflict, but concealed within it 
are the technical conditions that form the elements of that solution. 

This solution can only consist in the practical recognition of the 
social nature of the modern forces of production, and therefore in the 
harmonising the modes of production, appropriation, and exchange with 
the socialised character of the means of production. And this can only 
come about by society openly and directly taking possession of the pro- 
ductive forces which have outgrown all control except that of society 
asa whole. The social character of the means of production and of the 
products to-day reacts against the producers, periodically disrupts all 
production and exchange, acts only like a law of Nature working 
blindly, forcibly, destructively. But with the taking over by society of 
the productive forces, the social character of the means of production 
and of the products will be utilised by the producers with a perfect un- 
derstanding of its nature, and instead of being a source of disturbance 
and periodical collapse, will become the most powerful lever of produc- 
tion itself. 

Active social forces work exactly like natural forces: blindly, for- 
cibly, destructively, so long as we do not understand, and reckon with, 
them. But when once we understand them, when once we grasp their 
action, their direction, their effects, it depends only upon ourselves to 
subject them more and more to our own will, and by means of them to 
reach our own ends. And this holds quite especially of the mighty 
productive forces of to-day. As long as we obstinately refuse to under- 
stand the nature and the character of these social means of action—and 
this understanding goes against the grain of the capitalist mode of pro- 
duction and its defenders—so long these forces are at work in spite of 
us, in opposition to us, so long they master us, as we have shown above 
in detail. 

But when once their nature is understood, they can, in the hands of 
the producers working together, be transformed from master demons 
into willing servants. The difference is as that between the destructive 
force of electricity in the lightning of the storm, and electricity under 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 47 


command in the telegraph and the voltaic arc; the difference between a 
_ conflagration, and fire working in the service of man. With this recog- 
nition at last of the real nature of the productive forces of to-day, the 
social anarchy of production gives place to a social regulation of 
production upon a definite plan, according to the needs of the com- 
munity and of each individual. Then the capitalist mode of appro- 
priation, in which the product enslaves first the producer and then 
the appropriator, is replaced by the mode of appropriation of the 
products that is based upon the nature of the modern means of pro- 
duction ; upon the one hand, direct social appropriation, as means to the 
maintenance and extension of production—on the other, direct individ- 
ual appropriation, as means of subsistence and of enjoyment. 

Whilst the capitalist mode of production more and more completely 
transforms the great majority of the population into proletarians, it 
creates the power which, under penalty of its own destruction, is forced 
to accomplish this revolution. Whilst it forces on more and more the 
transformation of the vast means of production, already socialised, into 
State property, it shows itself the way to accomplishing this revolution. 
The proletariat seizes political power and turns the means of production 
into State property. 

But, in doing this, it abolishes itself as proletariat, abolishes all 
class distinctions and class antagonisms, abolishes also the State as 
State. Society thus far, based upon class antagonisms, had need of the 
State. That is, of an organisation of the particular class which was 
pro tempore the exploiting class, an organisation for the purpose of pre- 
venting any interference from without with the existing conditions of 
production, and therefore, especially, for the purpose of forcibly keeping 
the exploited classses in the condition of oppression corresponding with 
the given mode of production (slavery, serfdom, wage-labour). The 
State was the official representative of society as a whole; the gathering 
of it together into a visible embodiment. But it was this only in so far 
as it was the State of that class which itself represented, for the time 
being, society as a whole; in ancient times, the State of slave-owning 
citizens; in the middle ages, the feudal lords; in our own time, the 
bourgeoisie. When at last it becomes the real representative of the 
whole of society, it renders itself unnecessary. As soon as there is no 
longer any social class to be held in subjection; as soon as class rule, 
and the individual struggle for existence based upon our present anarchy 
in production, with the collisions and excesses arising from these, are 


48 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


removed, nothing more remains to be repressed, and a special repressive 
force, a State, is no longer necessary. The first act by virtue of which 
the State really constitutes itself the representative of the whole of 
society—the talking possession of the means of production in the name 
of society—this is, at the same time, its last independent act as a State. 
State interference in social relations becomes, in one domain after an- 
other, superfluous, and then dies out of itself; the government of per- 
sons is replaced by the administration of things, and by the conduct of 
processes of production. The State is not “abolished.” J¢ dies out. 
This gives the measure of the value of the phrase “a free State,” both 
as to its justifiable use at times by agitators, and as to its ultimate 
scientific insufficiency; and also of the demands of the so-called anar- 
chists for the abolition of the State out of hand. 


Since the historical appearance of the capitalist mode of production, 


the appropriation by society of all the means of production has often 
been dreamed of, more or less vaguely, by individuals, as well as by 
sects, as the ideal of the future. But it could become possible, could 
become a historical necessity, only when the actual conditions for its 
realisation were there. Like every other social advance, it becomes 
practicable, not by men understanding that the existence of classes is in 
contradiction to justice, equality, etc., not by the mere willingness to 
abolish these classes, but by virtue of certain new economic conditions. 
The separation of society into an exploiting and an exploited class, a 
ruling and an oppressed class, was the necessary consequence of the 
deficient and restricted development of production in former times. So 
long as the total social labour only yields a produce which but slightly 
exceeds that barely necessary for the existence of all; so long, therefore, 
as labour engages all or almost all the time of the great majority of the 
members of society—so long, of necessity, this society is divided into 
classes. Side by side with the great majority, exclusively bond slaves 
to labour, arises a class freed from directly productive labour, which 
looks after the general affairs of society; the direction of labour, State 
business, law, science, art, etc. It is, therefore, the law of division of 


labour that lies at the basis of the division into classes. But this does 


- not prevent this division into classes from being carried out by means 
of violence and robbery, trickery and fraud. It does not prevent the 
ruling class, once having the upper hand, from consolidating its power 
at the expense of the working-class, from turning their social leadership 
into an intensified exploitation of the masses. 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 49 


But if, upon this showing, division into classes has a certain his- 
torical justification, it has this only for a given period, only under given 
social conditions. It was based upon the insufficiency of production. 
It will be swept away by the complete development of modern produc- 
tive forces. And, in fact, the abolition of classes in society presupposes 
a degree of historical evolution, at which the existence, not simply of 
this or that particular ruling class, but of any ruling class at all, and, 
therefore, the existence of class distinction itself has become an obsolete 
anachronism. It presupposes, therefore, the development of production 
carried out to a degree at which appropriation of the means of produc- 
tion and of the products, and, with this, of political domination, of the 
monopoly of culture, and of intellectual leadership by a particular class 
of society, has become not only superfluous, but economically, politically, 
intellectually a hindrance to development. 

This point is now reached. Their political and intellectual bank- 
ruptcy is scarcely any longer a secret to the bourgeoisie themselves. 
Their economic bankruptcy recurs regularly every ten years. In every 
crisis, society is suffocated beneath the weight of its own productive 
forces and products, which it cannot use, and stands helpless, face to 
face with the absurd contradiction that the producers have nothing to 
consume, because consumers are wanting. The expansive force of the 
means of production bursts the bonds that the capitalist mode of pro- 
duction had imposed upon them. Their deliverance from these bonds 
is the one pre-condition for an unbroken, constantly-accelerated devel- 
opment of the productive forces, and therewith for a practically unlim- 
ited increase of production itself. Nor is this all. The socialised 
appropriation of the means of production does away, not only with the 
present artificial restrictions upon production, but also with the positive 
waste and devastation of productive forces and products that are at the 
present time the inevitable concomitants of production, and that reach 
their height in the crises. Further, it sets free for the community at large 
a mass of means of production and of products, by doing away with the 
senseless extravagance of the ruling classes of to-day, and their political 
representatives. The possibility of securing for every member of soci- 
ety, by means of socialised production, an existence not only fully suffi- 
cient materially, and becoming day by day more full, but an existence 
guaranteeing to all the free development and exercise of their physical 
and mental faculties—this possibility is now for the first time here, but 


at is here. 
X. 4, 


50 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


With the seizing of the means of production by society, production 
of commodities is done away with, and, simultaneously, the mastery of 
the product over the producer. Anarchy in social production is replaced 
by systematic, definite organisation. The struggle for individual exist- 
ence disappears. Then for the first time, man, in a certain sense, is 
finally marked off from the rest of the animal kingdom, and emerges 
from mere animal conditions of existence into really human ones. The 
whole sphere of the conditions of life which environ man, and which 
have hitherto ruled man, now comes under the dominion and control of 
man, who for the first time becomes the real, conscious lord of Nature, 
because he has now become master of his own social organisation. The 
laws of his own social action, hitherto standing face to face with man 
as laws of Nature foreign to, and dominating, him, will then be used 
with full understanding, and so mastered by him. Man’s own social 
organisation, hitherto confronting him as a necessity imposed by Nature 
and history, now becomes the result of his own free action. The ex- 
traneous objective forces that have hitherto governed history, pass under 
the control of man himself. Only from that time will man himself, 
more and more consciously, make his own history—only from that time 
will the social causes set in movement by him have, in the main and in a 
constantly growing measure, the results intended by him. It is the 
ascent of man from the kingdom of necessity to the kingdom of freedom. 

Let us briefly sum up our sketch of historical evolution. 

I. Medizval Society.—Individual production on asmall scale. 
Means of production adapted for individual use; hence primitive, un- 
gainly, petty, dwarfed in action. Production for immediate consump- 
tion, either of the producer himself or of his feudal lord. Only where 
an excess of production over this consumption occurs is such excess 
offered for sale, enters into exchange. Production of commodities, 
therefore, only in its infancy. But already it contains within itself, in 
embryo, anarchy in the production of society at large. 

II. Capitalist Revolution—Transformation of industry, at first by 
means of simple co-operation and manufacture. Concentration of the 
means of production, hitherto scattered, into great workshops. As a 
consequence, their transformation from individual to social means of 
production—a transformation which does not, on the whole, affect the 
form of exchange. The old forms of appropriation remain in force. 
The capitalist appears. In his capacity as owner of the means of pro- 
duction, he also appropriates the products and turns them into com- 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS ol 


modities. Production has become a social act. Exchange and appro- 
priation continue to be individual acts, the acts of individuals. The 
social product is appropriated by the individual capitalist. Fundamental 
contradiction, whence arise all the contradictions in which our present 
day society moves, and which modern industry brings to light. 

A. Severance of the producer from the means of production. 
Condemnation of the worker to wage-labour for life. Antagonism be- 
tween the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. 

B. Growing predominance and increasing effectiveness of the 
laws governing the production of commodities. Unbridled competition. 
Contradiction between socialised organisation in the individual factory 
and social anarchy in production as a whole. 

C. On the one hand, perfecting of machinery, made by competi- 
tion compulsory for each individual manufacturer, and complemented 
by a constantly growing displacement of labourers. Industrial reserve- 
army. On the other hand, unlimited extension of production, also com- 
pulsory under competition, for every manufacturer. On both sides, 
unheard of development of productive forces, excess of supply over 
demand, over-production, glutting of the markets, crises every ten 
years, the vicious circle: excess here, of means of production and prod- 
ucts—excess there, of labourers, without employment and without means 
of existence. But these two levers of production and of social well- 
being are unable to work together, because the capitalist form of pro- 
duction prevents the productive forces from working and the products 
from circulating, unless they are first turned into capital—which their 
very superabundance prevents. The contradiction has grown into an 
absurdity. The mode of production rises in rebellion against the form 
of exchange. ‘The bourgeoisie are convicted of incapacity further to 
manage their own social productive forces. 

D. Partial recognition of the social character of the productive 
forces forced upon the capitalists themselves. Taking over of the great 
institutions for production and communication, first by joint-stock com- 
panies, later on by trusts, then by the State. The bourgeoisie demon- 
strated to be a superfluous class. All its social functions are now per- 
formed by salaried employees. 

III. Proletarian Revolution.—Solution of the contradictions. The 
proletariat seizes the public power, and by means of this transforms the 
socialised means of production, slipping from the hands of the bour- 
geoisie, into public property. By this act, the proletariat frees the 


52 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


means of production from the character of capital they have thus far 
borne, and gives their socialised character complete freedom to work 
itself out. Socialised production upon a pre-determined plan becomes 
henceforth possible. The development of production makes the exist- 
ence of different classes of society thenceforth an anachronism. In 
proportion as anarchy in social production vanishes, the political author- 
ity of the State dies out. Man, at last the master of his own form of 
social organisation, becomes at the same time the lord over Nature, his 
own master—free. 

To accomplish this act of universal emancipation is the historical 
mission of the modern proletariat. To thoroughly comprehend the his- 
torical conditions and thus the very nature of this act, to impart to the 
now oppressed proletarian class a full knowledge of the conditions and 
of the meaning of the momentous act it is called upon to accomplish, 
this is the task of the theoretical expression of the proletarian move- 
ment, scientific Socialism. 


INTERSTATE COMMERCE COMMISSION 


As A RESULT of the report of the special Senate committee on Inter- 
state Commerce, the Interstate Commerce Act was passed February 4, 
1887. The considerations that led to its passage are given below in the 
committee’s report. The main provisions of the act are these :— 

The act applies to interstate transportation only; it decrees that 
charges must be reasonable; that there shall be no unjust discrimination 
between shippers, in charges or service; nor between connecting lines; 
a common carrier cannot receive any greater compensation in the aggre- 
gate, under substantially similar circumstances for a shorter than longer 
distance over the samme line in the same direction; pooling is made un- 
Jawful; schedules and charges must be posted, and ten days’ notice given 
of an advance, three days of a reduction in rates; an interstate com- 
merce commission of five commissioners, appointed by the President, 
is established; this may sit as a court to hear complaints, and its deci- 
sions and finding of fact shall be taken as prima facie evidence; officers 
may be compelled to testify, but their evidence shall not be used against 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 53 


them in any criminal proceedings. In case of disobedience United 
States courts may be petitioned. 


THE PUBLIC CONTROL OF RAILROADS 


The introduction of the railroad brought into the world an untried 
and powerful force, the possibilities of which are even yet but imper- 
fectly understood, and its operation brought important questions which 
of necessity were met and decided blindly, without the advantage of 
precedent or experience, and without any adequate appreciation of the 
unforeseen and manifold changes that have since resulted through its 
agency. During what may be termed the era of construction the chief 
consideration that influenced the people and the legislatures of Great 
Britain and America was how to secure railroads, not how to control 
them. It was many years before the necessity of control became appar- 
ent or the matters over which control was needed became understood. 
The construction of railroads was at first authorized by special charters. 
When the first charters were granted it was supposed that the railroad 
would be merely a modification of or an improvement upon the public 
highway; that it would simply furnish a line of communication open 
to all, like a canal, and that it could be used at pleasure, as a water 
route it used, by all who might be disposed to place upon it means of 
carriage. It was also supposed that the railroad would be used only 
for the carriage of passengers, and not for the transportation of freight, 
except perhaps to a limited extent. How thoroughly this misconception 
prevailed is illustrated by a report made to the New York legislature as 
late as 1835, in which the four leading engineers of that state expressed 
the following remarkable opinion: 


The railroads admit of advantageous use in districts where canals, 
for the want of water, would be impracticable. They will probably be 
preferred where high velocities are required, and for the transportation 
of passengers, and, under some circumstances, for the conveyance of 
light goods. 


The supposed analogy between the railroad and the public highway 
in their relations to the community gave direction to the earlier legisla- 
tion of England and the United States. And even when the discovery 
was made that there was an element of monopoly inseparably connected 


with the business of transportation by rail, the earlier efforts at regula- 


54 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


tion were directed at the limitation of the profits of the corporation 
rather than towards the protection of the shipper. 

The widely varying methods which have been adopted by different 
Governments in dealing with the problems of railway development and 
regulation may be grouped as follows: 


1, The policy of private ownership and private management— 

(a) Without interference or supervision by the Government, 

(b) Subject to compulsory and penal legislation for control and 
regulation of rates. 

(c) Subject to investigation by a commission with advisory pow- 
ers, and depending largely upon public aes: for the enforcement of 
its recommendations. 

(d) Subject to investigation by a commission with power to fix 
and regulate rates. 

2. Exclusive State ownership and Government management. 

3. State ownership and private management under Government 
supervision and control. 

4. Partial State ownership and management in competition with 
private ownership and management. 


Regulation through state ownership has been practically unknown 
in the United States. It is of foreign origin and is foreign to the char- 
acter of our institutions. The time may come when the people of the 
United States will be forced to consider the advisability of placing the 
railways of the country completely under the control of the General 
Government, as the postal service is, and as many believe the telegraph 
service should be. This would seem to be the surest method of securing 
the highest perfect and the greatest efficiency of the railroad system in 
its entirety, and the best method of making it an harmonious whole in its 
operation and of bringing about that uniformity and stability of rates 
which is the greatest need of trade and commerce. But the dangers to 
be apprehended from the giving of such vast additional power to the 
Government will always prove a formidable barrier to the adoption of 
such a policy, and this committee sees no necessity for considering its 
advantages or disadvantages until other methods of regulation more 
American in spirit have at least been given a trial and have proved 
unsatisfactory. Nor is it deemed important to investigate in detail the 
experience of those European nations in which the policy of State own- 
ership or management in one form or another has prevailed. 

In those nations the railroad question has presented itself under 
different conditions, and has admitted of methods of regulation wholly 
impracticable in the United States, by reason of the marked differences 


in the organization of the machinery of government and in the customs, 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 55 


temper, and habits of thought of the people. The English railroad 
system, however, has grown up under conditions more nearly resem- 
bling those prevailing upon this side of the Atlantic than those existing 
in any other country. It has been developed under the operation of the 
principle of private ownership and management, subject to Parliament- 
ary control, and substantially all of the methods of regulation proposed 
in this country had first been tested there. The English people early 
undertook the legislative regulation of their railroads. They have been 
considerably in advance of us in dealing with the difficulties that have 
been encountered, and have given the subject no little attention. 

For these reasons the experience of England is of more interest 
and value to us than that of those nations in which the policy of state 
ownership has been more or less generally adopted, and these reasons 
seem to warrant a glance at the efforts which have been made in that 
country for more than fifty years to unravel the complications of the 
railroad question, and to hit upon a satisfactory method of enforcing the 
performance of public obligations and of adjusting the relations be- 
tween the railroads and the people. The information on these subjects 
herewith submitted is based largely upon the statements contained in 
the numerous reports which have been made by Parliamentary com- 
mittees. 


THE COURSE OF RAILROAD LEGISLATION IN ENGLAND—-WORKINGS OF THE 
ENGLISH COMMISSION—THE PRESENT STATUS OF AFFAIRS 


When railroad construction began in England that country already 
had quite a complete system of canals, with which the new methods of 
transportation came immediately into active competition. By the char- 
ters first granted the railroads were required to admit to their lines the 
cars and locomotives of other companies and individuals, and the acts 
usually prescribed the maximum tolls to be charged for such service. 
These were regulations which it had been found necessary to apply to 
the canals, in the management of which abuses had been complained of 
somewhat similar to those that afterwards characterized the manage- 
ment of railways. Competition between the different carriers who were 
expected to use the route was relied on to secure to the public needful 
facilities and fair rates under these provisions. But this was not the 
result, and within ten years after the opening of the first railway it was 
generally recognized that a railroad must be to some extent a monopoly, 
because the service to be performed was of such a nature that the high- 


\ 


56 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


est degree of efficiency would be attained and the convenience of the 
public would be best subserved by committing the work to but one 
carrier. It is worthy of remark that even at that early period in railroad 
history the future direction of the development of the system was clearly 
foreseen by at least one man. 

In the words of Mr. Sterne: 


I have in hand a speech delivered in the House of Commons by 
Mr. James Morrison on the 17th of May, 1836. Mr. Morrison was the 
A. T. Stewart of England, and died leaving a fortune of four or five 
million pounds sterling. He was a member of Parliament, and he told 
his associates, as early as 1836, that their maximum rates would be of 
no value, that the economies of railway transportation from decade to 
decade, and the improvement of railway transportation and the devel- 
opment of railway traffic, would make their maximum rates ridiculously 
high, and would be an excuse for extortion in individual instances. 
Indeed, the clear understanding which he had of the railway problem, 
as early as 1836, was absolutely marvelous. But no attention was paid 
to his recommendation ; it was voted down. They recognize now, how- 
ever, that Mr. Morrison was one of the few men who then foresaw the 
railway problems of the present as they are now developing. 


The new questions raised by this discovery of the element of monop- 
oly in railroad transportation were considered by a Parliamentary com- 
mittee, of which Sir Robert Peel was a member, and which reported in 
1840 that the method of competition which has been described was 
impracticable ; that monopoly upon each line was inevitable, that a single 
management of each railway was expedient, and that these changed 
conditions made necessary the protection of the public interests, for the 
reason “that the interest of the companies was, to a certain extent only, 
that of the public.” At the same time the committee expressed the 
belief that “an enlightened view of their own interests would always 
compel managers of railroads to have due regard to the general advant- 
age of the public.” 

It was supposed that the principles of free trade would apply in the 
construction and operation of railroads, and it was quite naturally 
expected that this business would be subject to the same natural laws 
of competition that governed and regulated other commercial enter- 
prises and operations. 

While these theories held sway parallel lines were looked to as an 
effective means of regulation. Parliament encouraged the building of 
competing lines, and this policy brought on a period of great activity 
in railroad construction and speculation. But the effects of competition 
between different lines were not what had been anticipated, and attracted 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 57 


so much attention that in 1844 another committee, headed by Mr. Glad- 
stone, was appointed, which took under consideration the question of 
competition and management, and submitted in all five reports. The 
second report recommended the appointment by Parliament of private 
bill committees to examine into the propriety of proposed competing 
schemes, and the third expressed the following conclusions : 


That the indefinite concessions made to the earlier companies had 
become unnecessary ; that competition between railways would do more 
harm to the companies than good to the public; that the effect of 
monopoly upon the public directly and upon the railways indirectly 
ought to be guarded against, and that in authorizing new lines Parlia- 
ment should reserve certain powers to be exercised after a time. 


The idea of state ownership as an effective means of regulation 
captivated this committee, which became convinced that the people 
must in one way or another pay for whatever transportation facilities 
they enjoyed, and that the main question was how to secure by legisla- 
tion “the greatest amount of accommodation at the least cost.’ And the 
general conclusion reached by the committee in its final report was that 
regulation was to be depended upon rather than competition. These 
reports led to the passage in 1844 of a law looking to the ultimate acqui- 
sition of the railways by the Government, and prescribing the terms of 
their purchase at the expiration of twenty-one years should that policy 
be decided upon. 

During this interval another unexpected characteristic of railway 
‘management came prominently into notice. The addition of too many 
competing lines developed a tendency toward amalgamation, and veri- 
fied George Stephenson’s axiomatic statement that “Where combination 
is possible, competition is impossible.” Accordingly, in a report made 
by the Board of Trade of the United Kingdom relative to the numerous 
amalgamations proposed in 1845, it was recommended that amalgama- 
tions should not be permitted by Parliament when the purpose was to 
avoid competition, but only between branches and main lines or when 
continuous lines were formed, and then only after due consideration. 

Another committee, appointed in 1846, discovered that where 
amalgamations had not been authorized the roads often reached the 
same end through private working arrangements, some of which virtu- 
ally amounted to consolidation, and that they avoided competition 
wherever practicable. On the recommendation of this committee that it 
was necessary to establish a department of the Government to take 


“supervision of the railways and canals, with full power to enforce such 


58 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


regulations as may from time to time appear indispensable for the 
accommodation and general interests of the public,” the railway com- 
mission was created, but was only allowed to exist until 1851, when its 
duties were transferred to the Board of Trade. Meantime the efforts 
at amalgamation grew more and more determined, and the process went 
on by the consent of Parliament, notwithstanding all the restrictions 
imposed upon it, and despite the growing public dread of its effects. 

Still another committee inquired into this vexed question of amal- 
gamation, and its elaborate reports upon the subject brought about the 
passage of the “canal and railway traffic act” of 1854, usually known as 
the Cardwell act, which has been the model of much of our State legis- 
lation against unjust discrimination. The purpose of the act was to 
prevent undue preferences, and to compel interchange of traffic between 
railways and between railways and canals upon equal terms. This act 
established two important principles that have since been generally fol- 
lowed. One was that every company should be compelled to afford the 
public the full advantages of the convenient interchange of traffic from 
one line to another. The second was that the companies were under 
obligations to and should be required to make equal rates to all under 
the same circumstances. 

The time when the state could take possession of the roads came in 
1865, and a royal commission was appointed, which gathered a great 
deal of evidence and went into the questions presented quite fully. The 
most important conclusions of the commission have been summarized 
as follows: 


That it is not expedient for the Government to avail itself of its 
reserved right to purchase railways. 

That Parliament should not interfere with the incorporation and 
financial affairs of railway companies, leaving such matters to be dealt 
with, under the “joint stock companies act,’ limiting its own action to 
regulating the construction of the lines and the relations between the 
public and the companies so incorporated. 

That railway companies should be bound to run at least two trains 
a day for third-class passengers. 

That it would be “inexpedient, even if it were practicable, to adopt 
any legislation which would abolish the freedom which railway com- 
panies enjoy of charging what sum they deem expedient within their 
maximum rates, when properly defined, limited as that freedom is by 
the traffic act.” | 

That railway companies should be required to make stated reports 
to the Board of Trade in such form as the board may require. 


Finally in 1872, a joint select committee was appointed and made a 
most thorough investigation of the railroad question. The report of this 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 5g 


committee passed in review the history of England’s legislation during 
its experience of forty years. It was shown that little had been accom- 
plished, although thirty-three hundred acts had been passed and an 
expenditure of some £80,000,000 had been imposed upon the companies. 
It was also shown that the process of amalgamation had gone on with 
little regard to the recommendations of committees, commissions, and 
Government departments, and the result was that “while committees 
and commissions carefully chosen have, for the last thirty years, clung 
to one form of competition after another, it has, nevertheless, become 
more and more evident that competition must fail to do for railways 
what it does for ordinary trade ; and that no means have yet been devised 
by which competition can be permanently maintained.” Nor did the 
committee see any reason “‘to suppose that the progress of combination 
has ceased, or that it will cease until Great Britain is divided between a 
small number of great companies.” At the same time, however, the 
committee made it evident that in the past amalgamation “had not 
brought with it the evils that were anticipated, but that in any event 
long and varied experience had fully demonstrated the fact that while 
Parliament might hinder and thwart, it could not prevent it, and it was 
equally powerless to lay down any general rules determining its limits 
or character.” 

Other important conclusions were reached by the committee as 
follows : 


| That competition between railways existed only to a limited extent 
and could not be maintained by legislation. 

That combination was increasing and likely to increase. 

That competition by sea should be secured by preventing railway 
companies from getting control over public harbors. 

That canals were of advantage in securing competition; that their 
facilities for through shipments should be increased, and that no canal 
should be placed directly or indirectly under the control of any railway 
company. 

That a system of equal mileage rates, or charges in proportion to 
distance, was inexpedient and impracticable for the following reasons: 

(a) It would prevent railway companies from lowering their 
fares and rates, so as to compete with traffic by sea, by canal, or by 
shorter or otherwise cheaper railways, and would thus deprive the public 
of the benefit of competition, and the company of a legitimate source of 

rofit. 
i (b) It would prevent railway companies from making perfectly 
fair arrangements for carrying at a lower rate than usual goods brought 
in larger and constant quantities, or for carrying for long distances at a 
lower rate than for short distances. 

(c) It would compel a company to carry for the same rate over a 


60 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


line which has been very expensive in construction, or which, from 
gradients or otherwise, is very expensive in working, at the same rate at 
which it carries over less expensive lines. 

In short, to impose equal mileage on the companies would be to 
deprive the public of the benefit of much of the competition which now 
exists, or has existed, to raise the charges on the public in many cases 
where the companies now find it to their interest to lower them, and to 
perpetuate monopolies in carriage, trade, and manufacture in favor of 
those rates and places which are nearest or least expensive, where the 
varying charges of the companies now create competition. And it will 
be found that the supporters of equal mileage, when pressed, often 
really mean, not that the rates that they pay themselves are too high, but 
that the rates that others pay are too low. 

Pressed by these difficulties, the proposers of equal mileage have 
admitted that there must be numerous exceptions, e. g., where there is 
sea competition (1. e., at about three-fifths of the railway stations of the 
United Kingdom), where low rates for long distances will bring a profit, 
or where the article carried at low rates is a necessary, such as coal. It 
is scarcely necessary to observe that such exceptions as these, while 
inadequate to meet all the various cases, destroy the value of “equal 
mileage” as a principle, or the possibility of applying it as a general rule. 

That the fixing of legal rates based upon the actual cost of the rail- 
ways and calculated to yield only a fair return upon such cost was 
impracticable. 

That the plan of maximum charges had been a failure, and that 
such rates afforded little real protection to the public, since they were 
always fixed so high that sooner or later it became the interest of the 
companies to carry at lower rates. 

That there should be publicity of rates and tolls. 

That the new tribunal was needed to take supervision of the trans- 
portation interests of the Kingdom, and with authority to enforce the 
laws relating to railways and canals, to hear complaints and adjust dif- 
ferences, and to advise Parliament upon questions of railway legislation. 


This investigation, by making plain the lessons taught by many 
years of experience, was especially valuable in at least bringing about a 
general recognition of the fact that the relations between the railways 
and the community require special treatment and cannot be defined or 
governed in accordance with the natural laws regulating ordinary com- 
mercial intercourse. It was evident that the policy adopted by the 
committee, if followed out to its conclusion, might lead in time to a 
few great corporations obtaining an absolute monopoly of the business 
of transportation by rail throughout the entire Kingdom, and even 
to finally placing the control of these most important interests in the 
hands of a small number of individuals, whose powers might become 
greater than those of the Government itself. Nevertheless, without 
being able to indicate how the relations between the Government and 
these great monopolies would or should ultimately be adjusted, the com- 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 61 


mittee did not appear to believe that the time was ripe to check the 
development of the railway system of Great Britain by extreme meas- 
ures, and was content to recommend the establishment of a special 
tribunal as the first step to be taken in inaugurating the policy of special 
treatment which it had become apparent must be adopted to meet the 
exigencies of the situation. 

This recommendation was complied with by the creation of what is 
known as the railway commission of 1873, which was at first given a 
tenure of but five years, but which has since been continued. This tri- 
bunal is chiefly judicial in character; it is, in fact, a separate railway 
court, composed of three commissioners or judges, and has jurisdiction 
over all matters in relation to the interchange of traffic, and to all con- 
tracts between railway companies, as well as complaints of undue pref- 
erence and of other violations of railway laws. The most recent official 
declaration concerning this commission is found in the report of the 
select committee of twenty-seven members, appointed by the House of 
Commons, in 1882, to inquire into its working and the rates charged 
by railways and canals. After an investigation, lasting several months, 
this committee reported that the tribunal should be made permanent as 
well as special, and say: 


The railway commission has, to a great extent, been hindered in its 
work by the temporary character with which it has hitherto been 
invested. At the same time your committee are convinced that the 
establishment of the commission has been of great public advantage, not 
merely in causing justice to be speedily done in those cases which have 
been brought before it, but also in preventing differences from arising 
as between railway companies and the public. Its utility is not to be 
‘measured solely by the instances in which it has been called upon to 
“hear and determine,” but also by the deterrent and controlling influ- 
ence of its existence. 

Representatives of the railway companies, backed up by legal gen- 
tlemen of eminence, have urged upon your committee that it is not 
desirable to continue the special tribunal in its present form, but that the 
court should be reconstituted by the appointment of a single judge, to be 
selected from the bench or the bar, aided by assessors wherever other 
than legal knowledge is required. From the traders and the general 
public, on the other hand, no demand has come for such a change; on 
the contrary, the general tenor of their evidence exhibits satisfaction 
with the services rendered to the public by the existing railway com- 
mission. 

Accordingly the committee recommended : 


That the railway commission be made permanent, and a court of 
record. 


62 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


That the powers and jurisdiction of the railway commission be 
extended to cover— 

(a) All questions arising under the special acts or the public 
statutes for regulating railway or canal traffic affecting passengers or 
goods. 

(b) The making of orders which may necessitate the co-operation 
of two or more railway or canal companies within the statutory obliga- 
tions of the companies. 

(c) Power to order through rates on the application of traders, 
but no such order to impose on a railway company a rate lower than 
the lowest rate of such railway company for similar articles under simi- 
lar circumstances. 

(d) The revision of traffic agreements both of railways and canals, 
in as large a measure as the powers formerly exercised by the Board of 
Trade. 

(e¢) The granting of damages and redress for illegal charges and 
undue preferences. 

(f) The commissioners to have power, on the joint application of 
parties, to act as referees in rating appeals. 

That the railway commissioners should deliver separate judgments 
when not unanimous. 

One appeal to be granted as of right from the judgments of the 
commission, and “prohibition” as well as “certiorari” to be forbidden. 


In conclusion, the committee “report that on the whole of the evi- 
dence they acquit the railway companies of any grave dereliction of 
their duty to the public. It is remarkable that no witnesses have 
appeared to complain of ‘preferences’ given to individuals by railway 
companies as acts of private favor or partiality, such as were more or 
less frequent during the years immediately preceding the act of 1854. 
Your committee find that the rates for merchandise on the railways of 
the United Kingdom are, in the main, considerably below the maxima 
authorized by Parliament, although these charges appear to be higher 
for the longer distances than on many continental lines. But on the 
other hand, the service of our home railways is performed much more 
rapidly than on the continent.” 

For later and more complete information concerning the English 
Railway Commission than could elsewhere be obtained the committee is 
indebted to the recently published work on “Railroad Transportation,” 
by Mr. Arthur T. Hadley, of New Haven, who has made a very careful 
study of the English railway system and legislation. The results of his 
investigations are herewith presented in condensed form. He states the 
general situation as to legislation in the following paragraphs: 


With the act of 1873 the general railroad legislation may be said to 
have closed. The movements which the public had feared for thirty 
years had now pretty much expended their force. Amalgamations 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS | 63 


which were confidently expected in 1872 did not take place after all. 
Joint-purse arrangements became less important instead of more import- 
ant, because railroads found that they could maintain rates. without 
them. 

It is not exactly true to say that “in Great Britain the discussion of 
the railroad problem may be considered as over for the time being.” 
The railroad problem has ceased to be a bugbear; but it has become all 
the more a question for practical discussion. Vague fears with regard 
to the growth of the railway power have given place to pointed com- 
plaints as to its abuse in individual instances. The period of general 
legislation has passed. Mr. Adams is right in saying, “As a result of 
forty years of experiment and agitation Great Britain has on this head 
come back very nearly to its point of commencement.” He is not quite 
right in adding, “It has settled down on the doctrine of laissez-faire.” 
It might better be said that it has settled down on the policy of specific 
laws for specific troubles. 


After briefly mentioning the three experiments in the line of rail- 
way commissions attempted in England, in 1840, 1844, and 1846, Mr. 
Hadley says: — 


We have seen what were the events which led to the passage of the 
regulation of railways act in 1873. The commission appointed under 
that act was to consist of three members; one of them a railroad man, 
one a lawyer. They received a salary of £3,000 each. They were to 
decide all questions arising under the act of 1854, and subsequent acts 
connected with it. They were further empowered to arbitrate between 
railroads in a variety of cases; to compel companies to make through 
rates which should conform to the intention of the act of 1854; to secure 
publicity of rates; to decide what constitutes a proper terminal charge, 
and some other less important matters. On questions of fact their 
decision was to be final; on questions of law it was to be subject to 
appeal. The railway commissioners themselves were to determine what 
were questions of fact and what were questions of law. Subsequent 
_acts have made but slight changes in these powers. 

The commission consisted of able men—Sir Frederick Peel, Mr. 
Price, formerly of the Midland Railway, and Mr. Macnamara; the last- 
named died in 1877, and was succeeded by Mr. A. E. Miller. They 
went to work with energy, and in a spirit which promised to make the 
experiment a signal success. And it was at first supposed to be such a 
success. People judged by the reports of the commission itself; and 
they were the more prone to believe these reports because it was so 
desirable to find an easy solution of perplexing questions of railroad 
policy. Mr. Adams, writing in 1878, said, “The mere fact that the tri- 
bunal is there; that a machinery does exist for the prompt and final 
decision of that class of questions, puts an end to them. They no longer 
exist.” That represented the general public opinion on the subject at 
the time; it represents the general impression in America down to the 
present time. 

In 1878, the very year when Mr. Adams wrote, the original term 
of the commission expired. People supposed that it would be made 


64 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


permanent. Instead of that the renewals have been for much shorter 
periods, leaving the commissioners a precarious tenure, and showing 
dissatisfaction somewhere. 


A Parliamentary investigation on railroad rates in 1881-’82 showed 
the grounds of dissatisfaction only too clearly. The testimony revealed 
a state of things almost unsuspected by the general public, and giving 
an entirely different explanation of the fact that the commissioners had 
so few cases to deal with. The substance is that the power of the com- 
mission satisfies nobody. It has power enough to annoy the railroads, 
and not power enough to help the public efficiently. 

The railway commission was a court, not an executive body, but to 
all intents and purposes a court of law. And in establishing this new 
court, in addition to those already existing, Parliament had two ends in 
view: (1) To have a tribunal which would and could act when others 
would or could not. (2) To avoid the expense, delay, and vexation 
incident to litigation under the old system. Neither end was well ful- 
filled. 

(1) The commission could not act, partly from want of jurisdic- 
tion, partly from want of executive power. Its jurisdiction did not 
cover by any means the whole ground. The provisions about terminals, 
arbitration, working agreements, etc., amounted to very little. Its real 
power was under the act of 1854. It could under this act require com- 
panies to furnish “proper facilities,” and it could prevent their giving 
“preferences.” But it could not compel a company to comply with 
special acts or special provisions of its charter. This is a serious diffi- 
culty, because the question of proper facilities was closely connected 
with charter requirements, and the railroad could almost anywhere raise 
the point of want of jurisdiction. 

Nor could it enforce its decrees. Passive resistance of the railroads 
and jealousy on the part of the old established courts combined to pro- 
duce this effect. For instance, under the act of 1854, if the railways 
refused to comply with the decisions of the court of common pleas, 
they were liable to a fine of $1,000 for every day’s delay. The London, 
Chatham and Dover Railway refused to comply with one of the com- 
mission’s decisions, and claimed that they were not liable to any such 
fine, although all the powers of the court of common pleas, under the 
act of 1854, had been transferred to the railway commission by the act 
of 1873. The court of exchequer actually sustained the railroad; and it 
was not until 1878 that by a decision of the Queen’s bench the railway 
commission really had the power to do anything if a company chose to 
disregard its orders. 

The injunctions of the commission, at best, only affect the future; 
for any remedy for the past there must be a new complaint and trial 
before a regular court. And so it often happens that a railroad, after 
exhausting all its means of resistance, obeys the decisions of the com- 
mission in reference to one particular station, without taking any notice 
of it at other stations where the same principle is involved. Thus, in the 
case of the manure traffic of Aberdeen, after long litigation, the rate 
was decided to be illegal. The railroad then reduced its Aberdeen rates, 
but continued its old schedule of charges at other points on its route 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 65 


where there were not organized interests strong enough to make a fight. 

On the face of the act of 1873 the decisions of the commission, as to 
what were questions of fact or questions of law, appeared to be final. 
But by writ of mandamus from a court of appeal the decision on this 
point could be at ence taken out of the hands of the commission by com- 
pelling them “to state a case,” which could then be made the subject of 
action in the higher court. So this important power was made of no 
effect. 

(2) Complaints before the commission are not quite so slow or 
costly as they were before the courts, but they are bad enough to pre- 
vent most men from undertaking them. Sir Frederick Peel himself 
_ admits that the expense frightens people away from making complaints. 
But this is by no means the worst. The testimony before the Parlia- 
mentary committee of 1881-’82 is full of matter to startle those who © 
argue that because there are few complaints before the commission there 
are few men that have grievances. Men have good reason to think twice 
before they enter a complaint. 

In the Aberdeen manure case, already referred to, the Aberdeen 
men, successful at every point, lost more money than they gained. 
Every important case is so persistently appealed that the original 
promptness or cheapness of railway commission practice counts for 
nothing. But the indirect results are yet worse. A complainant is a 
marked man, and the commission cannot protect him against the ven- 
geance of the railroads. A town fares no better. It complains of high 
terminal charges, and the company retorts by raising the local tariff for 
that place 100 per cent. A coal mine complains of freight rates, and 
the company refuses to carry for it on any terms; it has ceased, it says, 
to be a common carrier of coal. Even the war department is afraid. It 
has grievances, but it dare not make them public for fear of reprisals. 
“It is quite clear,” says the secretary of the Board of Trade, “‘that it is a 
_ very formidable thing to fight a railway company.” 

It is not easy to see what can be done in the face of these difficulties, 
so different from anything which we see in most American States. Our 
commissioners, with fewer powers, have infinitely more power. The 

“reason is, that in America to defy such an authority involves untold 
dangers, public sentiment being irritable and unrestrained, whereas in 
England it involves no danger at all, public sentiment being long-suffer- 
ing and conservative. 

The lawyers say, strengthen the legal element in the commission. 
Some of the railroad men say so too, because they think that a commis- 
sion formed on the model of the old courts would interfere no more 

than the old courts. On the other hand, many men desire the appoint- 
ment of a public prosecutor to relieve individuals of the danger and 
odium of bringing complaints, or that chambers of commerce may be 
allowed to undertake such prosecutions. Others go still further and 
urge that the powers of the commission be increased, and that they be 
allowed to determine on general grounds what constitutes a reasonable 
rate. The commission itself would be glad to do that, but such a thing, 
however cautiously carried out, would involve the granger principle of 
fixing rates. It seems unlikely that Parliament will make any of these 
| » aif 


66 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


proposed changes, except to give chambers of commerce the right to 
prefer charges. 

We have dwelt on the dark side of the picture, because there is a 
general impression in this country that the English railway commission 
is a complete success. It must not be inferred that it is a complete fail- 
ure. It has in the first nine years of its existence passed judgment on 
one hundred and ten cases. Only seventeen of these have been appealed, 
and in eleven of them the commissioners have been sustained. The 
decisions have, as a rule, been marked by good sense and impartiality. 
The direct good to the complainants may have been small, but the indi- 
rect good to the public was, doubtless, great. The commission has made 
serious and generally successful efforts to enforce a law in cases where 
it would otherwise have been a dead letter. These particular cases may 
have given more trouble than they were worth. But the very existence 
of such a power constitutes a check upon arbitrary action in general. We 
cannot assume, as many do, that the few complaints preferred before 
the commission represent anything like the amount of well-founded 
grievances. But we can assume that the chance for such complaints to 
be made and heeded makes the railroad managers more cautious in 
giving occasion for them. Although no one is fully satisfied with what 
the commission has done, the great majority of shippers are obviously 
of the opinion that it has prevented much evil which would otherwise 


have gone unchecked. 

In concluding his sketch of the English railroad legislation, Mr. 
Hadley shows that the system of special rates to develop business has 
grown up in the same way as in America; that the chief source of public 
complaint is not extortionate rates, but different rates; that the low 
through rates are occasioned by the competition of water routes, which 
has existed at three-fifths of the stations in the United Kingdom; that 
the railroads have been obtaining control of the canals, and even of the 
open water routes in some cases, by securing possession of the landing 
places and harbor facilities, but are unable to control the water routes 
between London and foreign countries ; that while the courts have suc- 
ceeded in almost entirely stopping discriminations between individuals, 
personal favoritism, and the payment of rebates, the discriminations 
against localities and certain lines of business have become more con- 
spicuous; and he sums up the present state of things, as follows: 


(1) The roads may make what special rates they please; but if 
they make a rate to one man they must extend the same privilege to all 
others in like circumstances. If they have been secretly paying rebates 
to one shipper, they may be compelled to refund to any other shipper 
similarly placed the same rebates on all his shipments since the special 
contract with the one shipper began. 

(2) It is held by the railway commissioners that two shippers 
are similarly placed and must be similarly treated when the cost to the 
railroad of handling the goods for one is the same as for the other; and, 
conversely, unless some special reason can be shown, the railroad has no 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 67 


right to put a less favorably situated shipper on an equality with a more 
favorably situated one. 

(3) But the last Parliamentary committee has refused to indorse 
these principles, and has said that a preference is not unjust so long as it 
is the natural result of fair competition. 


THE NECESSITY OF NATIONAL REGULATION OF INTERSTATE COMMERCE 


The two propositions which the committee has kept prominently in 
view throughout the entire investigation have been whether any legis- 
lation for the regulation of interstate transportation is necessary or 
expedient, and, if so, in what manner can the public interest be best - 
subserved by legislation on that subject. 

The consideration of the first proposition may seem to be a work 
of supererogation, for it is the deliberate judgment of the committee 
that upon no public question are the people so nearly unanimous as upon 
the proposition that Congress should undertake in some way the regula- 
tion of interstate commerce. Omitting those who speak for the railroad 
interests, there is practically no difference of opinion as to the necessity 
and importance of such action by Congress, and this is fully substanti- 
ated by the testimony accompanying this report, which is a fair con- 
census of public sentiment upon the question. The committee has found 
among the leading representatives of the railroad interests an increasing 
readiness to accept the aid of Congress in working out the solution of 
the railroad problem which has obstinately baffled all their efforts, and 
not a few of the ablest railroad men in the country seem disposed to 
look to the intervention of Congress as promising to afford the best 
means of ultimately securing a more equitable and satisfactory adjust- 
ment of the relations of the transportation interests to the community 
than they themselves have been able to bring about. 

The evidence upon this point is so conclusive that the committee 
has no hesitation in declaring that prompt action by Congress upon this 
important subject is almost unanimously demanded by public sentiment. 

This demand is occasioned by the existence of acknowledged evils 
incident to and growing out of the complicated business of transporta- 
tion as now conducted, evils which the people believe can be checked 
and mitigated, if not wholly remedied, by appropriate legislation. The 
committee recognizes the justice of this demand, and believes that action 
by Congress looking to the regulation of interstate transportation is 
necessary and expedient, for the following reasons: 

1. The public interest demands regulation of the business of 


68 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


transportation because, in the absence of such regulation, the carrier is 
practically and actually the sole and final arbiter upon all disputed ques- 
tions that arise between shipper and carrier as to whether rates are rea- 
sonable or unjust discrimination has been practiced. 

It is argued by railroad representatives that arbitrary or oppressive 
rates cannot be maintained ; that they are adjusted and sufficiently regu- 
lated by competition with rival roads and with water routes, by com- 
mercial necessities, by the natural laws of trade, and by that self-interest 
which compels the corporations to have due regard to the wants and 
the opinions of those upon whom they must depend for business; that 
such discriminations as exist are for the most part unavoidable; that the 
owners and managers of the property are the best judges of the con- 
ditions and circumstances that affect the cost of transportation and 
should determine the compensation they are entitled to receive ; and that, 
in any event, the common law affords the shipper an adequate remedy 
and protection against abuse or any infringement of his rights. 

This answer fails to recognize the public nature and obligations of 
the carrier, and the right of the people, through the Governmental 
authority, to have a voice in the management of a corporation which 
performs a public function. Nor do the facts warrant the claim that 
competition and self-interest can be relied upon to secure the shipper 
against abuse and unjust discrimination, or that he has an available and 
satisfactory remedy at common law. 

If it is found that the common law and the courts do not, in fact, 
afford to the shipper an effective remedy for his grievances, we have no 
need to inquire to what extent grievances may exist. The complicated 
nature of countless transactions incident to the business of transporta- 
tion make it inevitable that disagreements should arise between the 
parties in interest, and it is neither just nor proper that disputed ques- 
tions materially affecting the business operations of a shipper should be 
left to the final determination of those representing an opposing financial 
interest. When such disagreements occur the shipper and the carrier 
are alike entitled to a fair and impartial determination of the matters at 
issue, and by all the principles governing judicial proceedings the most 
fair-minded railroad official is disqualified by his personal interest in the 
result from giving such a determination. If, however, there existed an 
impartial tribunal to which the shipper could readily appeal, he would 
find less occasion for appealing from the decision of the carrier, and the 
differences between shipper and carrier would be more likely to be 
adjusted amicably without such an appeal. 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 69 


The simple fact that the shipper is now obliged to submit to the 
adjudication of his complaint by the other party in interest, the party 
by whom he supposes himself to have been aggrieved, is in itself suffi- 
cient to demonstrate the necessity of such legislation as will secure to 
the shipper that impartial hearing of his complaints to which he is 
entitled by all the recognized principles of justice and equity. 

Evidence is not wanting to prove that the remedy at common law is 
impracticable and of little advantage to the ordinary shipper. It has 
been found so by the people of the States in dealing with their local 
traffic, and, as has been shown, their recognition of the fact has been 
authoritatively recorded in nearly every State in the Union by statutory ~ 
enactments, and in many of them by the establishment of commissions, 
in the effort to provide for the shipper that prompt and effective remedy 
which it has been found by experience that recourse to the common law 
has failed to afford. The reasons for this failure apply with even 
greater force to the more complicated transactions of interstate com- 
merce than to State traffic, because the former involve more perplexing 
questions and are affected by a greater diversity of varying conditions. 
The legislation of the States, the reports of the State commissions, the 
records of the courts, the evidence of shippers, and, in short, the whole 
current of testimony, is to the same effect; and the fact stated is also 
admitted by some of the highest railroad authorities. Mr. Fink says: 


In many cases where small amounts are involved, which do not 
justify legal proceedings against the company, the aggrieved parties are 
prevented from prosecuting their claims. * * * Ordinary courts 
are not properly constituted for that purpose, and the time required for 
the adjudication of claims is so long and the expense so great as to 
_ defeat the very object for which proceedings are instituted. 


Leaving out of consideration the natural disinclination of the aver- 
age shipper to engage in litigation with a corporation which may have 
the power to determine his success or failure in business, and to enter 
the lists against an adversary with ample resources and the best legal 
talent at its command and able to wear out an opponent by the tedious 
delays of the law, it is plain that the shipper is still at a great disad- 
vantage in seeking redress for grievances under the common law, which 
places upon the complainant the burden of proof and requires him to 
affirmatively establish the unreasonableness of a given rate or the fact 
of an alleged discrimination. What such an undertaking practically 
involves is indicated by the following extract from the statement of Mr. 
Kernan, the chairman of the New York commission, which sums up the 
whole case: 


70 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


Assuredly there have been and do exist unreasonable rates and un- 
just discriminations. This much will be admitted by all; it will not be 
denied even by any carrier. Why, then, have not the courts enjoined the 
continuance of the wrongs and enforced the payment of damages? Why, 
again, is it that substantially no suits ever have been brought and that 
so few decisions in this country exist? It is not because of defects in the 
law or in the constitution of the courts, but it is because the subject is 
one which neither client nor lawyer, judge nor jury, can unravel or deal 
with intelligently within the compass of an ordinary trial and with such 
knowledge of the matter as men generally well educated possess. Let 
a man take the testimony in five volumes before the Hepburn committee; 
read one hundred pages of the clear and able statements of Mr. Bianch- 
ard, for instance; con over the facts and figures he gives, and then let 
him try to reach a conclusion upon the question under discussion. Some 
conception will thus be obtained of what a lawsuit is which involves the 
reasonableness of rates, or the existence of an unjust discrimination, or 
a local rate as compared with a through rate. As the onus is upon the 
complainant, add to his difficulties the fact that his adversary has nearly 
all the evidence in his possession, locked up in books and in the memory 
and intelligence of experts who have made the subject their study. The 
expense involved, the uncertainty to be faced, and the difficulties to be 
overcome in an ordinary suit at law have made that remedy obsolete 
and useless. 

All these considerations, fully corroborated as they are by the evi- 
dence submitted, have satisfied the committee that the common law 
wholly fails to afford an effective remedy against unreasonable or dis- 
criminating rates, and that, without additional legislation, the carrier is 
practically the sole and only judge of the rights of the producer and 
shipper in respect to transportation. 

2. It is the duty of Congress to undertake the regulation of the 
business of transportation, because of admitted abuses in its manage- 
ment and of acknowledged discriminations between persons and places 
in its practical operation—evils which it is possible to reach and remedy 
only through the exercise of the powers granted by the Constitution to 
Congress, and against which the citizen is entitled to the protection and 
relief the national authority can alone afford. 

Attention will be called hereafter to these causes of complaint; and 
it is perhaps only necessary to suggest here that the railroad argument 
against legislation on the ground that competition, the laws of trade, 
and an “enlightened self-interest” afford all needful protection and the 
most effective regulation, is predicated upon the conditions which pre- 
vail at the great commercial centers and in favored localities where 
competition is most active, and applies more particularly to the larger 


shippers, who are always able to take care of themselves and at such 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 71 


points can usually depend for protection and fair treatment upon the 
eagerness of the corporations to capture all the business possible. But 
it should be the aim of the law to protect the weak, and it is at the great 
number of non-competitive interior points, scattered all over the land, at 
which even the protection elsewhere afforded by competitive influences is 
not found, and where the producer and shipper are most completely in 
the power of the railroads, that additional safeguards are most needed. 

3. National legislation is necessary to remedy the evils com- 
plained of, because the operations of the transportation system are, for 
the most part, beyond the jurisdiction of the States, and, until Congress 
acts, not subject to any governmental control in the public interest. 

The States have no power to regulate interstate commerce, and it 
appears from the evidence that even their control of their own domestic 
traffic is restricted and frequently made inoperative by reason of its 
intimate intermingling with interstate commerce and by the present 
freedom of the latter from any legislative restrictions. Some of the © 
difficulties of effective State regulation in the absence of national legis- 
lation have been pointed out elsewhere in this report, and illustrations 
have been given of the greater volume and importance of interstate as 
compared with State traffic. National supervision would supplement, 
give direction to, and render effective State supervision, and is espe- 
cially necessary as the only method of securing that uniformity of regu- 
lation and operation which the transportation system requires for its 
highest development. 

The clearly-established fact that, by reason of the constitutional 
division of powers between the States and the General Government, the 
_States have been able only to partially control the business of trans- 
portation within their own borders has been the principal inciting cause 
of the popular demand for national regulation, and is sufficient, in the 
judgment of the committee, to call for such action by Congress as will 
make effective the means of regulation found necessary and adopted by 
the States. 

4. National legislation is also necessary, because the business of 
transportation is essentially of a nature which requires that uniform 
system and method of regulation which the national authority can alone 
prescribe. 

The key-note to all the decisions of the United States Supreme 
Court concerning the power to regulate commerce is found in the 


declaration made in Cooley v. Board of Wardens, and frequently 


72 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


referred to in other cases, that ‘whatever subjects of this power are in 
their nature national, or admit only of one uniform system or plan of 
regulation, may justly be said to be of such a nature as to require exclu- 
sive legislation by Congress ;’’ and, as is said by the court in the late 
case of Gloucester Ferry Company v. Pennsylvania, “it needs no argu- 
ment to show that the commerce with foreign nations and between the 
States, which consists in the transportation of persons and property 
between them, is a subject of national character, and requires uniformity 
of regulation. Congress alone, therefore, can deal with such transporta- 
tion.” 

5. The failure of Congress to act is an excuse for the attempts 
made by the railroads to regulate the commerce of the country in their 
own way and in their own interests by whatever combinations and 
methods they are able to put into operation. 

Through the absence of national legislation the railroads of the 
United States have been left to work out their own salvation. The 
practical results of their efforts have been by no means encouraging, as 
the present depressed condition of the railway interests bears witness, 
nor do they claim to have made any substantial progress during the past 
fifteen or twenty years. It is true that in this period the railroads have 
accomplished wonders in reducing the cost of transportation, in remov- 
ing the limitations of distance from trade between remote localities, and 
in buildirig up and widely extending the general commerce of the coun- 
try. But, notwithstanding all these marvelous achievements, for which 
due credit should be given, the solid fact still claims consideration, that 
the inequalities and discriminations which characterize the operations of 
the system in its entirety are now as pronounced as in the earlier stages 
of its development. 

In the recognized existence of these evils and in the failure of the 
national authority to offer any remedy, railroad managers have found 
their justification for seeking a remedy through methods which have 
not commended themselves to the public judgment and which have 
threatened even greater dangers to the body-politic. In the absence of 
national legislation, the railroads have naturally resorted to the only 
methods by which they could unaided secure any degree of stability and 
uniformity in their charges—consolidations and confederation. The 
final outcome of continued consolidation would be the creation of an 
organization more powerful than the Government itself and perhaps be- 
yond its control. The same result might follow the successful develop- 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 73 


ment of the policy of confederation or pooling, if unrestricted by Gov- 
ernmental supervision, and either would be inimical to the public inter- 
est. But while this would be the logical outcome of the existing tendency 
of railway organization and management, there are satisfactory reasons 
for believing that it will not be the actual result, and that this policy 
has substantially reached the limit to which it can be carried. In a 
sense it may be true that the railroad properties of the country are to-day 
largely within the control of a comparatively small circle, yet the colos- 
sal combinations which have been effected find other gigantic combina- 
tions equally as powerful successfully contending for the traffic of the 
territory they seek to control. The vast geographical extent of the 
country, its immense resources, the diverse interests of different sec- 
tions, the abundance of capital, the commanding influence and the enter- 
prise of the great commercial centers, the impossibility of controlling 
35,000 miles of free water-routes—all these considerations lessen the 
dangers to be apprehended from future consolidations and combinations, 
and at the same time show how difficult it will be for the railroads to 
work out the problem alone and unaided. 

Experience and investigation have up to this time failed to indicate 
how the inequalities and discriminations complained of, which have 
grown into and become a fundamental part of the system upon which 
the business of the entire country is conducted, are to be done away 
with without a serious disturbance of every individual and public busi- 
ness interest. To equalize through and local rates, and to give them 
that degree of uniformity and stability so greatly needed, must neces- 
sarily involve a complete readjustment and reconstruction of the com- 
mercial relations and business methods of the whole country. How this 
is to be accomplished is the secret which underlies the satisfactory solu- 
tion of the railroad problem. 

That a problem of such magnitude, importance, and intricacy can 
be summarily solved by any master-stroke of legislative wisdom is 
beyond the bounds of reasonable belief. That the railroads, unaided or 
unrestrained, can or will eventually work out its solution seems highly 
improbable, judging from past experience, and cannot reasonably be 
expected. That a satisfactory solution of the problem can ever be 
secured without the aid of wise legislation the committee does not 
believe. 


74 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


THE CAUSES OF COMPLAINT AGAINST THE RAILROAD SYSTEM. 


The complaints against the railroad system of the United States 
expressed to the committee are based upon the following charges: 


1. That local rates are unreasonably high, compared with through 
rates. 

2. That both local and through rates are unreasonably high at 
non-competing points, either from the absence of competition or in con- 
sequence of pooling agreements that restrict its operation. 

3. That rates are established without apparent regard to the actual 
cost of the service performed, and are based largely on “what the traffic 
will bear.” 

4. That unjustifiable discriminations are constantly made between 
individuals in the rates charged for like service under similar circum- 
stances. 

5. That improper discriminations are constantly made between 
articles of freight and branches of business of a like character, and 
between different quantities of the same class of freight. 

6. That unreasonable discriminations are made between localities 
similarly situated. 

7. That the effect of the prevailing policy of railroad management 
is by an elaborate system of secret special rates, rebates, drawbacks, and 
concessions, to foster monopoly, to enrich favored shippers, and to pre- 
vent free competition in many lines of trade in which the item of trans- 
portation is an important factor. 

8. That such favoritism and secrecy introduce an element of un- 
certainty into legitimate business that greatly retards the development 
of our industries and commerce. 

9. That the secret cutting of rates and the sudden fluctuations 
that constantly take place are demoralizing to all business except that of 
a purely speculative character, and frequently occasion great injustice 
and heavy losses. 

10. That, in the absence of national and uniform legislation, the 
railroads are able by various devices to avoid their responsibility as car- 
riers, especially on shipments over more than one road, or from one 
State to another, and that shippers find great difficulty in recovering 
damages for the loss of property or for injury thereto. 

. 1. That railroads refuse to be bound by their own contracts, and 
arbitrarily collect large sums in the shape of overcharges in addition to 
the rates agreed upon at the time of shipment. 

12. That railroads often refuse to recognize or be responsible for 
the acts of dishonest agents acting under their authority. 

13. That the common law fails to afford a remedy for such griev- 
ances, and that in cases of dispute the shipper is compelled to submit to 
the decision of the railroad manager or pool commissioner, or run the 
risk of incurring further losses by greater discriminations. 

14. ‘That the differences in the classifications in use in various 
parts of the country, and sometimes for shipments over the same roads 
in different directions, are a fruitful source of misunderstandings, and 
are often made a means of extortion. 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 15 


15. That a privileged class is created by the granting of passes, 
and that the cost of the passenger service is largely increased by the 
extent of this abuse. 

16. That the capitalization and bonded Hee hnedness of the roads 
largely exceed the actual cost of their construction or their present 
value, and that unreasonable rates are charged in the effort to pay divi- 
dends on watered stock and interest on bonds improperly issued. 

17. That railroad corporations have improperly engaged in lines 
of business entirely distinct from that of transportation, and that undue 
advantages have been afforded to business enterprises in which railroad 
officials were interested. 

18. That the management of railroad business is extravagant and 
wasteful, and that a needless tax is imposed upon the shipping and trav- 
eling public by the unnecessary expenditure of large sums in the main- 
tenance of a costly force of agents engaged in a reckless strife for 
competitive business. 


THE ESSENCE OF THE COMPLAINTS 


It will be observed that the most important, and in fact nearly all, 
of the foregoing complaints are based upon the practice of discrimina- 
tion in one form or another. This is the principal cause of complaint 
against the management and operation of the transportation system of 
the United States, and gives rise to the question of greatest difficulty in 
the regulation of interstate commerce. 

It is substantially agreed by all parties in interest that the great 
desideratum is to secure equality, so far as practicable, in the facilities 
for transportation afforded and the rates charged by the instrumentali- 
ties of commerce. The burden of complaint is against unfair differences 
in these particulars as between different places, persons, and commodi- 
ties, and its essence is that these differences are unjust in comparison 
with the rates allowed or facilities afforded to other persons and places 
for a like service under similar circumstances. 

The first question to be determined, apparently, is whether the 
inequalities complained of and admitted to exist are inevitable, or 
whether they are entirely the result of arbitrary and unnecessary dis- 
crimination on the part of the common carriers of the country; and the 
consideration of this question suggests an inquiry as to the proper basis 
upon which rates of transportation should be established. 


16 


A COMPARISON OF MUNICIPAL AND PRIVATE 
OWNERSHIP 


BY THE COMMISSIONER OF LABOR, 1894 


As stated in the preface, this report is designed to bring out the 
essential facts relating to private and municipal ownership of water- 
works, gas works, and electric-light plants. By private ownership is 
meant ownership by individuals, companies, or private corporations, 
and by private plants is meant plants owned, controlled, and operated 
by such individuals, companies, or corporations. By municipal owner- 
ship is meant ownership by cities, towns, villages, etc., and by munici- 
pal plants is meant plants owned, controlled, and operated for the public 
account by such public corporations. It has not been intended to fur- 
nish the means whereby the details of business and the results of the 
operation of specific plants could be identified and any use made of such 
knowledge that might be prejudicial to the interests of such plants. It 
has rather been the intention of the Department to secure the fullest 
possible information in regard to the business and production of as large 
a number of such plants as could be canvassed in a reasonable time, 
aiming always to cover representative plants, and in a sufficient num- 
ber to afford a reliable representation of the varying conditions found 
in these public utilities, both under private and under municipal own- 
ership and control. The agitation of the subject of private and munici- 
pal ownership during the last few years quite naturally rendered the 
task of securing data from private corporations difficult. It was found 
necessary early in the investigation to make the specific statement that 
the names of plants would not be published in connection with the data 
furnished, or the city, town, or State in which located. Without this 
pledge by the Department the investigation could not have been prose- 
cuted successfully, inasmuch as the greatest objection was constantly 
encountered to furnishing the details of private business if they were to 
be presented in such a manner as to enable particular plants to be iden- 
tified. With this pledge it was found possible to secure reports from 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 17 


quite a large proportion of the private water, gas, and electric-light 
plants in the United States, both large and small, thus furnishing data 
representative of every condition for purposes of comparison with simi- 
lar plants operating under municipal ownership. It will readily be 
seen that for the purpose of statistical comparison the names and loca- 
tion of plants would add but little to the value of the figures given, while 
with the omission of such means of identification reliable figures could 
be secured relating to plants under private or corporate ownership and 
control. 

As has been intimated, not all of the plants in the United States 
have been covered by the investigation. The Department pursued its 
usual course in the collection of the data, sending its special agents to 
the various plants throughout the country, and securing the data by 
their personal inspection of the plants and of the details of their busi- 
ness, the various facts being taken directly from the records of the 
plants so far as such were in existence. At the beginning of the inves- 
tigation it was realized that it would be impossible to make a canvass of 
all of the plants in the country with the limited force at the disposal of 
the Department and present the facts while comparatively fresh. It 
was therefore determined to cover as great a number of the plants as 
possible within the time which could be devoted to the work. In no 
cases have leased plants, or plants established in factories, etc., for the 
sole use of the owner, been included. Quite a large proportion of both 
_ the private and municipal plants were canvassed, and it is believed that 
the data presented in the tables are fairly representative of the varying 
conditions found throughout the country. 

The following table shows the total number of water, gas, and 
electric-light plants, private and municipal, in the United States, so far 
as could be ascertained; the number for which schedules were secured 
and which form the basis for this report; the total investment and the 
value of product in municipal water, gas, and electric-light plants in 
the United States, and the total investment and the value of product 
in the plants, both private and municipal, which are included in this 
report: 


78 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


NUMBER OF, TOTAL INVESTMENT IN, AND VALUE OF PRODUCT IN, WATER, GAS, 
AND ELECTRIC-LIGHT PLANTS IN THE UNITED STATES. 


Waterworks. Gas works. Electric-light plants, 


Private, |Municipal.| Private. |Municipal.| Private. |Municipal. 


NC ee | 


Number in the United 


States eer sei, : aye ag ; Sed Bh 
Number includedin this ay th 9 4 5 4 

report, eeoeer Oe aeee se rereer 6 6 Ir 6 2 ae 
Per cent included in this ein 99 35 3 3 

TOPOL Wai iuuiiasteeieia ales 24.37 36.88 37.43 "8.57 haley baa 


Total investment in all 
plants in the United 


States... 0... ...6 ese +++-| $267, 752,468] $513,852,568] $330,346,274| $ 1,918,120) $265,181,920| $ 12,902,677 
Total investment in 


plants included in this 


TEPORC occ cents y aeeeenee $116,710,833] 463,574,312] 152,669,792 1,395,373} 113,917,815] 10,908,929 
Percent of total invest- 


ment represented b 
plants included in this 


LEDOLL Gwe eelse lee tievelaiee 43.59 90.22 46,22 72.75 42.96 84.55 
Value of product in all ; 


plants in the United 


States.. ..... sees sees es e+ |B 25,665,669] $ 45,506,130) $ 73,446,133] $ 487,3551 $ 56,490,652) $ 3,531,605 
Value of product in 
plants included in this 


TEPOLE cinta inte leer ate wens $ 11,416,186} 42,508,490] 33,938,262 431,672} 24,267,460 2,909, 199 
Per cent of total value of 


product represented by 
plants included in this 


TEDOTEC ee ene cucicecnerer 44.48 93-41 46.21 88.57 42.96 82.38 


Of the 3,326 waterworks in the United States it was found that 
46.27 per cent were owned and operated by private individuals, firms, 
and corporations, while 53.73 per cent were owned and operated by 
the cities, towns, and villages in which they were located; of the 965 
gas works, 98.55 per cent were owned privately, while but 1.45 per cent 
were municipally owned; and of the 3,032 electric-light plants, 84.83 
per cent were private and 15.17 per cent were municipal. As will be 
seen, this report covers 24.37 per cent of the private waterworks in the 
United States and 36.88 per cent of those under municipal ownership 
and control; 37.43 per cent of the private and 78.57 per cent of the 
municipal gas works, and 24.57 per cent of the private and 69.57 per 
cent of the municipal electric-light plants. Of the 1,539 privately 
owned waterworks, about 32 per cent were located in towns or villages 
which had less than 1,000 population at the census of 1890, while about 
25 per cent of the 1,787 municipally owned plants were so located. Of 
the 951 privately owned gas works, about one-third of I per cent were 
located in towns and villages which had less than 1,000 population at 
the census of 1890, while of the municipally owned plants none were so 
located. So far as the electric-light plants are concerned, about 9 per 
cent of the 2,572 privately owned plants were located in towns and 
villages which had less than 1,000 population at the census of 1890, 
while about 9 per cent of the 460 municipally owned plants were so 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 79 


located. About one-fourth of all the waterworks in the United States 
are located in small towns and villages, while a very small proportion 
of the gas works and about one-tenth of the electric-light plants are so 
located. Inquiry was made in regard to the waterworks located in 
these small towns and villages, and as a rule they were found to be of 
an unimportant and inexpensive character and were established largely 
for purposes of fire protection. No plants, water, gas, or electric-light, 
which are located in towns and villages which had less than 1,000 pop- 
ulation at the census of 1890 have been included in the tables which 
are given in this report. | 

The table also furnishes a very close estimate of the total amount 
invested in municipal plants in the United States, based on returns 
directly from the plants. The municipal waterworks for which full 
data are included in this report represent 90.22 per cent of the total 
investment in such municipal works in the United States, the munici- 
pal gas works represent 72.75 per cent, and the municipal electric- 
light plants represent 84.55 per cent. So far as private works are 
concerned it was found necessary to secure this estimate as to total 
investment from various sources. Nevertheless, it is thought to be 
fairly accurate and shows that the private waterworks for which full 
data are included in this report represent 43.59 per cent of the total 
investment in such private works in the United States, that the pri- 
vate gas works represent 46.22 per cent, and that the private electric- 
light plants represent 42.96 per cent. In this connection it should 
be stated that the figures given as the investment represent the actual 
cost of the plants and the amounts expended on the same for extensions 
and betterments up to the end of the fiscal year for which reports were 
made. 

This table also shows the value of the product during the fiscal year 
of the plants included in the report and an estimate of the total value 
of product for the year in all plants in the United States. From this 
it appears that 75.77 per cent of the total value of water, 46.49 per 
cent of the total value of gas, and 45.28 per cent of the total value of 
electricity produced by the whole number of the plants in the United 
States was produced by the plants for which full details are given in 
this report. The year covered is usually a fiscal year ending in 1898, 
although for some plants the year ends as far back as 1897. This is due 
to the necessary length of time which was devoted to the canvass by the 
agents of the Department, as the data were in every case secured cover- 


80 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS > 


ing the business of the last year for which complete information could 
be had at the time of the visit of the agent to the plant. 


WATER WORKS 


SALARIES AND WAGES 


As is seen by reference to Table VI, separate figures for salaries 
and wages have not been secured for all of the 1,034 plants covered, a 
portion or all of the wage cost being included in salaries in some plants 
and vice versa. For 326 private plants and 561 municipal plants, how- 
ever, the accounts were kept separately and accurate data were obtained. 
The short table which follows is based on the plants reporting separately 
as to the cost of salaries and wages during their last fiscal year, and 
shows, for each of the groups adopted in the general tables, the average 
cost of salaries and wages per 1,000,000 gallons of water furnished for 
both private and public consumption. 


AVERAGE COST OF SALARIES AND WAGES PER 1,000,000 GALLONS OF WATER 


FURNISHED. 
Private plants. Municipal plants. 
Average cost Average cost 
: _ | per 1,000,000 ‘s €r 1,000,000 
Water furnished (gallons), Meroe gallons. Fell wach P pallonas 
port- Bes Lae ; ort- ; 
ing, ala- in Sala- 
Hes Wages g ties, | Wages 
Ui CTIINO00 000 Scie sas ojscisicinsisilemmic tive sie aivcie ase iay cine’ te/einlai| ao eM sioelhie. eee eer I | $34.25 | $821.92 
¥,000,000 anid Tinder. 5,000,000, 05. sensise vote epee es cn 3 | $31.07 | $41.26 17 | 36.72 | 120.63 
5,000,000 and UNEF 10,000,000...... 26. sece cece ree: 7 NS LaL Sn Sg 20s 22) 25.07 56.51 
10,000,000 and undeF 15,000,000, .... -seeee cere cecees up ihe reweey i) Pkeeeis 29 14.40 39.70 
15,000,000 and UNndeF 20,000,000,...... 222s cece cers 9 TOy3a) | enG7s La 36 16.58 31.99 
20,000,000 ANd UNGEFL 25,000,000, .....eeeeeeceecceese 8 | 19.99 | 43.83 22 112.42 23.19 
25,000,000 ANd UNAEF 50,000,000, .... 2. ceceee cece cece 40} 16.41 | 16.61 90 | 10.18 18.49 
50,000,000 and UNdEF 75,000,000... ..eeeeeeeeeeeee- 23) Wet ieod ter s25 46 6.12 13.70 
75,000,000 and Under 100,000,000,, ....ssseeeeseeeeee 22)| ei2. Si 11.96 2I 10.94 15.14 
100,000,000 and under 125,000,000... ..sseeeeeeeces 18 | 11.12 9.52 22 4.91 12.00 
125,000,000 and UNAEF 150,000,000... ....ee eee ee eens 7] 8.75 8.63 20 7.01 8.96 
150,000,000 ANd UNCEF 175,000,000. .... seeeeseeee eres 14 | 10.22 7.97 5 3.00 4.60 
175,000,000 ANG UNAEL 200,000,000... eee ee eeeeceeseees Si Aa ES 7S XO), 27 II 4.50 6.67 
200,000,000 and UNE 250,000,000. ..-- +--+ eeeeeeeeee 22 8.63 9.22 12 7 66 8.38 
250,000,000 aNd UNCEF 500,000,000... 4-22 seer rere cees 45 5.93 6.49 53 4.54 6.16 
500,000,000 and under 750,000,000.........eeeeeeeee: 30 5.14 4.78 37 4.03 8.42 
750,000,000 and UNE 1,000,000,000......605 sss eee 14 4.43 4.40 20 ta 5.60 
1,000,000,000 and under 5,000,000,000..... +. seee-ee- 30 3.90 3.89 77 2.57 4.92 
5,000,000,000 and under 10,000,000,000......++-+eee- 4 7.03 6.59 6 1.57 5.07 
I0,000,000,000 OF OVET... 0. cece cee ces cee ee cnes eee erteseeces Site ances 13 1.87 3.74 


The first two groups in the above table are made up of plants fur- 
nishing less than 5,000,000 gallons of water per year, and, as will be 
found later on, the municipal plants in these groups have little if any 
revenue from the sale of water to private users, being maintained 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 81 


mainly for fire protection. As a consequence the salary and wage cost 
per 1,000,000 gallons as well as all other costs must necessarily be large. 
For this reason it may be well to exclude at least these two groups from 
consideration in using this table. Beginning with the group of plants 
furnishing 5,000,000 and under 10,000,000 gallons per year, it is seen 
that so far as salaries are concerned the average cost in the private 
plants is in excess of the average in the municipal plants, and in the next 
group this is also true, this cost in the private plants being almost three 
times that in the municipal plants. In the next group the average sal- 
ary cost is almost the same in both kinds of plants, while in the remain- 
ing fourteen groups containing private plants this cost is larger in the 
private plants than in those under municipal ownership and control. 
As regards wage cost it is seen that in the group of plants furnishing 
5,000,000 and under 10,000,000 gallons per year the average cost in the 
municipal plants exceeds that in the private plants, while in each of the 
next three groups this cost in the private plants is larger than in those 
municipally owned. in each of the next five groups, however, the aver- 
age wage cost per 1,000,000 gallons during the year is larger in the 
municipal plants than in the private, while in each of the next four it is 
smaller. In each of the next three groups this average wage cost is 
smaller in the private plants, while in the last group affording com- 
parison it is considerably smaller in the six municipal plants entering 
into the average than in the four private plants in this group. 


Cost oF PRODUCTION 


In this connection it has been deemed advisable to summarize the 
results as to cost of production and, accordingly, a table has been made, 
showing, for the private and municipal plants falling under each of the 
groups used in the general tables, the average cost of production during 
the year per 1,000 gallons of water furnished for private and public con- 
sumption. In order that these two classes of plants may be placed on 
the same basis in this table, two columns showing cost have been made 
for the plants under private or corporate ownership and control and 
two for those under municipal ownership and control. The first of these 
columns shows the average cost of production excluding depreciation, 
taxes, and interest on the total investment (cost of plant). Deprecia- 
tion is to some extent a theoretical element, and for this reason some 


may wish to see the figures with this element excluded; taxes have 
X. 6, 


82 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


been excluded in the case of private plants and in the few cases where 
they appear as an actual charge in municipal plants, because taxes 
are not usually a cost in municipal plants; while interest on the total 
investment is excluded because of the fact that private or corporate 
owners do not usually borrow the funds for the investment and pay 
interest on the same, as is done by municipalities, but issue and sell 
stock for this purpose. Bonds, it is true, are also sometimes issued by 
private plants, and in such cases there is a regular interest charge; but 
the practice is far from uniform. With these elements eliminated in 
both classes of plants, only the actual costs for administration, labor, 
supplies, and repairs and renewals are taken into consideration. The 
second column showing cost for each of the two classes of plants, on 
the other hand, includes depreciation, taxes, and interest on the total | 
investment (cost of works). Interest has in all cases been estimated 
at the rate paid by the city on its last issue of bonds. Private and 
municipal plants are thus put upon the same basis. The assumption 
of this rate as applied to private plants is justified by the probability 
that the municipality could raise funds for the establishment of such 
a plant at the rate paid upon its last issue of bonds, and that therefore 
for a fair comparison the same rate should be used for both classes of 
plants. Some private plants, it is true, will be found paying interest 
charges in excess of this estimate, because of the fact that bonds have 
been issued at a higher rate of interest or in excess of the cost of the 
plant. In the case of municipal plants the question may be raised as 
to why taxes are here shown. It is well understood that municipal 
plants seldom pay taxes, but in order to furnish a fair basis for com- 
parison estimates have been inserted representing the taxes that would 
have been collected from these plants had they been owned by private 
individuals or corporations. It will be seen at once that plants owned 
and operated by municipalities take the place of just so much private 
property from which taxes would be received to the amount estimated, 
the ownership on the part of cities involving a definite decrease in the 
amount of taxable property. The estimates are based on the judgment 
of the local assessors as to the assessed value of the plants considered. 
The table giving the average cost of production per 1,000 gallons of 
water furnished, for both private and municipal plants, follows. 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 83 


AVERAGE COST OF PRODUCTION PER 1,000 GALLONS OF WATER FURNISHED, 


Private plants. Municipal plauts. 

Average cost of produc- lAverage cost of produc- 

tion per I,ooo gallons, tion per 1,000 gallons, 

Water furnished (gall Num-| #xctuding | cluding |Num- paoucine 
gallons). ber | de ae deprecia- | ber | Excluding! deprecia- 

re- ve pies tion, re- | deprecia- tion, 

port-ltaxes. anda|t2=es, and! port- tion estimated 

ing. interest on estimated ing, | and inter-| taxes, in- 
totalin- |iuterest on est on total) terest on 

vestinent total in- investment/|total invest 

*| vestment, ment, etc. 

MASEL OOO 000s in. sak ew fslasde sean awed Ute lice Pee tee ee aM) ee Gene 5 $1.0574 $2.3908 
1,000,000 and under 5,000,000 ........... 5 $0. 1464 $0. 6928 35 . 2988 .8789 
5,000,000 and under 10,000,000.,........ 12 a .4966 .1§0 .44°6 

535 4 35 593 44 

10,000,000 and under 15,000,000,........ 12 .1382 .4092 45 1158 +3050 
15,000,000 and under 20,000,000......... Io .0962 .3066 41 .1018 .2636 
20,000,000 and under 25,000,000,........ 12 . 1020 .2471 26 .0848 +2911 
25,000,000 and under 50,000,000,........ 50 -0585 -1874 | 105 .0606 -1754 
50,000,000 and under 75,000,000,........ 44 0434 1375 52 0423 .1180 
75,000,000 and under 100,000,000........ 26 .O511 .1§20 24 .0461 DUP 
100,000,000 and under 125,000,000,...... 20 .0368 - 1084 23 .0342 .10I5 
125,000,000 and under 150,000,000....... 9 -0377 .1285 22 -O38I | 1 -1265 
150,000,000 and under 175,000,000,,.... 14 .0408 .1108 6 .0164 -0879 
175,000,000 and under 200,000,000,....., 8 .0470 1339 12 .0254 .0845 
200,000,000 and under 250,000,000,...... 23 .0363 1165 15 .0269 .1046 
250,000,000 and under 500,000,000...... 51 -0251 .0796 58 .0227 -0858 
500,000,000 and under 750,000,000,..... 30 .0206 .0762 38 .0252 .0902 
750,000,000 and under 1,000,000,000.,... 14 .O194 0672 20 .0195 -0745 
I,000,000,000 and under 5,000,000,000.... 30 .0176 .0651 78 20175 .0639 
5,000,000,000 and under 10,000,000,000.. 4 ,0291 .1163 6 .O107 .0444 
SOOO OO0, 000 OLOVET et cc's ini sie siseicisie ciel |tisieciee |is ae eu 'cinie'sie's 2 | oj siv eis sisicreia ei 13 »0167 .0476 


Taking up first the comparison of these groups exclusive of depre- 
ciation, taxes, and interest on the total investment and dropping from 
consideration the first two groups for the reasons stated in the text in 
connection with the short table preceding relating to cost of salaries 
and wages, it is seen that in the group of plants furnishing 5,000,000 
and under 10,000,000 gallons of water during the year, as well as in 
the group following, the average cost was greater in the private plants 
than in the municipal, while in the next group the opposite is true. In 
the sixth group the cost was greater in the private plants, while in the 
following group the result was again reversed. In the next eight 
groups, with one exception, the cost was greater in the private plants, 
in the group following it was greater in the municipal plants, while in 
the next two groups it was practically the same in both classes of plants. 
In the last group having private plants the average cost of production 
exclusive of the elements mentioned above was $0.0291 per 1,000 gal- 
lons in the four private plants and $0.0107 in the six municipal plants, 
or more than two and one-half times as great in the private as in the 
municipal plants. 

Taking up the two columns showing the average cost of production 
per 1,000 gallons during the year in private and municipal plants includ- | 


Bt SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


ing depreciation, taxes, and interest on the total investment, it is seen 
that, beginning with the group of plants furnishing 5,000,000 and under 
10,000,000 gallons of water during the year, the first twelve groups, 
with one exception, show a greater cost in the private plants than in 
those under municipal ownership and control, while the next three 
groups show a cost in the municipal plants in excess of that in the pri- 
vate plants. In the last two groups in which comparison can be made 
the cost in the private plants exceeds that in the municipal, this excess 
in the case of the last group being quite large. 

A short table showing the range of costs in the iast five groups of 
‘the preceding table has also been prepared. This table follows and 
sshows the lowest and highest, as well as the average cost, in each class 
of plants (private and municipal) in each of the five groups which con- 
tain plants having the largest production. 


LOWEST, HIGHEST, AND AVERAGE COST OF PRODUCTION PER 1,000 GALLONS OF 
WATER FURNISHED IN FIVE GROUPS OF PLANTS, 


Private plants, 


Lowest, highest, and average cost of produc- 
tion per 1,000 gallons. 
Water furnished (gallons), 


Number.| Excluding deprecia- | Including deprecia- 
tion, taxes, and inter-) tion, taxes, and esti- 
est on total invest- |mated interest on total 


ment. investment. 
500,000, ooo and under 750,000,000. UY Ae 30 | §0.0052-$0.0398-$0.0206 |$o. seit 1890- $0.0762 
750,000,000 and under 1,000,000 000. Sie iane Wels 14 .0096- .0264- .0194 .1235- .0672 
Z,000,00u,000 and under 5,000,000,000,....... 30 .0029- .0379- .0176 Rien .I509- pee 
5,000,000,000 and ander Io Sian SOOO aie 4 .0049- .0448- .0291 .0247— .1886- .1163 
ZOD5O.GOO O00 OF OVET ML Uisies Ulloa veevelsadbedeiae Li oed cddmamanbateauneys.Gi espa wena als sleeiaiten 


Municipal plants, 


Lowest, Bisneets and average cost of produc- 
tion per 1,000 gallons, 
“Water furnished (gallons). 


Number.| yexeluding deprecia- lyon estimated taxes, 
total investment, pagar hn pe: in- 


'5G0,000,000 and under 750,000,000.........+- 38 $0 .0057-$0.0675-$0.0252 |$o. allay 3354- $o.0902 


“759,000,000 and under 1,000,000,000.....:.. ,0078- .O5II- .0195 0265- .2142= .0745 
£,000,000,000 and under 5,000,000,000,, oa siel 3 .0028- .0370- .0175 ‘or7I- .2627- .0639 
‘000,000,000 and ee Io latent AAR 6 .0044- .0163- .O0I07 -OI30- .072Q0- .0444 
5¥O,000;000;000 OF OVELD i cajeciacesiesiccuisnsiss/sis 13 .0084= .0363~- .0167 .0262- .1265- .0476 


As regards actual prices—those based on the total quantity of water 
‘sold and the total income from the same—it may be interesting to exam- 
‘ine the short table which follows. This table shows the average price 
-received per 1,000 gallons for all water sold by private and municipal 
‘plants, classified according to the groups adopted in the general tables. 
“The cost of production is not considered here, and for this reason the 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS oo 


water furnished by municipal plants for public use is not included. The 
results have been found by using simply the absolute figures as to the 
quantity of water soid by each of the two classes of plants, and the 
income derived from such sale. 


AVERAGE PRICE PER 1,000 GALLONS OF WATER SOLD, 


Private plants, Municipal plants. 


y Average Average 
Water furnished (gallons), price price 
Number, | per1,ooo | Number, | per 1,000 
gallons of | gallons of 
water sold. water sold. 
NTGETITOOO;O00, er eM iu cards samash Sele dUlawatef ilienrine ey ne Benaiy pu mae 5 $0. 5608 
1,000,000 and under 5,000,000.... 1... .scces sees 5 $0.4476 35 203 1 
5,000,000 and under 10,000,000. ...........2ec eee: 12 3476 35 1579 
10,000,000 and under 15,000,000.,..........0. 008. 12 2521 45 1445. 
15,000,000 and under 20,000,000.......... 0.00 cece 10 2372 41 10g0 
20,000,000 and under 25,000,000....... .......06: 12 2164 26 1108 
25,000,000 and under 50,000,000.......... 020000 50 1524 105 0840 
50,000,000 and under 75,000,000........ cc... eceees 44 1281 52 0743 
75,000,000 and under 100,000,000..... .....2..005 26 1183 24. 0792 
100,000,000 and under 125,000,000..........22 008. 20 0973 23 0639 
125,000,000 and UNAEF 150,000,000 ........ esse eeee 9 1059 22 0640 
150,000,000 and under 175,000,000.... 2... e004 14 0902 6 0530: 
175,000,000 and under 200,000,000 ....serseoe see. 8 og81 12 0693 
200,000,000 and under 250,000,000... . s-eesssees. 23 0963 15 0889: 
250,000,000 and under 590,000,000. .......+222s00- 52 0705 58 o615, 
500,000,000 and under 750,000,000........ -sese:- 30 0589 38 o708 
750,000,000 and under I,000,000,000............- 14 0618 20 0610 
1,000,000,000 and under §,000,000,000.........++: 30 0563 78 0593 
§,000,000,000 and under 10,000,000,000,......... 4 1136 6 0472 
TO,O00 000,000 OT OVET Sie celcese ch lieve se siics| acalves sess selicses) wets see 13 .0526 


An examination of the table shows that in every group of plants 
except two the average price charged per 1,000 gallons is smaller in 
municipal than in private plants. This table when studied in connection 
-with a preceding short table (above), showing the cost of production 
per 1,000 gallons of water furnished for consumption, affords some 
interesting comparisons. In that table and this one the same figures 
‘are used in private plants as to the quantity of water considered. The 
figures as to price and cost of production should, therefore, be properly 
comparable. The figures in that table are first given as showing the 
cost of production excluding depreciation, taxes, and interest on the 
investment or cost of works, and next given including these elements. 
Taking the column showing the latter statement it is seen that interest 
is included and that the column therefore shows the figures at which 
the water could be sold and yield a dividend or profit on the amount of 
the total investment equal to the rate of interest paid on the last issue 
of city bonds. It would naturally be supposed that the average prices 
secured by private plants would at least be as large as these figures, 
but a comparison shows that in none of the groups does the average 
price charged for the water sold equal the cost of production after pro- 
viding for depreciation, taxes, and a reasonable profit on the investment 


86 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


—a profit equivalent to the interest paid by the city on its last issue of 
municipal bonds. So far as municipal plants are concerned the short 
table immediately preceding necessarily shows prices only for water 
sold, the quantity furnished for the public service being excluded. A 
comparison of these prices with the figures in the former short table 
referred to, giving the average cost of production per 1,000 gallons of 
water furnished, including depreciation, estimated taxes, interest on 
total investment, etc., shows that this cost exceeds the price charged 
in all of the groups except the last two. In these two groups, made up 
of the nineteen largest municipal plants for which reports were secured, 
the average price charged private consumers was in excess of the cost 
of production, including all of the additional elements theoretically en- 
tering into the same. The explanation of these results as regards the 
relation between cost of production and prices may be found in the fact 
that depreciation, which is here included in the cost of production, is, as 
a rule, not considered by the plants themselves as an actual charge 
against cost, and that prices are consequently based on cost exclusive 
of this element. The reasons for furnishing a statement which includes 
this element, however, and the manner in which the figures were ob- 
tained, have been fully set forth in the discussion of Table VI, preceding. 


GAS WORKS 


SALARIES AND WAGES 


In connection with the cost of salaries and wages in municipal and 
private plants a short table has been prepared, similar to that shown 
under waterworks, giving the average cost of salaries and of wages per 
1,000,000 cubic feet of gas produced. This table, which follows, includes 
all plants for which separate figures for the quantity of gas produced 
and for salaries and wages during their last fiscal year were secured. 

AVERAGE COST OF SALARIES AND WAGES PER 1,000,000 CUBIC FEET OF GAS 


PRODUCED, 
Private plants. Municipal plants. 
- Hf Average cost per “! Average cost per . 
Gas produced (cubic feet). ait 1,000,000 cubic feet, ate 1,000,000, cubic feet. 
Teport-| ig, ca We he DOKL 
ing, | Salaries. Wages. ing, | Salaries. Wages, 
Under 2.000, 000.053. ou i ee 7 $353.36 $540.56 I $457.32 $603.93 
2,000,000 and under 5,000,000. . 62 215.87 280. 24 2 230.77 131.09 
5,000,000 and under Io ,000,000. . 59 181.16 221.33 2 130.17 234.23 
10,000,000 and under 15,000,000.. 42 155.42 BI B63 ico eave ete uae aealiey tee ks erie alee 
15,000,000 and under 20,000,000.. 43 141.06 198.21 2 57.00 183.06 
20,000,000 and under 25,000,000.. 23 140.89 183.51 I 73.44 227.39 
25,000,000 and under 50,000,000.. 38 115.21 183.59 I 70.57 167.13 
50,000,000 and under 75,000,000. . 16 96.14 TSA CAS A eaatiet cal cavanenon uate cera alae 
75,000,000 and under 100,000,000. 9 86.25 TAT TS iualstyesiet ea lies CeleMp steal meas a kiran 


100,000,000 and under ti 000,000 17 64.03 150.52 2 28.41 229.57 
500,000,000 or over.. Vie 8 31.57 122.24 GAS aeveki neste 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 87 


It is to be regretted that the small number of municipal gas plants 
in operation in the country (14), and the consequent small number for 
which schedules were secured (11), detracts somewhat from a compari- 
son between private and municipal plants as to salary and wage cost. 
For the plants reporting, however, it is seen that, so far as salaries are 
concerned, the average cost in the first two groups is somewhat larger 
in municipal plants than in those under private ownership and control. 
In all the other groups, however, which contain both private and munic- 
ipal plants, the cost in private plants exceeds that in municipal plants, 
and in some cases this excess is considerable. So far as wage cost is 
concerned, four of the groups show a larger cost in municipal plants 
than in private, while the opposite is true in three cases, in one of which 
the average cost in the private plants is more than double that in the 
plants under municipal ownership. 

It has been found possible to summarize the results as to the cost of 
production, and, accordingly, several tables have been made, one show- 
ing the cost of production per 1,000 cubic feet of gas produced and two 
others showing this cost per 1,000 cubic feet of gas sold. In presenting 
these tables it is proper to say that, before making the various calcula- 
tions found therein, the value of the residuals and by-products which 
were sold by the various plants has been deducted from the cost of pro- 
duction. The first table, then, shows for the private and municipal 
plants falling under each of the groups used in the general tables the 
average cost of production per 1,000 cubic feet of gas produced during 
the fiscal year for which report was made by the various plants. In 
order that private and municipal plants may be placed on the same 
basis for comparison in this table, two columns showing cost have been 
made for each of the two classes of plants. The first of these columns 
shows the average cost of production excluding depreciation, taxes, and 
interest on the total investment (cost of plant). Depreciation is to some 
extent a theoretical element, and for this reason some may wish to see 
the figures with this element excluded. Taxes have not been included 
in the case of private plants, because taxes are not a cost in municipal 
plants; while interest on the total investment is excluded, because of 
the fact that private or corporate owners do not usually borrow money 
for the investment and pay interest on the same, as is done by cities, 
but issue and sell stock for this purpose. Bonds, it is true, are also 
sometimes issued by private plants, and in such cases there is a regular 
interest charge; but the practice is far from uniform. With these ele- 
ments eliminated in both classes of plants, only the actual cost for 


88 SOCIAL, MOVEMENTS 


administration, labor, materials and supplies, general distributing 
expenses, and repairs and renewals are taken into consideration. The 
second column, showing cost for each of the two classes of plants, on 
the other hand, includes depreciation, taxes, and interest on the total 
investment (cost of plant). Interest has in all cases been estimated at 
the rate paid by the city on its last issue of bonds. Private and munici- 
pal plants are thus put upon the same basis. The assumption of this 
rate as applied to private plants is justified by the probability that the 
municipality could raise funds for the establishment of such a plant at 
the rate paid upon its last issue of bonds, and that therefore for a fair 
comparison the same rate should be used for both classes of plants. 
Some private plants, it is true, will be found paying interest charges in 
excess of this estimate, because of the fact that bonds have been issued 
at a higher rate of interest or in excess of the cost of the plant. It is 
well understood that municipal plants do not pay taxes, but in order to 
furnish a fair basis for comparison estimates have been inserted repre- 
senting the taxes that would have been collected from these plants had 
they been owned by private individuals or corporations. It will be 
seen at once that plants owned and operated by municipalities take the 
place of just so much private property from which taxes would be 
received to the amount estimated, the ownership on the part of cities 
involving a definite decrease in the amount of taxable property. The 
estimates are based on the judgment of the local assessors as to the 
assessed value of the plants considered. The table follows: 


AVERAGE COST OF PRODUCTION PER 1,000 CUBIC FEET OF GAS PRODUCED. 


[The value of the residuals and by-products which were sold by the various plants has been de- 
ducted from the cost of production before using the same as the basis for this table.] 


Private plants. Municipal plants. 
Average cost of pro- Average cost of pro- 
duction per 1,000 duction per 1,000 
cubic feet, cubic feet. 
Nam ie os nf nen TN Ue = 
Gas produced (cubic feet). ber Including Including 


ber 
re- | Excluding| deprecia- | re. |Excluding| deprecia- 
port- deprecia- |tion, taxes.) port-| deprecia- | tion, esti- 


ing. |tion, taxes,| and esti- | ing, |, tion and |mated tax- 

and inter- | mated in- interest on/es, interest 

est on total] terest on totalin- jon total in- 

investment] total in- vestment, | vestment, 

vestment, etc, 

WNder 2,000,000 88 it yin S ud valet 10 $1.86 $3.71 I $2.26 $3.34 
2,000,000 and under 5,000,000........ 69 1,18 Bui? 2 6 1.1 
5,000,000 and under 10,000,000. ,..... 63 .98 1,84 2 82 I.51 
10,000,000 and under 15,000,000...... 43 -79 LCAA aH Biola fell. sialeinlo-aileratsiciels | aishait slain duets @ 
15,000,000 and under 20,000,000,.... 45 .78 Teo 2 .60 .96 
20,000,000 and under 25,000,000...... 23 .78 1.35 I .68 1.03 
25,000,000 and under §0,000,000..... 38 .68 1,25 I 155 gI 
50,000,000 and under 75,000,000...... 17 65 Tis EAS al dtsleih sta wla/s lel slab cioie ialaicie ss tela al ehals 
75,000,000 and under 100,000,000. .... 9 61 LV OOMP selsis sell een sieebaiesioalineaictieese ne 
100,000,000 and under §500,000,000,...} 18 45 .92 2 «44 63 


500,000,000 OF OVETL......ccecec ce cscces| 8 .46 7G FPA RR I EON phasaele Nia aH 1a) VENDA 4c, 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS - 89 


Taking up the comparison of the plants in each of the groups in 
which comparison is possible, it is seen that the columns giving the 
average cost of production excluding depreciation, taxes, and interest 
on total investment show that in all groups except the first the average 
cost per 1,000 cubic feet of gas produced is less in municipal plants than 
in private; while the columns giving the average cost including these 
elements show in every group of plants an excess of cost in private 
plants. As will be seen by reference to Table V, quite a considerable 
income was derived in some plants from the sale of by-products and 
residuals, and, as has been stated, the amounts derived from this source 
have been deducted from the cost of production in every case before 
using the figures as a basis for this table. 

In Table VII it is shown that in all plants engaged in making gas 
quite a considerable per cent of the product is lost by leakage before 
being sold; also a considerable quantity is used at the works and offices 
of the plants. Owing to this portion of the product that is either lost by 
leakage or used by the plants, and the fact that no revenue is derived 
from the same, it has been thought best to make another table based 
on the quantity of gas actually furnished for consumption to private 
users and to the municipality. The second of the tables referred to 
has been constructed on this basis and the result follows, 


AVERAGE COST OF PRODUCTION PER 1,000 CUBIC FEET OF GAS FURNISHED 
FOR CONSUMPTION, 


[The value of the residuals and by-products which were sold by the various plants has been de- 
ducted from the cost of production before using the same as the basis for this table.]} 


Private plants. Municipal plants. 
Average cost of pro- Average cost of pro- 
duction per 1,000 duction per 1,000 
cubic feet, cubie feet, 
NUM -Hiter ca nnanT Dero ean NIN Utes] (lieicin fs Para Ws edu bien aa 
Gas produced (cubic feet). ber Including} ber Including 


re- | Excluding! deprecia- | re. | Excluding | deprecia- 
rt-| deprecia- |tion, taxes,| port-| deprecia- | tion, esti- 
ing. |tion, taxes,| and esti- ing. tion and |mated tax- 


and inter- | mated in- interest on|es, interest 

est on total] terest on totalin- jon total in- 

investment! total in- vestment, | vestment, 

vestment, ete) 

Under 2,000,000.........2. cee ce coeee- II $2.28 $4.46 I $2.80 $4.15 
2,000,000 and under 5,000,000........ 69 1.38 2.55 2 .85 I 45 
5,000,000 and under 10,000,000....... 63 1,17 2, 20 2 .96 1.78 
10,000,000 and under 15,000,000......] 42 .96 De TBM lees cee pee aahe MRE oe eee need we 
15,000,000 and under 20,000,000,,... 44 92 1.80 2 .69 Ins2 
20,000,000 and under 25,000,000,..... 22 ‘ 1.55 I 79 1.20 
25,000,000 and under §0,000,000..... 38 81 1.49 I .62 1,03 
50,000,000 and under 75,000,000,..... 17 75 1.33 daseeist 
75,000,000 and under 100,000,000. .... 9 72 1.25 age i 
100,000,000 and under 500,000,000,...| 17 .49 1,02 2 151 73 
500,000,000 OF OVEL., 20.5 os cece ve seeees 8 51 PRA GIVEN ALMERIA Eee ei rerae at ciple & 


This table is quite similar to the one immediately preceding, and 
shows that in all of the groups except two the average cost of produc- 


90 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


tion per 1,000 cubic feet of gas furnished for consumption excluding the 
elements of depreciation, taxes, and interest on the total investment is 
greater in private than in municipal plants. If these elements are 
included, it is shown that the cost is less in the municipal plants in 
every group affording a comparison. 

A short table showing the range of costs in the last five groups of 
the preceding table has also been prepared. This table follows, and 
shows the lowest and highest, as well as the average, cost in each class 
of plants (private and municipal) in each of the five groups which con- 
tain plants having the largest production. 


LOWEST, HIGHEST, AND AVERAGE COST OF PRODUCTION PER 1,000 CUBIC FEET 
OF GAS FURNISHED FOR CONSUMPTION IN FIVE GROUPS OF PLANTS, 


Private plants, 


Lowest, highest, and average cost of produc- 
tion per 1,000 cubic feet. 


Gas produced (cubic feet), 


25,000,000 and under 50,000,000. .....ceccees 
50,000,000 and under 75,000,000, .... «eee cess 
975,000,000 and under 100,000,000,.......6..- 
100,000,000 and under 500,000,000 ..... .... 
500,000,000 OF OVET......-c00- SRO eHae Peers 


Gas produced (cubic feet), 


Number c 
reporting| Excluding deprecia- 


Including deprecia- 


tion, taxes, and inter-} tion, taxes, and esti- 


est on total invest- 


ment. 
38 $o.36-$1 .99-$0.81 
17 «57— 1-04- .75 
9 47- I.00- .72 
a7, 16- .95- .49 
8 40- .84- .51 


mated interest on total 


investment. 


$0.68-$3.41-$1.49 
.86— 2.35- 1.33 
I.06- 1.65- 1.25 
-58- I1.73- 1.02 
-75- 1.44- .84 


Municipal plants, 


Lowest, highest, and average cost of produc- 
tion per 1,000 cubic feet, 


Number 
reporting) Hxcluding deprecia- 
tion and interest on 
total investment, 


Including deprecia- 
tion, estimated taxes, 
interest on total in- 


vestment, etc, 


25,000,000 and under 50,000,000. .......e.00 I $0.62-$0.62-$0.62 $1 .03-$1.03-$1 .03 
50,000,000 GIG EGET: 76,000, 000sd i555 a wine al pre's els oiled [oi a ba ptincintudte culate cae olae ot amele meine Rie sreiita aha rea 
75,000,000 ANG UN GET 400,000,000. btn slau alen lic sns win ured odes, weal se Sale guerre d niiow | eaiwals'e ue-ma conten MERC E ete 
100,000,000 and under 500,000,000.........6. 2 -46- .54- 51 -62- .79- .73 


500,000,000 OF OVEL ss aaasrc icine seals sisiesleisie|iises pale clenteil sg'eeteiae ateeareens 


During the course of the investigation complete statements as 
regards cost of production were secured from twelve plants, which are 
not included in the general tables owing to the fact that the officers were 
unwilling to furnish all the data called for by the schedule of inquiries 
used by the Department. These twelve plants are located in twelve 
cities, and are owned and operated by as many distinct private corpora- 
tions, but are all under a single control or supervision. The properties 
in each case have been acquired by purchase during the last twelve 
years. All of these plants appear to have been operated under excep- 


tionally good management, and it is therefore interesting to know the 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 91 


results of the same. The various plants use all systems making coal, 
oil, and water gas. The facts relating to the twelve plants, combined 
as furnished to the Department, are presented in the statement which 
follows. The cost of these plants was approximately $10,000,000, 
this sum being divided among the various items as follows: Land, 
$1,000,000; buildings, $1,000,000; equipment within works, $2,000,000 ; 
holders, $1,000,000; mains, $3,800,000; meters, $1,000,000, and teams; 
tools, and other accessories, $200,000. 

The general statement as to cost of production during the fiscal year 
considered is as follows: 


General expenses: 


Salaries of officers, snperintendents, clerks, etc......... vse $124,419 
Office supplies and expenses... ...,cccceaccerscccscescvess 323209 
TNSUTANCE sy suis te ces ein cas wsite cise slaeaee be we tivisletd eeiccite sacs 5,070 
Legal expenses and damages.......... BO eh Ph Re ioe ls sage se 31310 
CHOP Man wic wevarseinas + cee celee @eeesaee0 008 @aseoevoe27 2828 e800 7:491 
URE OLGL Ia ee cc siisis dace tie sce ceick es ah ened coterie ucestaseseemer ply 2,409 
WASOS oie coc e wien cncs vcccwcence e@eeenev200 0993082 @eecenoonvan @eeseoeseaevae08 00 251,626 
Materials and supplies: 
eele cep cutp sis ate cio claels ee é « wateaetatetane cte:s eels erste ae $ 10,385 
Materials used in manufacture........ccccescccccsee cesses 397,744 
Other supplies...........0scceeeee Pe iam tere Nt orate aoe erate 1 a0\a24 
PR ORE Dr eeaee ee oee re ie ale coatalae bela e weotseld’d eal ealee Wale ete 446,453 
General distributing expemses..........cceccs secs ccss case ee celsateas ss 88,578 
Maintenance: 
Actual disbursements for repairs and renewals— 
CNG WOLKE oc emt ti eines cold sith aie atem cmeaie gas $73,755 
ADMINS S ce cat eles dieaas aac ess acl sie sce aa ar acols 12,630 
Others... Mae laeiere tis ae tra ea ci el erties oreo » 30,739 
Total for repairs and renewals..... o pleiaiia Sela tas! ale . $117,124 
Estimated depreciation— 
AYU DIN LOIS ites etons Sasi tetraie su eles st ay 4 sts $20,000 
On manufacturing equipment................0 60,000 


On distributing system, meters, and apparatus.. 70,000 


Potal deprecigtion Fo Hines sla sees sacalesesicees daseati) £50,000 


Total maintenance.... @eeeseeaseessneeaoneses88O 29h 090882882 2 8 OF 267,124 


: including depreciation.............0.00. «$1,226,280 
Total cost of production excluding depreciation...) vise. sd elacse« : 1,076,280 
EROCIciuscistcicdecattesmeciae earns Pie wieseial: ARC BRE ENCORE ent ease 
: including depreciation........... «+ 1,307,845 
Total cost of production and taxes excluding depreciation............ “ 1,157,845 


There were made during the year 3,176,646,900 cubic feet of gas, 
of which 152,784,513 feet, or slightly under 5 per cent, were lost by leak- 
age, 3,996,900 feet were used at the works and offices, and 3,018,243,987 
feet were sold. There were on hand at the beginning of the year 
2,832,700 feet of gas, and at the end of the year, 4,454,200 feet. The 
total income for the year was $3,405,781, and the cost of production 


92 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


including taxes, depreciation, and interest on the investment at the 
average rate paid on the last issues of bonds in the cities involved (3.5 
per cent) was $1,657,845, leaving a net profit of $1,747,936 over and 
above the cost shown in the preceding statement. From these state- 
ments it is seen that the average cost of production in the twelve plants 
excluding depreciation, taxes, and interest on the investment at 3.5 
per cent was 23 cents per 1,000 cubic feet of gas sold, and, including the 
above-mentioned elements, 42 cents per 1,000 cubic feet of gas sold. 
The amount received from the sale of residuals and by-products has, 
of course, been deducted from the cost of production in the calculation 
of the average cost per 1,000 cubic feet of gas sold, as shown above. 

If any comparison of cost of production be made between these 
twelve plants and any plants included in the general tables, or between 
any of the individual plants of those tables, it should be done with the 
most careful regard to the varying conditions of equipment, kind of 
gas manufactured, cost of fuel and other materials and supplies, quan- 
tity of gas manufactured and sold, the conditions of distribution, etc. 
Comparisons of cost between plant and plant cannot fairly be made 
without a study of all these facts which for the individual plants are 
shown in the general tables. It will thus be seen that no plant can be 
selected as representative of all or any large class, and that no amount 
of cost, either for the items or for the total, can be established as a 
criterion for other plants, speaking generally and without such study 
as has been indicated above. 


PRICES 


The prices shown in this table are somewhat unsatisfactory when 
we attempt to use them for comparative purposes, owing to the fact that 
quite generally the real price is considerably under the price charged 
owing to the discounts which are allowed for the various reasons stated. 
As these discounts are not uniform in the various plants, quite a con- 
siderable amount of calculation is necessary in comparing two or more 
plants as regards prices. So far, however, as the actual prices are con- 
cerned—that is, those based on the total quantity of gas sold and the 
total income from the same—it may be interesting to examine the short 
table which follows. This table shows the average price received per 
1,000 cubic feet for all gas sold by private and municipal plants classi- 
fied according to the groups adopted in the general tables. The cost of 
production is not considered here, and for this reason the gas furnished 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 93 


by municipal plants for public use is not included. The results have 
been found by using simply the absolute figures as to the quantity of 
gas sold by each of the two classes of plants and the income derived 
from such sale. The table follows: 


AVERAGE PRICE PER 1,000 CUBIC FHET OF GAS SOLD. 


Private plants. Municipal plants, 
Gas produced (cubic feet) AVEFASS AYerae 
; Number price Number price 
reporting. | persi,ooo | reporting. | per 1,000 
cubic feet. cubic feet. 
MINAEP 2.060, 0000 saline CURE Kbillod sales Guleae dies II $2.65 I $2.64 
2,000,000 and under 5,000,000,,..... 665.005 sesees 69 1.85 2 2.42 
§,000,000 and under 10,000,000, ...... 0000000 sees 63 1.64 2 1.62 
10,000,000 and Unde®r 15,000,000...... 2002 cee cees 42 1.54 Sia siars Selinishela 
15,000,000 and under 20,000,000........ccecceecee 44 1.58 2 . 86 
20,000,000 and under 25,000,000........ ce. ecce08 22 1.50 I 1.34 
25,000,000 and under 50,000,000............ ssee0- 38 1.40 I .80 
50,000,000 and under 75,000,000..............++5. 17 RAN GIN, NOL Uae eh Atty 
75,000,000 and under I00,000,000..............00: EN 2 Fain Ihaxote secaialedatacn yy | aratele womtic aia ore 
100,000,000 and under 500,000,000,...........000- a7, 1,16 2 92 
Ek cee ahs ote'etiice-e all eee pied aie alate 


KOO QODLOO0 OF OV ETE soon pe iie oeeles ecied aint abcd ania 's 


An examination of the above table shows that in every group of 
plants except one the average price charged per 1,000 cubic feet is 
smaller in municipal than in private plants. This table when studied in 
connection with a preceding short table (above), showing the cost of 
production per 1,000 cubic feet of, gas furnished for consumption 
affords some interesting comparisons. In that table and in this one the 
same figures are used in the private plants as to quantity of gas consid- 
ered, and the figures as to price and cost of production should, therefore, 
be properly comparable. The figures in that table are first given as show- 
ing cost of production excluding depreciation, taxes, and interest on the 
_ investment or cost of works, and next given including these elements. 
Taking the column showing the latter statement, it is seen that interest 
is included, and that the column therefore shows the figures at which 
the gas could be sold and yield a dividend or profit on the amount of 
the total investment equal to the rate of interest paid on the last issue of 
city bonds. It would naturally be supposed that the average prices se- 
cured by private plants would at least be as large as these figures, but a 
comparison shows that in only the four largest groups does the average 
price charged for the gas sold exceed the cost of production after pro- 
viding for depreciation, taxes, and a reasonable profit on the investment 
—a profit equal to the interest paid by the city on its last issue of munici- 
pal bonds. So far as municipal plants are concerned, the short table 
necessarily shows prices only for gas sold, the quantity furnished for 
the public service being excluded. A comparison of these prices with 


94 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


the figures in the former short table referred to, giving the average 
cost of production per 1,000 cubic feet of gas furnished including 
depreciation, estimated taxes, interest on total investment, etc., shows 
that this cost exceeds the price charged in four of the groups, while in 
three of the groups the average price charged private consumers was 
in excess of the cost of production, including all the elements theoreti- 
cally entering into the same. The explanation of these results as regards 
the relation between cost of production and prices may be found in the 
fact that depreciation, which is here included in the cost of production, 
is, aS a rule, not considered by the plants themselves as an actual charge 
against cost, and that prices are consequently based on cost exculsive 
of this element. The reasons for furnishing a statement which includes 
this element, however, and the manner in which the figures were 
obtained, have been fully set forth in the discussion of Table VI. 


ELECTRIC LIGHT PLANTS 


SALARIES AND WAGES 


As is seen by reference to Table VI, separate figures for salaries 
and wages have not been secured for all of the 952 plants covered, a 
portion or all of the wage cost being included in salaries in some plants 
and vice versa. For 576 private plants and 245 municipal plants, how- 
ever, the accounts were kept separately and accurate data were obtained. 
The short table which follows is based on the plants reporting separ- 
ately as to the cost of salaries and wages during their last fiscal year, 
and shows for each of the groups adopted in the general tables the aver- 
age cost of salaries and wages per plant. While it would have been 
preferable to make some unit of the product the basis for this average 
cost of salaries and wages, this could not be done owing to the impos- 
sibility, as previously stated, of reducing the product to a uniform unit. 
It is believed, however, that a comparison of these groups based on the 
horse-power capacity of engines will show approximately the conditions 
as to the cost in the two classes of plants. The table follows. 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 95 


AVERAGE COST OF SALARIES AND WAGES PER PLANT. 


Private plants. Municipal plants, 
Plants having engines with 1 , t 1 
horse-power of— Num- |Average cost per plant} nym. |Average cost per plant 
DO LETC | casera NN TAME LN AaIN DC KUEr slat, yaiaeeeccc Go Tonsein S a 
porting| Salaries. Wages. jporting} Salaries. Wages. 


—_—_—_— Oe [| | rs OO Oh 


HOST SOUL sak wvecne sce Sareewdes 6 | $ 261.66 | $ 450.00 5 $ 102.60} $ 682.00 
Bo AUC MAN CT OS. ea veg ee seates 33 581.00 784.70 15 258.00 984.13 
Pe aANG UMGET FOO. svena rte cee 29 558.86 835.41 27 358.78 $24.22 
TOA UCIT EtTIS es UR ee 4I 697.07 1,002.90 41 423.17 846.85 
$25, ANC TUNGET 150,,.05 Jel stecueiecns 32 740.59 1,053.28 27 579.11 1,006.41 
TE ANA UNCeT 200i Lasts te ei ee 58 857.93 1,499.55 31 587.23 1,288.74 
BOG IFC AUTO OE BOONE ay usala g's Ste 86 1,092.81 1,959.42 48 826.63 2,116.79 
Z00 and Under 4005 0.606 cca lsssaee- 44 1,711.95 3,232.09 2I 1,005.33 2,822.24 
ACOAVAMINGEM SOO ah eine wee ee 39 2,269.26 3,843.59 9 1,063.00 4,760.33 
Scoand wider son nycin cele esi we 65 2,592.35 5,150.29 9 1,135.78 4,292.22 
750 BUG NOGENT O00 4.) fas) asshue oles 44 3,738.20 8,494.27 3 1,726.33 6,766.33 
TOOOMA TIC UNGETIT SOOM eine ee yeas 34 4,744.12 10,026.00 4 3,785.00 11,425.50 
1,500 and under 2,000...........0-- 20 5,611.00 14,082.10 2 3,675.00 17,421.50 ° 
2,000 and under 3,000.......... 000. 20 9,889.30 23,064.65 2 6,366.00 47,506.00 
3,000 and uuder 5,000............-- II 15,150.64 26,422.27 I 3,493.00 12,318.00 


B,OOOIOL OVET UN hilccsewecle sue doles 14 35,462.86 GO TAG TSO I even cass | cialatnla sl eratelalateit pale slis/slaial's Asie 


In the above table it is seen that so far as salaries are concerned 
the average cost in municipal plants is smaller in every group pre- 
sented, in some cases being less than half the average cost in private 
plants. As regards wage cost, it is seen that in seven of the groups 
shown the average cost in the municipal plants exceeds that in the pri- 
vate plants, while in eight of the groups this cost in the private plants 
is greater than in those municipally owned and controlled. 


PRICES 


Owing to the difficulties already mentioned as to comparisons 
between individual plants regarding prices, several summary tables have 
been made, bringing together by groups all of the facts which could 
_ properly be brought into comparison. The groups adopted are those used 
in the general tables. Of the two summaries relating to arc lighting, 
one of the short tables, showing the average price per lamp per year of 
arc lighting by hours of service rendered, is inserted in the analysis of 
Table XI, being based on that table, while the other table, showing the 
average price per kilowatt hour charged in the arc service, and based 
on the table under discussion, follows: 


96 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


AVERAGE PRICE PER KILOWATT HOUR CHARGED IN ARC SERVICE, 


Private plants, Municipal plants. 
Plants having engines with | Num- | AYE | num- | AY®™ | num- | AY€™ | Num- | AVE 
horse-power of — ber og ber badly ber oes ber o 
to price to price to cost to 
report-| PCE '0! report- ...| report- port- A 

< Tivate re municl}| “35 private int munici- 

n8- |"users. 8: | pality, &- |"users, 8 | pality 
ER SOs NO Nant ee Waren cae I |$o.1028 3 |$0.1258 I |$o0.0815 6 | $0.0719 
SQandwinder Zs ee 19 1146 22 .0861 Io . 1100 18 .0631 
Sand Under TOO 6. we eee ee 18 .0986 21 .0868 Io .0822 30 .0499 
TOO\ANAMNGET AZ ie et ece ewes 23 .0940 34 .0770 15 .0776 36 .0423 
TAR ANCUNGEM ISO ev euy cece 17 .0892 24 .0798 I2 .0684 31 .0376 
150 and under 200. ....... 2.000. 38 . 1291 47 .0846 16 .0862 29 .0397 
200 ANd UNGET 2008). cee eee 58 .1075 72 .07I0 31 .082I 42 .0451 
B00 RNG HNder Zoo SN eee 40 .0906 40 .0659 II 0783 24 0408 
400 and under 500.........ccecee 27, . 1000 33 -0657 3 .0556 9 0430 
SQO NA UNGET 750i soscvicneeeeles 57 .1046 54 .0696 6 1139 ey 0406 
750 and under 1,000. .... cc. ceee 38 .0939 35 .0629 I 0833 4 0337 
1,000 and under 1,500.......000e- 31 .1056 32 .0698 4 0521 3 0418 
1,500 and under 2,000.,..... ws 15 .1299 20 .0709 I 1126 2 0233 
2,000 and under 3,000........... 18 - 1157 18 LOGOATAY Seon to ahaa ous 2 0381 
3,000 and under 5,000........... 9 . 1202 II .0514 I .0380 I .0264 
5,000 Or OVEr,.... Me cere a lateretieta ate 10 . 1400 I2 BOSOO i] sionay cia Geteleratel Pay Male weleifia s eaetetate 


This table shows for private plants and for municipal plants, subdi- 
vided according to the groups shown in the general tables, the average 
price of service to private users per kilowatt hour and the average 
price charged to the municipality per kilowatt hour by private plants 
as compared with the average cost to the municipality of are lights fur- 
nished for the municipal service by municipal plants. Taking up first 
the average price charged per kilowatt hour by private plants in each 
group, and comparing it with the average price charged to private users 
per kilowatt hour by municipal plants, it is seen that in all of the groups 
subject to comparison except one the average price charged by munici- 
pal plants is smaller than that charged by private plants. As regards 
the arc lighting used in the municipal service, it is seen that in every 
group subject to comparison the average price per kilowatt hour 
charged to the municipality by private plants for its arc lighting service 
is greater than the average cost per kilowatt hour to the municipality 
of the same service when furnished by its own plant. 

As regards the incandescent lighting service, as has been stated, it 
was found impossible to reduce the product to a uniform basis, and for 
this reason a series of tables has been made, each of which includes all 
of the prices found in the general table based on the particular unit to 
which each of the summary tables refers. 

The first table shows the average price per lamp per year charged 
in the unmetered incandescent service. In this table have been included 
all the prices shown in the general table for the unmetered incandescent 
service, whether the price was given as per lamp per month or per lamp 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS OT 
per year, the prices given per lamp per month having been reduced to 
the basis of 16 candle-power lamp per year. The table follows. 


AVERAGE PRICE PER 16-CANDLEPOWER LAMP PER YEAR CHARGED IN UNMET- 
ERED INCANDESCENT SERVICE. 


Private plants, Municipal plants, 
Plants having engines with | Num- rote! Num- a ra um- vlad Num- rine ' 
horse-power of — ber Perea erie ae hi beeline cre: vate Merl aaa ey 
report- LS ead report- Pe report- Lay report- : 
rad private ing munici-| 35 private ing munict- 
users * | pality users * | pality 

SUID ONSO se ce sine caine SE ine 3 $5.23 3 $5.65 3 $8.09 4 $ 8.63 
SOMANG UNGEL FES stl. o cele cee etal 25 7,50 16 8.40 II 5.16 9 10.09 
75a NGuUnd ee TOO sate wee cies celts 25 6.20 21 10,21 20 5.35 14 6.97 
foc and Under I25.. ier esse tye 43 6.19 30 8.12 35 4.62 23 5.08 
Bay AIK) MNCL ISO,. pouch cach ccs 31 6.32 22 7.76 20 4.57 22 4.58 
WSO and Under 200.) iis ceed eece 46 7.02 39 10.06 24 5.33 26 5.97 
200and under $00...) 4... .0-2 nee 60 6.42 50 10.55 28 5.61 30 4.45 
300 and under 400..............- 25 5.89 27 11.11 13 8.19 15 4.34 
400 and under 500.............0 21 7.90 22 12.76 3 ai 7 5.56 
500 ANG Under 75Ou.n co aces ves es 31 7.32 32 10.28 5 2.56 6 4.36 
750 and under I,000.............- 20 7.56 21 LOVEE ea ageilleniementers 3 2.91 
1,000 and under 1,500.).. 202. ..-. 13 6.97 20 11.98 2 6.00 4 3532 
1,500 and under 2,000............ 5 5.88 6 8.49 I 3.93 2 Sa77 
2,000 and under 3,000........... 3 11.53 8 LOO 2a eaweite te lyieeente e I 11.44 
3,000 and under 5,000. ........6. 2 10.64 3 7.40 I BeOS ete aclewilis sinters 
OOO OLOVE haere tiesie slelere isc cc ais s/s | 3 4.46 3 EU O7 ole ateapacets (GS tecey eaters |e scutes 


There is shown in the preceding table for all plants reporting as to 
the facts, under each of the groups adopted in the general tables, the 
average price charged per lamp per year by private plants to private 
users and to the municipality, and also the average price charged by 
municipal plants to private users and the average cost to the munici- 
pality of its own service. Taking up first the average price charged to 
private users, it is seen that in all of the groups except two the average 
price charged by the private plants is considerably in excess of that 
charged by the municipal plants; while, so far as the electricity used 
for municipal purposes is concerned, it is seen that, with the exception 
of three groups, the average cost per lamp per year to the municipality 
of its own service is very much smaller than the price charged by private 
plants to the municipality for a similar service, this cost in some cases 
being less than half the price charged by private plants. 

The next three tables show average prices of the incandescent ser- 
vice per kilowatt hour, per lamp hour, and per ampere hour to private 
users in plants reporting prices on the basis of these units. The cost 
of production is not considered here, and for this reason the electricity 
furnished by municipal plants for public use is not included. The 
table showing the average price of the incandescent service per kilowatt 


hour to private users in plants reporting follows. 
pele 


BBTV _ SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


AVERAGE PRICE OF INCANDESCENT SERVICE PER KILOWATT HOUR TO PRIVATE 
USERS. 


cc en —— 


Private plants, | Municipal plants. 


Num- | Average | Num- | Average 


Plants having engines with horse-power of— ber rice per | ber rice per 
report-| kilowatt | report- ilowatt 
ing. hour, ing. hour, 

Under s0. eeee eo ee oeee CCH HSH CHO SHOHSE HSH FLHKSEEKESEEH SHE OHHH EH Oe I $0. 2000 2 $0.1250 
so and under 75. Beielns ll Weleweieigersiaedpoledine ccwlee Ventless 9 .1667 4 . 1650 
Welndl UNGEL LOO seiu'c ote eauheed pend wleuce beleive ace ale f 1371 II 1264 
100 and under 125... seiodilctersae Bowe ae silalcak aie Welseuiasltierslafeiatee 16 21559 23 21173 
VIS ANA MHBGEEIESOI Lee ba bce anu tamer evumal Si omelb ah aeeeitil 15 1466 13 1146 
150 and under 200....... ADS ALL Be EN AT AMC aE dR ela 35 21552 24 - 1160 
200 and under 300,.......- Meee Nace aitvale Wie Ss eu bate SEMEN EM EY 28 1646 27 «1132 
BOO BUG UNMET MOO LL es cnc Ur eklncdaweeasesnsa sec sip ee uleeinscs 32 -1582 II -1162 
JOO ANd UBAEF/ SOOM eek ee irons 26 1526 2 1250 
Roo and ander wea be koe Me aie Ce te uae te 34 +1497 3 0800 
750 and under 1,000... Weltiale's'ealsti\sloie wisisie ms eialoels ey cee as ibierersiatele 32 -1589 I 0800 
1,000 and under I,500. eee cere 8 O& CHS o EES OOS COOS DESL CEE: 25 -1538 3 - 1083 
T,SOO/ ANG WNAETAOOO! iN eb Wecncdelececiemecie cee begin eine 13 01555 I 0500 
2,000 and under 3,000... plalgierp atete sieh eae eile sracisisine od tie oa ee 10 ETZ5 RU cies s ain'e dice eipleseinents 
3,000 BNCAUNGELS COO, tL. sual Welwatsaetina core citelwere tema ag 8 - 1406 I +0450 
5,000 OF OVEF ........ 0 ealacwisie's le sibisiesieieels (cis sas ee ety etal oye he 9 SITSIO NE ee ae esti lala mineieietes 


This table shows for the plants reporting the price per kilowatt 
hour, in each of the groups adopted in the general tables, the average 
price per kilowatt hour charged by private plants and the average 
price charged by municipal plants. Taking up the figures, it is seen 
that in all of the groups the average price charged per kilowatt hour 
by municipal plants is less than that charged by private plants. 

The following table shows the average price of the incandescent 
service per lamp hour to private users in plants reporting: 


AVERAGE PRICE OF INCANDESCENT SERVICE PER. LAMP HOUR TO PRIVATE 
USERS. 


Private plants, Municipal plants. 


Num-| Average | Num- | Average 
ber | price per | ber price per 
report- lamp report-| lamp 


Plants having engines with horse-power of— 


ing. hour, ing. hour, 
Under so.. ee eee SG aes CHE SOCKEEKREHREHEHE SHEETS SESE EH HHL ceeesecee eee seeeree roe ee****hee wee er se eere 
50 and under 5. PeUiticlrecialawletleme rin ceed siecle elsscieice nie I $0.0100 2 $0.0057 
5 and under too.. Sita nei plsausiswisieuicials e Glele ciel tictelare alee ies 3 .OI00 4 .0060 
Too‘and nuder bons LLL MselUea desman soak LMC Ie 6 .0096 2 0045 
T25 ANGMINAEr ASO ee eee al ipisletaais cis ei melacerd) el aiisleleiarcislaly ee 2 -O113 6 0044 
TSO ANG UNCED 2O0 KU eieciwclcceleslsiee cave clelesweine selees 7 -0093 6 -0055 
200 and under 300,........ecccee aeleine itis cle sink sletoee cote cne 8 +0092 Io 
BOOANGUNGET) GOO) Wein h \ecloce Uieeleslesrels sieleesaclac octsialsnie lesa 3 J000B NN eeawieicee AAS ACS eee 
400 ANG UNGEL SOO act lb saiclelb wiecleibara ba sind Ge widlees slo Ukieet 5 -0090 3 0067 
BOO ANGUNGERI GSO Me ca/ceewlaneaeureree aun ee telenataieree ames 6 LOOST 4 MEA tea ay Dip he gy titen! 
750 ANG: UNAEr TOO Mews saute suumlnts cm alala ouvelcieltelee ne 2 SOOGO Pr Melee OTe Se ataireats 
1,000 BANG MUGEN T5OOL Ts. hsrwisaeetesn ele ee anes cemnicceme nes 7 -0096 
P5000. ANGUNGET/ SOOO Was Crete ecmiee eulee eslew e ble mnwicue mauale I 0075 
2000 ANG/UNGEF! S000, cen da sauicleedeleisicd ee le cetutehe See 2 ROOGT TleminitwieUl ces seeleew sits 
Caio lnm Nr gh LE Teel cle siaieie! ae Sielstctecne else e sae meracreias I ROLOO Maes cine tt atic ajeie aie cane 
5,000 Or over . leis pie plelevele Woleibbie eiaieluin ih sislolere sie ihe olaliisla biteleicle 4 BOOSIE cteistarctertineranie ovata 


This table shows for the private and municipal plants reporting, in 
each of the groups adopted in the general tables, the average price per 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS | 99 


lamp hour to private users of incandescent service. An examination 
of the table shows that this average price is less in every group con- 
taining municipal plants than the corresponding group of private plants. 
The last of this series of tables shows the average price of the incan- 
descent service per ampere hour to private users in plants reporting. 


AVERAGE PRICE OF INCANDESCENT SERVICE PER AMPHERE HOUR TO PRIVATE 
USERS. 


Private plants, Municipal plants. 


Num- | Average | Num- | Average 
ber | price per | ber price per 


Plants having engines with horse-power of— 
-— report-| amphere | report-} amphere 


ing, hour, ing. hour, 
Under So.. Wi cicsiecleccacelecacidciesicclsiclesiece pieces ee as linuecies Nate Ly Leas Sas 
50 and under 75. _ Maisie cel sicisiniepiatiwiale cicsiemeiersiasisvicinemece I $0.0075 3 $0.0055 
ys and under 100.. Vesta Gisclelieisie sie slow cued triviee en seven 3 .0106 I .0050 
100 and under 125.. a Nerlctarnis' eee Brelaaie cae als are tistometaie mets canto 7 -0083 4 20073 
P25 ANAMNGETITEOs vas cals a visics cole saniee weesiiclnee Medel gegen 2 -O125 2 .007F 
TEOLAT CG UNGETH 200; Lene acs slolcsiscieee eee daiwa se eee ee 7 20083 7 .0058 
SOO ANG UNGET/ JOO ses pep acecceclssee resivceecle seve ve crocus II -O105 8 x 
DOO UU NOEL AO se Neceicle cwslescis nrc hele eciealslonianiacee sielares as 6 .0080 4 -O113 
AOD ANG MUNGET SOONG eda cice sesicliicnpsicaslelenaoualcodiemcost 2 -0085 2 -0063 
ea eset secinitieniceteice secon 17 .0100 2 .0075 
750 atrd-under 1,000.. 8 .0077 I .0075 
1,000 and under 1,500.. isbioes eietianloncelsiecaiecticls cee 4 .0097 sitversts eB 
PFO ANGIUNACT!2,O00s sien scceccicciee saceliweviccccloniesie seas 4 SOTOG eee era ahi elraisteietsre satel 
2,000 and under 3000... Sau eaiue Seve sae Caer welie camsle bile oa o's 6 0099 [ie sic cian sled sie stwe ie cle 
2, COG ANG UNGET5;OOOs. 7 as scree sinles secicsiec se sitievissacicece cs I OOSO ES ieee Ti vete sleataarlela 
5,000 or over e@eeor eee 0000 PETTITT FTO SHTH OP DORE BHO S PH O2 Does 3 0088 


This table is similar to the two preceding, and shows for the private 
plants and the municipal plants reporting the average price per ampere 
hour charged to private users in each of the groups. The table shows 
that the average price is less in the municipal plants than in the private 
in all of the groups in which comparison could be made except one. It 
should be borne in mind that so far as municipal plants are concerned 
the three summaries immediately preceding necessarily show prices only 
for electricity sold, the quantity furnished for the public service being 
excluded. 

Table XI.—Prices (private plants) and cost of production (munic- 
ipal plants) of arc lighting per lamp per year (see tables).—This 
table deals with arc lighting alone and, as has been stated, contains data 
relating to the same plants for which arc light prices per kilowatt hour 
were furnished in the preceding general table. In this table the prices are 
given per lamp per year instead of per kilowatt hour, the table having 
been made for the purpose of furnishing prices on a per lamp per year 
basis for those who desire to compare the prices of the arc service on 
this basis. It should be noted, however, that this table does not show 
as many arc lamps as are shown in Table X, as it was deemed advis- 
able to omit all lamps on a strictly meter service and those in irregular 


100 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


service, because it was believed that these could not fairly be put in 
comparison with other lamps. This table shows, for the lamps furnished 
for private service, the type of lamp, number of lamps, watts per lamp 
per hour, basis of price, hours of service per year, and price per lamp 
per year; while for the lamps used in the municipal service it shows the 
type and number of lamps, watts per lamp per hour, basis of price, hours 
of service per year, and price when bought from a privately owned 
plant or cost when furnished by a municipal plant per lamp per year. 
Considerable variation in the prices of lamps of the same type, and 
burning the same number of hours, is found not only in comparing the 
prices for different plants, but in comparing prices in the same plant, 
and is due very often to the conditions of the contract. Generally a 
single lamp or small number of lamps is furnished at a greater price 
per lamp than a large number. In addition to this, special prices are 
sometimes made in order to compete with gas companies furnishing a 
service in the same locality. It will be seen that by far the greater num- 
ber of the arc lamps shown in this table are used in the municipal ser- 
vice. Of this number almost all are used for street lighting, but a 
small proportion being used for other purposes. Of the arc lamps in 
private service, on the other hand, practically all are used for purposes 
other than street lighting. 

In order to bring the figures in this table into a more compact form 
for purposes of comparison, the following summary table has been 
made, showing the average price per lamp per year of arc lighting 
grouped according to the hours of service rendered per year: 


AVERAGE PRICE PER LAMP PER YEAR OF ARC LIGHTING, BY HOURS OF SERVICE 


RENDERED. 
Private plants, | Municipal plants, 
Avert- Aver- Aver- 
age age age ied “ai 
price a price fe price “ pa ie oe 
ice per year, um- per um- per um- er um- 
Hons Sh Aeon Behn, ber of | lamp | berof | lamp | ber of se ber of | @™pP 
lamps,| per |lamps.| per |lamps,| per |lamps, Le 
year to year to year to aia ae 
private munici- private Mit. 7 
users pality. users DAML. 
MO ner 5006 so eve selene Loe ratalets 197 |$ 43.74 2 \$ 11.25 TUS sar aGAy| eaten ote ale rates 
500 ANG NNGET 750. oe scl weet ae 335 54.64 31) 72.00 75 | 44.19 213 | $ 18.10 
750 ANG UNGEL 1,000 J jccese aclee a 259 58.31 20 37.50 51 39.18 46 52.32 
1,000 and under 1,250............ 1,938 69.87 672 | 58.13 85 | 54.98 477 27.49 
1,250 and under 1,500............ 2,226 79.20 327 go. 78 362 59.09 433 55.78 
T/Soo\asid Under T!750.0 02446 = eer 3,666 98.13 520 71.56 136 47.99 671 36.20 
1,750 and under 2,000............ 3,001 | 76.08 966 | 67.76 345 | 52.48 677 37.61 
-2,000 and under 2,250............ 4,896 | 101.16 7,382) | SL. 52 580 | 63.18 5,141 39-73 
2,250 and under 2,500............ 1,535 | 117.88 1,649 86.17 26 67.99 761 52.57 
2,500 and under 2,750............ 831 93.81 2,262 85.05 52 69.50 1,763 57.17 
2,750 and under 3,000........0.6- 205 | 76.86 129 | 74.90 I2 | 47.50 1,198 43.76 
3,000 and under 3,250......0. 000. 211 | 63.41 | 4,023 | 105.80 54 | 60.85] 2,173 45.76 
3,250 and under 3,500............ 156 | 159.32 414 | 94.12 22 | 50.00 227 34.66 
3,500 and under 3,750............ 436 | 91.42 2,854 | 93.99 31 | 84.52 1,006 54.71 
3,750 and under 4,000............ 1,936 | 123.90 | 21,246 | 100.60 147 | 129.95 | 5,264 63.57 
4,000 Of OVET re cceceececseeeeseeees| 29044 | 149.54 | 25,636 | 101.97 73 | 65.26] 2,669 58.56 


cS POE 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS — 101 


The entire number of lamps furnished for service by private plants 
and by municipal plants is in this table grouped according to the num- 
ber of hours of service rendered per year. This element of hours of 
service rendered influences prices more considerably perhaps than any 
other condition of service, and for this reason it is selected as the basis 
of the groups into which the lamps furnished by the various plants have 
been divided. For the lamps under each of these groups is shown the 
average price per lamp per year to private users and to municipalities 
as charged by private plants, the average price charged by municipal 
plants to private users, and the average cost per lamp per year to the 
municipality of its own service when furnished by a municipal plant. 

Taking up the prices to private users, it is seen that in all of the 
groups except one the average price charged per lamp per year is 
smaller in municipal plants than in private ones. Comparing the col- 
umns showing the average price charged by private plants per lamp per 
year to the municipality and the average cost per lamp per year to the 
municipality of lights furnished by municipal plants, it is seen that in 
all of the groups except one the cost per lamp per year of lights fur- 
nished by municipal plants is smaller than the price charged per lamp 
per year by private plants to the municipality for the lights used in 
municipal service. 


H. W. MACROSTY 


OF THE Fapian SOCIETY 


ENGLISH STATE SOCIALISM 


[Published by the Fabian Society, England, representing English 
State socialism. | 


“CoMPETITION generally ends in combination; and that can now be 
carried out in the form of a ‘ring’ or ‘trust,’ on a scale and with a degree 
of perfection of which previous generations had no conception.” Such 
is the remarkable conclusion to which the Times came in a leader on 
the shipping rings, having banished the old ideas of political economy 
to Saturn. How then are we to fight the trusts? The “not very hopeful 


102 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


course” which the same writer suggests is “to meet as far as possible 
combination by combination, to multiply the agencies against which the 
‘ring’ must fight, until they are too many and strong to be mastered.” 
The German newspaper proprietors are starting paper-mills of their own 
in consequence of the heavy prices charged by the syndicate of paper- 
makers—an experiment which will be watched with much curiosity. 
Supposing this plan to be carried to a successful issue on a large scale, 
the country would be covered by a network of combinations, each 
strong enough to prevent mutual plundering. The united groups of 
manufacturers would be able to hinder extortion on the part of the 
extractional industries of coal and iron, and to compel the organisers of 
transport to charge only reasonable rates; but there would still be no 
power to regulate retail prices. The consumer would still be perfectly 
helpless. He is told to look to independent competition as the means 
of keeping prices at a proper level; but the “combine,” by charging low 
rates and looking to a large turnover for its profit, could create a state 
of things in which the people would be politically serfs and yet fresh 
capital would not be tempted to come in. Even if prices were main- 
tained at a high level, the prospects of a new competitor would not be 
brilliant, for he would have to face the hostility of a company already 
in possession of the field, fully equipped and well organised. The mere 
threat of a war of rates by the Coats Company brought the English 
Sewing Cotton Company to terms, although the latter had a capital of 
two and three-quarter millions; and not every new undertaking could 
command such an amount of money for a risky speculation. To fight 
the shipping rings would mean the creation of a new mercantile marine. 
The power of the purse can be used to buy out as well as to starve out 
a rival, and few men of business are so philanthropic as to prefer the 
bankruptcy court to being merged with a formidable opponent. The 
National Telephone Company bought up all the competing companies, 
and the shipping rings have either driven away the small lines which 
presumed to contest their monopoly or have compelled them to sell out. 

As little can any reliance be placed on foreign competition. Capital 
is international, and combinations started in one country soon stretch 
out friendly hands to similar organisations in other lands. The alliance 
between the Coats Company, the English Sewing Cotton Company, and 
the American Thread Company is a good illustration of what we may 
expect to be the next stage in industrial development, the exclusion of 
competition from the outside after it has been eliminated from the in- 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 103 


side. Several other British combinations possess factories abroad, and 
in this way a tendency towards the establishment of equivalent prices 
everywhere is stimulated. H.M. Consul at Diisseldorf, in reporting on 
the results of the Rhenish-Westphalian Coal Syndicate, adds: “The 
German coal-owners are long-sighted enough to see that it is desirable 
in the mutual interests of both that an English coal syndicate should be 
established on the same lines as have proved so successful in this district, 
for the simple reason that a reckless competition between them, 7. ¢., 
between England and Germany, has an injurious effect on both. Of 
course, in England, Wales, and Scotland co-operative action is rendered 
difficult by the number of coal districts to be united, but it has got to be 
done in one form or another.” Foreign competition in some cases may 
even overmaster the home producers and compel them to dance to a tune 
played abroad. This has been the fate of the Scottish paraffin-oil indus- 
try, where millions of money have been lost, although the founders made 
their fortunes. The Standard Oil Company with a cheap “low-flash”’ oil 
drove the higher-priced paraffin out of the market, and forced the Scot- 
tish makers to seek a scanty profit by turning a vast amount of ability 
and science to the utilisation of waste products like paraffin wax and 
lubricating oils, whose prices are fixed at the will of the great monopoly. 

Not much can be expected from the trade unions in the way of 
fighting monopoly; it will probably require all their energies and re- 
sourcefulness to maintain their standard of life against power used 
brutally as at Homestead, or against more subtle assaults in the intro- 
duction of machinery. It was an easy matter for the cotton-spinners to 
defeat the “cotton corner” by offering to work short time so that the 
employers might postpone their ordinary purchases and prevent prices 
from rising, but they would find a different foe in a corporation 
including all the master spinners—a combination which has been 
debated lately. Where the workpeople federated themselves with 
the employers, as in the Birmingham “alliances,” on the basis of 
being allowed to share in the plunder of the consumer, or on the basis 
of a limitation of output, as the Welsh coal-miners urged, we would 
have the most dangerous form of combination. It is the business of 
trade unions to look after the interests of the workpeople, about which 
other people usually concern themselves only in a spasmodic manner, 
and it is folly to ask them to undertake additional labours. If the con- 
sumer wants to be protected he must do his own protecting. To some 
extent he does that already through his co-operative societies, and where 


104 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


they exist their members are secure from the yoke of retail monopolies. 
The ordinary reason for starting a store is the desire to be free from the 
exactions of the shopkeepers, and a similar reason has caused the stores 
to undertake the production of certain commodities of universal domestic 
demand. Refusal to join in the “flour corner” cost the English Whole- 
sale Society over £20,000, but it killed the “corner.” Flour-milling, 
however, is the only industry which has been undertaken co-operatively 
on a large scale, though successful beginnings have been made in many 
others. Even if we suppose all the retail business of the country to be 
carried on by co-operative stores, we cannot expect that they would 
undertake manufactures except of goods in domestic use, since for these 
alone would they have an ascertainable market. The clothing, food, 
and furnishing trades might be socialised in this way, and the building 
trade so far as the stores built houses by their own workmen for their 
members ; the textile trades for home production might also conceivably 
be included. But all the production for export, the iron, steel, and 
engineering industries, the transport industries, agriculture, and mining 
would remain outside the scope of co-operation. Perhaps an exception 
might be made in favour of agriculture and mining, for, although the 
results of previous experiments have not been brilliant, the English 
Wholesale Society has a roseate prospect of success on the Roden estate, 
and several northern societies, including the large Leeds Society, have 
for some time been considering the establishment of a co-operative 
colliery in Yorkshire. There are some further limitations of co-opera- 
tive effort. The great strength of the movement is in the highly organ- 
ised trade union districts of factory workers, where wages are reasonable 
and employment is fairly permanent. Among the very poor everywhere, 
the agricultural labourers, and the workers in large towns who shift 
about from place to place following their work, co-operation progresses 
very slowly, despite the vast amount of energy which is expended on 
propaganda, and these districts must approximate more closely to the 
factory districts in character before any signal success is achieved. 
Another limitation consists in the nature of co-operators themselves. 
Very many members do not look upon the movement as part of a great 
social reconstruction, and limit their interest to “divy-hunting” as an 
automatic system of thrift. The consequence is that committees are 
forced to attend more to the half-yearly balance-sheet than to the aims 
of the movement, and large purchases are made from private firms 
which sell a few pence cheaper than co-operative concerns. The manu- 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 105 


facturing activity of the Wholesale Societies is therefore strictly circum- 
scribed by the competition of the private undertaker, and the public 
utterances of their representatives are a constant appeal to “buy, buy, 
buy!” The very shrewd and cautious men who are at the head of the 
co-operative state do not believe in the speculative construction of fac- 
tories or in the locking-up of very large sums of money in stone and 
iron unless an assurance is given of a large and steady market for the 
produce. The Broughton cabinet-making factory was for a long time 
run at a loss owing to insufficient support from the societies, and there 
is not much desire to repeat the experience. It would seem as if the 
newer generation of co-operators had lost some of the eager enthusiasm 
of their forefathers; but the interest which the housing question has 
aroused during the last year shows that only a more persistent educative 
effort is required to awaken the old fervour. 

When full value has been allotted to what may be expected from 
voluntary attempts to withdraw production from private control, there 
still remains a wide field for the activity of that broader federation of 
individuals which we call the State. Nor have the opponents of trusts 
been slow to appeal to the legislative chambers for assistance. Unfor- 
tunately they have not sought to control the economic evolution, but to 
destroy it in the interests of competing individual traders, seeking to 
restore the waste of energy which combination prevents. Very many of 
the States of the American Union have passed laws directed at the 
formation of organisations of the original “trust” kind, which were 
characterised by the deposit of stock in the hands of governing trustees ; 
but though these measures have been successful in destroying the out- 
ward form, they have left the inward reality untouched. The Standard 
Oil Company was dissolved in this way in 1892, but the monopoly of 
petroleum went on unchecked. Neither the enforcement of the com- 
mon law against agreements “in restraint of trade” nor the invention 
of new penalties can prevent a private understanding among manufac- 
turers, or the fusion of a number of firms into one undertaking, or the 
crushing-out of small concerns by one large business. They can only 
hamper legitimate trading, like the Texas Anti-Trust Law, which, being 
specially directed against insurance companies with an arrangement for 
common tariffs, is driving that form of business out of the State. Owing 
to German competition and high prices affecting all industries using 
iron, a law was passed in Austria in 1899 prohibiting the formation of 
an iron “ring”; but it has never been enforced, and we have the un- 


106 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


healthy spectacle of fictitious laws which bring law-making into con- 
tempt. The great bulk of Russian coal is produced by some score or so 
of owners, and the action of syndicates during 1899-1900 has been so 
mischievous in restricting output and raising prices that, according to a 
Foreign Office Report (No. 523, Commercial Series), “stern admin- 
istrative measures” have had to be taken. ‘At Warsaw wholesale 
dealers have been summarily ordered, under heavy penalties, not to 
keep prices above Ir. 15c, the korsec of 6 poods, while, it is said, seven- 
teen of the largest dealers have been placed under police supervision.” 
To Russia, therefore, must go the credit of the only effective anti-trust 
action; but the same report, it is fair to add, concludes that these meas- 
ures and the temporary remissions of import duties are only “temporary 
expedients not touching the heart of the matter.” 

Private monopoly is a public danger, and yet it cannot be undone 
by law; nor if it could would any economist recommend that the com- 
munity should abandon the most efficient method of production for a 
worse. The problem is, how to secure the benefits of combination 
without its disadvantages, and to this there is only one solution, the 
public ownership of monopolies. An arguable case can be made out 
for public ownership as against competition, but the consumer—and 
after all, consumers control politics—will not concern itself much 
about the evils of competition when employers are “good,” if an 
efficient service is assured to him thereby. But monopoly is a very dif- 
ferent matter. A people which has been trained by centuries of political 
freedom instinctively hates the domination of a few individuals; it may 
tolerate, grumblingly, the privileges of a single monopoly, like the rail- 
ways, but monopolies in every branch of industry are at once recognised 
as dangerous. When a monopoly becomes collective property its char- 
acter is entirely changed. Given a good system of administration and 
effective parliamentary control, and arbitrary conduct, which is the 
essence of tyranny, is impossible. Undue raising of prices or unjust 
treatment of employees would cause a political reaction against the gov- 
ernment responsible, and would therefore be avoided. Every person 
with a grievance would, being a voter, be able to secure a hearing of his 
case before the highest court of appeal in the land, and every real source 
of complaint would be remediable, even if slowly. Compare the Post 
Office with the railway companies before the institution of the Railway 
Commission. In the former case, notwithstanding the want of sufficient 
business ability and habits among the higher officials, postal rates have 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 107 


been lowered and the position of the lower employees bettered ; while in 
the latter instance the complaints of traders were flouted and the eriev- 
ances of railway servants neglected. It is not pretended that the Post 
Office is in all respects a model institution; that it cannot be so long 
as the Treasury persists in regarding it as above all a revenue-producing 
and tax-saving machine, instead of one of the great arteries of com- 
merce. But that so much has been possible under the present regime is 
indicative of developments which may ensue when the business of the 
community is really conducted on business lines. 

The great public advantages of monopoly are that by eliminating 
competition it prevents over-production and crises, and restores stability 
to industry and permanence to employment. While monopolies are in 
private hands, the desire to make illicit profits by speculative trans- 
actions on the stock and produce exchanges acts as a disturbing factor 
which would disappear under communal ownership. Even under exist- 
ing conditions the transfer of one industry from private to public owner- 
ship has a regulative effect outside its own immediate sphere. By a 
law of 1885, the Swiss Federal Government has had, since 1887, a 
monopoly of spirituous liquors. The direct object of the law was to 
check the consumption of deleterious drinks, especially those distilled 
from potatoes, and a very large measure of success has been attained, 
while at the same time the results to the federal and cantonal treasuries 
have been highly satisfactory. The good effects have not stopped there. 
Previous to the creation of the State monopoly there were fourteen 
hundred and fifty distilleries, which were all abolished and replaced by 
seventy establishments allowed only to use native produce, the alcohol 
manufactured by them being bought by the State officers at rates en- 
abling remunerative prices to be paid to the farmers. “The abolition of 
existing distilleries, which for the most part were either too large to be 
supplied with raw material grown in the neighbourhood, whereby for- 
eign importation was encouraged, or too small to serve as a market for 
native produce, and the substitution of distilleries proportionate to the 
capacity of the district where their establishment was thought advisable, 
has benefited agriculture by affording a ready market whose demands 
are commensurate with the possible supply; while the refuse material 
forms a valuable manure, and, owing to the proper distribution of dis- 
tilleries, in sufficient quantities to meet the local requirements, whereas 
previously the supply was either in excess or inadequate, without any 
existing organisation to distribute it where needed.” 


108 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


The applicability of State enterprise to any industry will depend 
on a number of circumstances, varying according to time and place. 
The chief of these is the degree of organisation to which the industry 
has attained. In conducting any branch of manufacture the State will 
certainly proceed on the co-operative principle of equating the supply 
to the ascertained demand, and the ease with which this can be done 
depends to a large extent upon the degree to which private ownership 
has already concentrated the management. Where the production of an 
article in general and steady use is in question, and one or two large 
companies have a monopoly of the trade, the transfer can be brought 
about with very little disturbance of the machinery. Some industries 
have already reached this stage of evolution; for example, Professor 
Ashley says, “We might even add that, in the case of the Standard Oil 
monopoly, the development has already reached a point at which, on 
the purely economic and administrative side, there could be little objec- 
tion to the Government taking over the business—if only there were a 
Government politically capable of the task.” If some of the new British 
combinations which have begun operations with 80 or 90 per cent. of the 
production in which they are engaged under their control continue to 
extend their operations, or even to maintain their position, we shall be 
able to include them in the same category. In France tobacco and 
matches are already nationalised, but for fiscal purposes, and are conse- 
quently run on the vicious principle of extracting the largest amount of 
profit for the smallest possible return. On the whole, it is plain that at 
any given time the industries of a country may be arranged in a rough 
kind of order according to their organisation, and in that order it is 
most likely that the State will seek to communalise them. At the head 
will be the most highly organised industries, and last of all will come 
such disorganised trades as the “home industries,” unless they are 
previously legislated out of existence, or those which from time to 
time are thrown into disorder by irregular caprices of fashion. Each 
successive step will be taken experimentally, and no move will be made 
which is at all likely to involve the community in pecuniary loss unless 
other counterbalancing advantages are gained. It is not conceivable, 
for example, that the silk or velvet industries, which are inflated or 
depressed according to the irresponsible decrees of the fashionable world 
as to what is or is not to be worn, should be nationalised before the 
already highly concentrated cotton or dyeing industries. 

The organisation of an industry under State management would 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 109 


be very much what it is at present under, say, the Standard Oil Com- 
pany, or, still more closely, under the Co-operative Wholesale Societies. 
Through the retail selling departments in the various centres the trade 
of, say, the previous quarter would be-ascertained, and, the rate of 
growth being known from the comparative statistics of successive peri- 
ods, the probable demand for the ensuing quarter could be calculated. 
Arrangements for production would be based on this information, and 
could be from time to time corrected according as intermediate reports 
disclosed any abnormal increase or diminution of demand. This method 
is in everyday practice among hundreds of co-operative societies as well 
as in a countless number of manufacturing businesses standing in close 
relation to the retail trade. The government of an industry would also 
proceed on similar lines to those which individual ability has created. 
The most striking change would be the substitution of a State depart- 
ment for the board of directors, or rather, perhaps, the department 
would correspond to the managing directors, while the general board 
of men of wide business knowledge who function on many such boards 
and take part in the direction of many companies would be represented 
by Parliament. We would thus have in combination men of specialised 
expert knowledge, men with a general acquaintance with the business 
world, and men whose duty it was to safeguard the general interests 
of the community, all engaged in controlling the several national indus- 
tries. Beneath the supreme management everything would go on much 
as at present: there would be the same severance of staffs according to 
their duties, the same hierarchy of secretaries, managers, sub-managers, 
foremen, and soon. Half the criticism which is directed at the collecti- 
visation of industry would fall to the ground if it were clearly under- 
stood that it necessitates not so much changes in organisation as an 
alteration in the aims to which that organisation is to be directed. 
Writers of utopian fiction, with their dreams of industrial armies dis- 
ciplined in military manner, of successive grades of workers electing 
each other by secret ballot and one man one vote, or of an absence of 
order being order’s first law, have done much to discredit the cause of 
collectivism. The sober practice of democratic working-men gives no 
scintilla of support to any such topsy-turviness. There is no democracy 
in the world so free and equal as a co-operative society ; and that democ- 
racy having once elected its committee of management for the allotted 
period, leaves the whole administration in its hands. The committee 
conducts the business, and engages, promotes, or dismisses the work- 


110 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


people. Representative government is the last word in industrial as in 
political democracy. 

Sir Robert Peel in a memorable phrase once spoke of “the torpid 
hands of the State;” Professor Ashley demands that the Government 
which takes over the Standard Oil Company shall be “politically ca- 
pable of the task.” The two phrases are closely connected. The hands 
of the State were torpid so long as the State was served by an incom- 
petent bureaucracy which jobbed and muddled and idled to an incredible 
extent. Forty years of good administration have to some degree eradi- 
cated the memories of the Circumlocution Office, but of late the public 
has been driven to conclude that much reform is still required. The 
first necessity is that an administrative staff should be trained for the 
functions which it has to perform; the second is that every man must 
bear a definite share of responsibility—there must always be “some one 
to hang.” These two conditions are necessary for efficiency even in a 
department where all the work is clerical, and they are absolutely indis- 
pensable wherever anything in the nature of production is concerned. 
What is required is not so much technical acquaintance with the par- 
ticular industry in question—that can be supplied by the manufact- . 
uring staff—but general knowledge of business affairs and a keen 
sympathy with the needs of the section of the community served by 
the department. Want of these qualities has made Government 
departments averse to innovation and slow to suit their methods to 
the changing requirements of the business world. As a matter of fact 
the public service, as we know it to-day, has not been organised to meet 
demands which have only been made upon it within the last couple of 
decades or so. Its traditions are derived from an obsolete political 
philosophy, and retain much of the individualism and feudal separation 
of classes which have elsewhere disappeared. Before nationalisation of 
industry can be carried out to any serious extent, the methods of admin- 
istration must be revised, and the higher officials must be drawn less 
from the universities and more from the same classes which at present 
run the industries of the country. Whether this will be done depends 
on the political capacity of the Government and of Parliament, and also, 
‘it may be added, of the electorate. Politics must come to mean the 
supervision of the business of the country, and cease to be a party 
struggle regarded as an avenue to place or social position. The greatest 
obstacle to public control of industry is the want of political capacity on 
the part of our legislators. The House of Lords having before it a Com- 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 11} 


panies’ Bill, proceeds to strike everything out of it which might deter 
titled guinea-pigs from becoming directors, heedless of the fact that 
this is exactly the result which the public, instructed by the Hooley 
revelations, desired to attain. For a brief moment Parliament was 
shocked by Lord Salisbury’s denunciation of Treasury control of public 
affairs, but no one remembered that exactly the same charges had been 
made and suggestions for reform put forward by Sir Robert Giffen 
in his evidence before the Royal Commission on Civil Establishments 
in 1888. Reform of the personnel of Parliament must precede any 
broad alteration of our industrial system. 

So far we have spoken simply of “the State,” but as a matter of 
fact “the State’ in this country is for administrative purposes a series 
of authorities related to each other in a complex manner. From one 
point of view the interest of all citizens in all part of the country may 
be regarded as identical; bad government in one locality is a danger to 
the whole community, and no nation can tolerate an Alsatia within 
its boundaries. Such considerations led the late Sir Edwin Chadwick 
to that policy of centralisation which he advocated with so much per- 
tinacity, and which has left so deep a mark on all the legislation brought 
forward under the zgis of his authority. Its advantages are many and 
conspicuous, but the necessity of providing for the varying needs of 
different localities, and the desirability of harnessing local knowledge 
and local patriotism to the administrative plough, have prevailed in 
_ extending the principle of the division of labour to government. We 
have consequently a series of local authorities rising one above the 
other, with wider spheres of activity, until we end in the supreme 
authority of Parliament, which is charged with the functions of provid- 
ing for the common needs of the nation and of harmonising the activities 
of the local governing bodies. The latter of these objects is pursued in 
a variety of ways. In poor-law matters a strict conformity to rules laid 
down by the central government is enforced ; in educational matters con- 
formity to similar rules is induced by grants of money dependent upon 
the attainment of a certain standard of excellence. The enforcement of 
the factory laws depends upon local tribunals, but the supervision of 
the regulations and the cofiduct of prosecutions is in the hands of in- 
spectors attached to the Home Office. Grants of money enable the 
central government to exert a good deal of pressure upon local author- 
ities ; municipalities may lose their police grant if the force is not in a 
proper state of efficiency, and London borough councils may be deprived 


112 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


of the “equalisation grant” for neglect of their public-health duties. 
Recalcitrant school boards or boards of guardians may be dissolved and 
their functions transferred to commissioners; one local authority may 
be empowered to act for another, as the London County Council on de- 
fault by a metropolitan borough council; or factory inspectors may be 
directed to carry out the law in respect to workshops when municipal- 
ities neglect it. By the development of one or other of these methods 
the central government can exercise a still greater control over any 
extension of local activity. General laws, codes of regulations can be 
drawn up, on obedience to which might depend the grant of public 
money sufficient to bring up the standard of local comfort and efficiency 
to the general level. At present a large share of the produce of the 
death-duties is allocated to local authorities without any return being 
required, and this might very well be altered. 

Industries may be divided into local or national according as they 
respond to local or general needs. In any scheme of collectivisation the 
former would necessarily come under the management of the local 
authorities, the latter under the central government. Until we examine 
the details of municipal administration we are apt to ignore the extent 
to which we have already proceeded in municipalisation. The doings 
of the central government get reported in all the newspapers, but muni- 
cipal politics interest only a limited circle of people. A brief review will 
therefore be instructive, and all the more because the developments to 
be described have not been followed out in pursuance of any definite 
political philosophy, but because each step as it was taken was found to 
be advantageous to the citizens. The philosophy has come afterwards 
to correlate the different political phenomena. 

When municipal corporations were reformed, there was no suspi- 
cion in the mind of Parliament or of the municipalities that the manage- 
ment and ownership of public services would come to form the chief 
part of their activity. The Act of 1835 was passed in order to create 
bodies which would be able to control the new police force. Lighting 
and water supply were left to be provided by private companies, and 
even sanitation was considered to be the concern of the individual house- 
holder. The cholera, however, proved a wonderful educator, and grad- 
ually drainage, paving, and street lighting came to be regarded as the 
primary duties of municipalities. The provision of a sufficient supply 
of pure water was seen to be necessary to the public health. But gas 
and water companies had fixed themselves tightly on the towns, and it 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 113 


became repugnant to the moral sense of the community that such neces- 
saries of life as light and water should be the monopoly of private indi- 
viduals, especially when the supply was in many cases seriously 
deficient. Thus began the “gas and water socialism” of our local 
authorities. The municipilisation of electricity was a natural corollary 
to municipal gas. Public baths and cemeteries were found to be neces- 
sary to the care for the public health. To-day the capital expended in 
England and Wales on water-works amounts to nearly forty-eight 
millions and a half, on gasworks over twenty millions, on baths a million 
and a half, on cemeteries over a million, on electric lighting nearly 
three millions and a half. Works for the disposal of sewage also 
became a public necessity, and are responsible for the expenditure of 
a large amount of money. Some of these undertakings are of a gigan- 
tic character. Glasgow derives its water supply from Loch Katrine 
at a cost of three millions; Liverpool has spent two million one hun- 
dred thousand pounds in converting a Welsh valley into a lake and 
bringing water from it through a canal seventy-seven miles long; 
Manchester has secured an abundant supply from Thirlmere for an 
expenditure which will run up to four or five millions ; and Birmingham 
is in course of expending nearly seven millions in introducing a supply 
from Wales. 

Towns exist in order that, amongst other reasons, business may 
be carried on in them, and the citizens have naturally, therefore, set 
about to provide facilities for conducting business. The care of the 
streets is an elementary part of a corporation’s duties, and as towns 
grew in size it was felt that the provision of cheap and comfortable 
means of transit was equally within the scope of municipal activity. 
This service was also at first entrusted to companies, but with an 
important difference. No municipality can run a municipal water or 
gas supply in competition with a company already in the field; and if it 
is proposed to buy out the company, a private Act of Parliament must 
be obtained, and heavy compensation paid. When the Tramways Act 
of 1870 was passed, power was given to municipalities obtaining a pro- 
visional order from the Board of Trade to construct tramways, and no 
private line could be built without the consent of the local governing 
body. But no municipality could work the tramways it had built; it 
must lease them to a company for twenty-one years, at the expiry of 
which time they could be taken over by the municipality at their “then 


value” if built by the company, free of all compensation for compulsory 
8) 


114 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


sale, and worked by the local authority. So great an objection existed 
in Parliament to municipal working of tramways that down to 1896 a 
standing order prohibited the introduction of any bill having the object 
of empowering local authorities to run tramways. The change in the 
attitude towards municipalisation is also shown by the Electric Light- 
ing Acts of 1882 and 1888, which from the beginning permitted the 
fullest freedom to municipal action. The capital invested in municipal 
tramways is about three millions and a quarter. The provision of a 
ferry service on rivers is closely akin to the provision of bridges, and 
Glasgow and Birkenhead, for example, own ferry-boats, while London 
has a free ferry at Woolwich. All trade used to be done in markets, 
and the city market is probably the oldest municipal institution. Piers, 
quays, and harbours are equally necessities of trade, and together with — 
markets they account for some nine and a half million pounds. Munici- 
pal slaughter-houses come under the category of trade facilities, but the 
public health is the real reason for their institution. There is, however, 
no doubt about the classification of the test-house for wool maintained 
by Bradford. Many of the pleasure towns contribute to the attractive- 
ness which is their main support: the seaside towns by owning piers; 
Chester and Doncaster by owning racecourses; Bath, Harrogate, and 
Leamington by maintaining the medicinal springs and their appurten- 
ances; Blackpool by spending large sums in advertisements. 

Nowhere has private enterprise so completely broken down as in 
the supply of houses for the people. The combination of monopoly in 
urban land and perfect freedom to the builder has ended in jerry-built 
houses and overcrowding. The failure is indisputable, it is openly 
admitted by every one; such facts as that a hundred and twenty thou- 
sand people in Glasgow live in one room per family proclaim it aloud. 
Nor is there any doubt as to the remedy. Since Glasgow began its 
great clearance scheme in 1866, it has become every year more apparent 
that the municipalities alone are capable of undertaking the enormous 
task of housing. Not only must houses be built for the increase of 
population, but’also for the people to be cleared out from the slums we © 
have inherited from private enterprise. The central authority in Lon- 
don has spent two and a half millions in clearances and housing, and at 
least ten millions have been spent in the United Kingdom on these 
objects. The real difficulty is how to build fast enough, and how to 
rehouse the people expelled from the slums; for at present the sad fact 
is that they go to create other slums, while the new houses are inhab- 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 115 


ited by a higher grade of workers. When it is fully recognised, and the 
law is based on that recognition, that each town or village or country 
district is responsible for the proper housing of the people resident 
therein, then but not till then will it be possible to wipe away this blot 
on our civilisation. Owing to the great lack of good sanitary houses, 
the Government might grant to a district for additional building a sum 
equal to what the local authority was spending. Certain consequences 
will necessarily follow. Each town must be its own landlord. The 
steady pouring of unearned increment into the pockets of the proprie- 
tors of urban lands must cease; land values must be municipalised by 
taxation. Further, each town must become its own builder. Munici- 
palities have discovered other monopolies besides the “‘natural’’ ones of 
gas and water; it was a “contractors’ ring” which first caused the Lon- 
don County Council to start its much-abused Works Department. 
Whatever defects have come to light while municipal building has been 
in its experimental stage, they can be more than matched by the defects 
of contract work; while nothing worse in bricks and mortar is con- | 
ceivable than the rows of “desirable suburban residences” run up to 
sell for the creation of ground-rents. Combining municipal housing 
with a cheap or free service of communication by tramway or railway, 
we can look forward to the relief of congested town districts by the 
creation of villages or small towns in the surrounding country, thereby 
indirectly contributing something towards a solution of that other great 
problem of modern life, the depopulation of the rural districts. 

All of these branches of activity thus lightly sketched originate 
from the failure of private enterprise in the shape of private monopoly, 
from insufficient supply and extortionate charges. A further develop- 
ment of municipal trading arises from the utilisation of the waste prod- 
ucts of town life. Sewage is converted into manure; the establishment 
of sewage-farms leads to a trade in grass, to municipal market-gardens, 
or to municipal dairy-farms; street refuse, when burnt, is made into 
paving-blocks, and so on. Another branch of trading is the supply of 
water fittings or electric fittings ancillary to the municipal water or 
electricty supply ; and it is curious that this comparatively small matter 
should at this late hour of the day have incited private traders to a 
crusade against municipal trading, destined to be as successful as the 
great war of the Scottish shopkeepers against co-operative stores. 

Much debate has raged around the question whether municipalities 
should make a profit out of their undertakings or not. The matter is 


116 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


one of degree only. Co-operative experience shows us that it is not 
possible to sell at cost price exactly; something extra must be charged 
and returned afterwards to the consumer. This is generally the prac- 
tice of municipalities. The natural tendency will be to work services as 
near to their cost as possible; yet the various municipal services should 
be regarded not as separate undertakings, but as different departments 
of the business of running a municipality. From this point of view it 
will often be expedient to make a profit on one branch in order that the 
business may be extended in another direction—a very ordinary com- 
mercial principle. The net profit on reproductive municipal undertak- 
ings in England and Wales is £3,613,000 on a total capital expediture 
of £88,152,000; and in addition the price of gas, water, tramway jour- 
neys, etc., has been in most cases much reduced since the private com- 
panies were bought out. This surplus is usually applied in the reduction 
of rates, thereby indirectly providing a fund for future municipalisation. 
How far profits should be applied to lowering the price of the profitable 
commodity, or to the reduction of the general rate, or to the carrying 
out of some other object of common advantage, will entirely depend 
upon local circumstances, no general principle can be laid down. Every 
householder can use as much water as he pleases, and he pays not 
according to what he uses, but according to his ability; gas consumers, 
on the other hand, pay for what they use; and this diversity of treat- 
ment can be justified on the ground that the public health requires that 
every inducement should be given for the abundant use of water. Simi- 
larly, the necessities of a large town might very well demand that tram- 
ways should be free as the roads are. It may even be advantageous 
for a town to undertake a work which is a charge on the rates, on the 
ground that it is necessary to the welfare of the city ; and for this reason 
Bristol is building docks and Manchester has made large investments 
in its ship canal. One thing must be guarded against: that the pro- 
vision of some municipal service is not indirectly converted into a rate 
in aid of wages and transferred into the pockets of the landlords or 
employers. This has happened when tramways have been cheapened 
or extended, and rents have risen in consequence; and if the municipal 
houses were let, as it is often suggested, below the market rate, employ- 
ers would be induced either to reduce or not to raise wages. Here, as 
in many other ways, we see that the intervention of the community in 
private enterprise must inevitably lead to further intervention. 

Many towns have carried municipalisation almost to the extreme 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS ! 147 


limit which public opinion at present approves. In Glasgow, for 
example, all the ordinary services are municipalised, except the ceme- 
teries. What industries will be next seized upon? The recent high 
price of coal has been a matter of gravity to those towns which run 
their own gasworks. In Manchester and Glasgow there are 500,000 
tons of coal consumed annually in the gasworks of each town. There- 
fore the Gas Committee of the Manchester Town Council is consider- 
ing a proposal to buy a coal mine of its own, and the Glasgow Town 
Council has only by a narrow majority rejected a similar suggestion. 
This is an obvious outlet for municipal activity, and we shall certainly 
hear more of it. The extension of municipal housing, with the ulti- | 
mate conversion of the building trades into a municipal department, has 
already been mentioned. Next in order come, probably, the drink traf- 
fic, and the supply of bread, milk, and coals. Municipalisation of the 
drink trade will probably be undertaken partly for moral reasons, as 
with the Swiss alcohol monopoly, partly in order to eradicate from 
public life a pernicious political influence. Milk is proving such a dan- 
gerous medium for the spread of disease, and the difficulties of super- 
vising the sanitary conditions of farms situated in other governing 
districts are so great, that these hygienic reasons will soon force munici- 
palities, for the sake of their infant population, to provide their own 
milk supply. The baking trade is beset with combinations at every 
stage of the industry ; and whatever else may be left to individual enter- 
prise, the supply of the necessaries of life must not be exposed to the 
chances of industrial development. The same is largely true of the coal 
trade, which is above all others subject to vicissitudes of price. When 
-the poor, who must buy their coal in small quantities, have to pay at 
the rate of forty shillings and upwards per ton, it is time for some public 
authority to step in. Some scattered cases of municipalisation in these 
industries can even now be adduced to show the ease with which munici- 
palisation can be achieved. Birmingham has a municipal canteen at the 
navvies’ village on its aqueduct works, which is very successful. The 
mining village of Hill of Beath in Fifeshire has had a municipal public- 
house for four years, and the experiment is being repeated with good 
results at Grayshott in Hants and elsewhere. Birmingham draws £4,500 
per annum from the sale of milk at the dairy-farm in connection with its 
sewage-works. The Vooruit and other large co-operative bakeries 
show how well suited that industry is for centralised management, 
while Grenoble has achieved the more difficult task of running a munici- 
pal restaurant. 


118 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


No British municipality has ever retraced one single step it has 
taken in the paths of municipalisation, and the natural monopolies which 
have been annexed have always been protected against a competitive 
service. In 1899 an attempt was made to break down this principle by 
the General Power Distributing Bill, which proposed to give a private 
company power to supply electricity in competition with municipalities 
Over an area of two thousand square miles in the middle of England. 
The specious pretext was put forward that electricity could be distrib- 
uted more cheaply in bulk from works at the pit’s mouth, but neverthe- 
less the company refused to supply Nottingham with current at the 
same price at which the city could produce it. So far this attack on 
municipal trading has been defeated. It is not necessary, however, that 
a municipality should always have a monopoly at first. It may be 
cheaper to compete than to buy out an over-capitalised concern, and this 
is the course which the Government is adopting with the National Tele- 
phone Company. Similarly with extensions of municipal enterprise: 
the first step in some cases may be to start municipal undertakings in 
competition with the private concerns, with a view of winning support 
for the project by the example of an efficient service. 

One important result of municipal trading which is generally over- 
looked may be here pointed out—the increase in public honesty. In 
America individualism and private enterprise are rampant, and The 
Economist can say (14th July, 1900) “municipal corruption has 
attained to its full height in America.” On the other hand, Mr. Harri- 
son, the ex-Chairman of the Edinburgh Chamber of Commerce, con- 
fesses, “I desire to bear strong and emphatic testimony to the high level 
of work and high level of character which the town councils of this 
country have shown since their reform sixty years ago. There are 
always too many scandals in private trading, the history of joint-stock 
enterprise tells not a few stories of incompetence and dishonesty, but I 
do not know of any very flagrant case in which a town council has been 
proved dishonest to its trust.” 

Turning to the work of the central government, it must first of all 
be pointed out that all taxation, like all municipal rating, is so much 
nationalisation. A portion of the income of private individuals is appro- 
priated and applied to the objects of national policy; in this way it is 
returned in another form to the taxpayers. For the purposes of public 
defence and other functions with which it is entrusted, the Government 
requires to have a large amount of supplies and a large amount of work 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 119 


done, and these services it can obtain either through its own workmen 
or from private contractors. In so far as it adopts the former course, 
it, like a municipality in a similar case, carries one step further that 
elimination of subordinate agents in production which is one of the 
characteristic features of modern industry. The productive work of 
the Government as manufacturer is large and varied. The Dockyard 
Bill for wages is well over two millions yearly, and for material over a 
million and a half. The Royal Ordnance Factories have an output 
exceeding three millions, and the Army Clothing Factory of nearly two 
hundred and eighty thousand pounds. Government workmen execute 
new works and repairs to the value of some £700,000, and in the Navy 
victualling yards the “State” grinds flour, oatmeal, coffee, pepper, and 
mustard, salts beef and suet, and makes chocolate, scantling, casks, and 
hair-beds. On the other hand, contractors’ bills are very heavy :—pro- 
visions, £2,400,000; forage, £520,000; clothing, £1,100,000; furniture, 
£74,000; coals for Navy, £864,000; fuel, light, and household articles, 
£560,000; shipbuilding, £3,500,000; armaments, £2,000,000; new works 
and repairs, £1,550,000; telegraph materials, £200,000; postage stamps, 
£186,000 ; conveyance of mails, etc., £3,150,000; cloth, etc., £640,000. 
Not only is there plenty of scope for an extension of the Govern- 
ment manufacturing departments, but it closely concerns the safety of 
the country that that extension should take place. The great Engineer- 
ing Dispute seriously delayed the shipbuilding programme; the Welsh 
Coal Strike caused the postponement of the naval manceuvres. Said the 
Iron and Steel Trades Journal, under the heading, “A Government Col- 
liery Wanted”: “Having a navy and national establishments which have 
cost a thousand millions, it is an anomaly that some poverty-stricken col- 
liery companies and the ‘poor colliers’ should, by stopping the supply 
of fuel, be able, whenever they please, to place this country at the mercy 
of its enemies. We write ‘poverty-stricken colliery companies,’ well 
knowing that many very wealthy firms and some rich companies are 
engaged in the coal trade, but the chain is not stronger than its weak- 
est link, and it is there in commerce as in mechanics the danger lies. 
The abandonment of the autumn manceuvres is dictated by common 
prudence. Will the First Lord of the Admiralty go further and say 
that prudence demands the establishment of Government collieries, 
which being manned above and below ground by Her Majesty’s ser- 
vants, will not be amenable to strikes, and will therefore always be 
raising coal for our ships, dockyards, and Government factories?” 


120 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


Strikes, after all, are of infrequent occurrence, and a more serious 
statement was made by Mr. Goschen in his “Statement Explanatory of 
the Navy Estimates, 1900-1”: ‘The abnormal activity in shipbuilding 
and engineering, which was described in the ‘Statement’ of last year, 
has continued during 1899-1900, and has seriously affected progress 
and expenditure on ships, machinery and armour. Delays in delivery 
of material, differences in securing adequate numbers of workmen, and 
other circumstances, have caused the aggregate earnings on contract 
work to fall short of the estimated amount by about £1,400,000, though 
the estimate was carefully calculated on the basis of actual earnings in 
past years on ships of similar character, and on very close investiga- 
tions of the possible output of armour.”’ When the nation’s work cannot 
be done because trade is so prosperous, because manufacturers are so 
busy with private orders and with war-ships for foreign powers, then 
surely “prudence demands” that more Government factories shall be 
built. “It becomes a matter for serious consideration whether there 
should not be created an establishment for the manufacture of armour- 
plates solely for the dockyards, thereby relieving the makers of armour 
from the pressure which places private shipbuilders at a great disad- 
vantage on Government contracts.” 
Professor Ashley has made a valuable suggestion as to one method 
by which the way may be prepared for collectivisation of industry. “TI 
see nothing for it,” he says, “but that in countries where the monopo- 
lising movement is well under way, the Governments should assume 
the duty of in some way controlling prices. The principle of public 
determination of maximum rates and maximum dividends has already 
been recognised in various countries in various directions; and it will 
doubtless have to be carried a good deal further. But before this can 
be done with any chance of tolerable success, any country which thinks 
of attempting it must provide itself with a fairly efficient administrative 
service.” We already have railway rates and fares controlled to some 
extent by the Railway Commission; gas dividends have a maximum 
limit; and charges for electricity are subject to review by the Board of 
Trade. The Chambers of Commerce have repeatedly demanded that no 
mail subsidies should be granted to shipping companies which charge 
preferential rates against British traders, and this is a request which 
might very well be conceded. At present the home and colonial Gov- 
ernments pay about a million a year to enable the firms which own our 
mercantile marine to give a bounty to foreign manufacturers. 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 121 


The fixing of rates and charges by a public department is only a 
temporary expedient, which, in the case of British railways, has con- 
spicuously failed to secure justice. To quote a railway expert, Mr. 
Acworth: ‘For every shilling cut by an expeditious tribunal off a rate, 
it is easy for the railway companies, if they are agreed to act in har- 
mony with each other, to withdraw two shillings’ worth of facilities; 
and the traders may make up their minds that this is what must inev- 
itably happen if the railway companies are confronted with lower rates 
simultaneously with a rapid rise of working expenses. Assume that 
your tribunal can fix a reasonable rate, what is the use of it unless it 
can schedule to its judgment a minute specification of the quality of 
service to, be given retumn) for the rater) wy hey railways) cart 
bring down troops of expert witnesses. How can the tribunal refuse 
to hear them, when every student of railway economics knows that the 
reasonableness of each particular rate depends not merely on its own 
individual circumstances, but on a comparison with all the other rates 
and a consideration of the company’s entire business? But for a farmer 
or shopkeeper, with the assistance, possibly, of the local attorney, to 
undertake to fight trained railway experts with a lifetime’s experience 
and with every fact and figure at their fingers’ end, is only to court 
defeat.””’ The only remedy in such a case is national ownership, and 
the monopoly of transport will probably be the first great monopoly to 
be taken over by the British Government, which in this instance will 
follow well behind many continental and colonial governments. No 
better proof can be found of the way in which public opinion is matur- 
ing on this subject than a resolution passed at the annual meeting of 
~the British Iron Trade Association on 13th June, 1900, asking for the 
appointment of a Royal Commission to take into consideration whether 
it would not be for the advantage of the trade and commerce of the 
country, and ultimately for the benefit of the State in its financial rela- 
tions, that the railways should become national property, especially in 
view of the threatened increase of industrial competition from Ger- 
many, the United States of America, and other countries in which rail- 
way transport is run on different lines and carried on under different 
conditions. The President, Sir John J. Jenkins, M. P., estimated that 
10 per cent of the gross annual return might be saved by the State 
through economies of management. Coal is as much of a necessity to 
commerce as railways, and, as Sir George Elliot has shown, is admir- 
ably adapted to central management. We may therefore expect that 


122 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 


nationalisation of the railways and mines will precede the collectivisa- 
tion of the other industries. 

Much has already been said about the dishonesty and recklessness 
which disgrace much of modern commerce and corrupt the national life. 
It bodes no good to the community that the advance towards the 
monopolisation of industry is accompanied by the wiles of the company- 
promoter. The purification of commercial life is of the greatest import- 
ance. Everything which raises the moral tone will facilitate reform by 
increasing the national impatience with industrial exploitation and 
tyranny. Good morals in their turn will produce good economics, and 
the destruction of dishonest forms of gain will make competition still 
more unprofitable. 

In another way the State can do much to hasten industrial develop- 
ment. The State has had to step in and remedy the breakdown of 
apprenticeship by providing a system of technical instruction; it must 
go farther and substitute a system of scientific research for reliance on 
sporadic invention as a means of improving industry. At present the 
adoption of a new process as an improvement in machinery is—except 
in those large firms which maintain a scientific staff—left entirely to 
the hazard of the casual inventor succeeding, before he is starved out, 
in getting some capitalist to exploit him. And when an invention is 
taken up it is not made common to a whole industry, but is strictly pre- 
served like game for private profit. A new industrial process is as 
much a fit subject for governmental study as a new gunpowder, and the 
State ought systematically to undertake the improvement of industry, 
prosecuting invention in its own laboratories and workshops—its manu- 
facturing departments—especially when extended as proposed, afford- 
ing ample means for experiment. An indirect but important conse- 
quence would be the elimination of the tendency to sterilisation of 
initiative and the inventive faculties—if it exists at all—which is alleged 
to be inherent in State management of industry. 

Foreign trade is supposed always to be the rock on which a col- 
lectivised industry would break to pieces, but acquaintance with the 
working of combinations casts some doubt on this confident prediction. 
The German export trade in steel rails could not exist except through 
the co-operation of the “pool” formed by the chief producers of coal, 
pig-iron, steel rails, and the owners of blast-furnaces. A subsidy is 
levied on the members to form a fund out of which exporters are reim- 
bursed for the difference between the selling price obtained and the 


SOCIAL MOVEMENTS 123 


cost of production as fixed by the “pool.” The manufacture of an 
increased quantity of steel, which this practice makes possible, reduces 
the general cost of production and enhances the profits from home 
sales. The great Coats monopoly again has no difficulty in deriving 
the greater part of its profits from its foreign trade. Mr. E. J. Smith, 
writing of his “alliances,” says: “Combinations should trade abroad 
as combinations, not as individual firms. In each large town where 
single traders keep their showrooms, warehouses, and agents, heaping 
up expenses which either lessen profit or prevent sales, there should be 
one showroom, one warehouse, one general agent, lessening expenses, 
and providing an exhibition of articles much more imposing and 
attractive than any single firm can support.” From these and many 
other facts it would appear that a Government department would not 
be without its advantages in conducting foreign trade. 


124 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


ROBERT SOMERS 


RoBERT SOMERS was born in Scotland September 14, 1822. He was 
early a well known lecturer on social and political questions. He became 
editor of the Edinburgh weekly Scottish Herald about 1844, then assist- 
ant editor to Hugh Miller of the Witness, and in 1847 took a place on 
the staff of the North British Daily Mail. From 1849 to 1859 he was 
editor of the Mail, and for the next eleven years of the Morning Journal. 
He traveled in the Southern States in 1870-1, and his work gives a fair 
view of the conditions there after the war. He died July 7, 1891. 


THE SOUTH AFTER THE WAR 


THE LAND QUESTION IN VIRGINIA 


[RicHMonpD, VA., Oct. 26 to Nov. 23.] 

The land question is the absorbing question in Virginia. How to 
get the estates formerly productive again brought into cultivation—how 
to attract settlers of a superior class from England and Scotland, who 
would take their place in Virginian society as landowners and give a 
fresh impulse to the work of improvement going on—how to fertilise 
the soil and increase and improve the farm stock—how to turn the 
woods, the mines, the beds of marl, the streams and waterfalls, the 
fruits and game, and all the abundance of nature to productive account, 
and so fill with new blood the wasted frame of the old Commonwealth, 
occupies the minds of all classes with an intensity of interest to which 
no other public concern can be compared. The first question asked of 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 125 


a stranger is whether he has come to look at land. I was not three 
minutes in Richmond till a pushing Irishman offered to sell me a very 
fine milch cow and calf on the spot, or tell me where I could get a nice 
bit of land on very economical terms. But the stranger who is land- 
ward-bound is not left to such chance means of information. There 
are dozens of respectable estate agents, every one of whom has lists 
of farms and estate for sale which he advertises in the newspapers, and 
offers in fee-simple at a rate per acre that in England or Scotland, or 
even Ireland, would be deemed but a moderate annual rent, and pay- 
ment of which he is willing to take in cash just enough to pay the 
expenses of suit, with the balance in instalments spread over three or 
four years. Every one of them states in private that he has even more 
lands on his list for sale than he advertises. Nor is this all. The State 
of Virginia has appointed a Board of Emigration, composed of gentle- 
men of the highest standing and reputation, with General Richardson, 
the Adjutant-General of the State, as secretary, whose sole object is 
to guide and assist, by every kindly office, persons from abroad wishing 
to invest a little capital and settle on the soil of Virginia. I might fill 
pages with a description of farms and plantatlons, and lots, large and 
small, of land that are thus in the market. But I shall only mention a 
few particulars from a list presented to me by General Richardson. 
To show the great variety of choice, as regards situation for example, 
some of these farms and estates are in the immediate neighbourhood of 
-Richmond, some are in Roxbridge county, some in Orange county, oth- 
ers in Culpeper county, Chesterfield county, King William county, 
Louisa county, James City county, New Kent county, and so on. One 
is a tobacco plantation in Fluvanna, one of the most famous tobacco 
counties in Virginia. In the county of Orange there is an estate of 
6,000 acres of improved land, with several dwelling-houses on it, the 
purchaser of which could make a large home-farm for himself, and 
have besides half a dozen or even a dozen farm tenants. The lands are 
“very fertile, and suited to grass.” The purchase-money of this estate 
would be taken in instalments, spread over ten years if necessary. 
There are also many small farms, and lots of 20 to 50 acres. The high- 
est price asked for any of these lands, which are improved, is 4/. per 
acre. One estate of 800 acres, “land good, with abundance of green- 
sand marl only four feet below the surface,” could be bought for fifteen 
dollars an acre. Among the number there are “2,000 acres of unde- 
veloped coal lands.” Land rights are carefully registered and guarded 


126 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


in Virginia, and there is seldom any difficulty in tracing a clear title 
back through a long period of years. 

To understand the avalanche of land bargains at present in Vir- 
ginia, one has to remember that before the war the soil was owned 
chiefly by slaveholders, who had large estates which they never fully 
cultivated, but on which they shifted their crops about from one place 
to another, and who, finding themselves with plenty of money and little 
trouble under this system, allowed their overseers and the slave-dealers 
to settle all the hard matters between them. At the close of the war, 
when the slaves became free, it is easy to perceive that with no means 
left to cultivate such large tracts of land under the new conditions, it 
became a necessity, as well as the best thing the owners could do, to 
sell large portions of their estates, and to retain just as much as they 
had capital and labour to cultivate; and this they have done and are 
doing to some extent. In many other cases, proprietors, not rich save 
in land before the war, have since become embarrassed, and, falling 
into debt and arrears of taxes, have had decrees passed against them in 
the courts, under which sales are ordered to proceed. There have been 
instances also of gentlemen “slain in battle,” or driven from the coun- 
try, or flying from it in despair, and of every form of vicissitude and 
ruin that follows in the train of war and social revolution. The conse- 
quence is that a large proportion of the landed property of a great and 
long settled State is literally going a-begging for people to come and 
take it. The like has seldom been seen before. The deluge of encum- 
bered estates in Ireland was nothing compared to it, for the land in 
Ireland, when brought to sale under a Parliamentary title, readily com- 
manded purchasers at good prices. Yet there are no agrarian murders 
in Virginia. Nor is it a new and undeveloped country, where every 
element of civilization has to be introduced, but an old land of renown, 
where law and order prevail and every social comfort may be enjoyed. 
There is hardly any part of Virginia where a settler on the soil would 
not only find towns and markets, and roads and railways, but have as 
his neighbours gentlemen who are no mean agriculturists, who are 
versed in all the science of husbandry, many of them breeders of the 
rarest and finest stock, and deeply imbued with the spirit of agricultural 
progress and improvement. 


THE RAcE QUESTION IN SOUTH CAROLINA 


Charleston—‘“‘old Charleston,” fondly so called by its citizens—that 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 127 


has braved “the battle and the breeze,” if not a thousand, a good hun- 
dred years—the centre of Carolinian trade and commerce, the centre 
always of strong political emotion, and the centre also where the negro 
element was densest and negro slavery was intrenched as in a stronghold 
alike by fear and interest—is getting slowly, but surely, on its legs 
again from the downfall inflicted by the war. Never had a completer 
ruin fallen upon any city than fell upon Charleston in the years from 
1860 to 1865. Her planters who, with noble country seats on the banks 
of pleasant streams, amid groves of live oaks affording deep shade 
from the summer sun, could afford to have their winter residences here 
in town, were reduced, as by the grinding of a nether millstone, from 
affluence to poverty—ner merchants were scattered to the four winds of 
heaven—her shopkeepers closed their doors, or contrived to support a 
precarious existence on contraband of war—her young men went to die 
on the battlefield or in the military prisons of the North—her women 
and children, who could, fled to the country. The Federal Government, 
mindful of Fort Sumter and the first indignity to the Union flag, kept 
Charleston under close blockade, and added to its miseries by occasional 
bombardments. When this process in five years had reached the last 
stage of exhaustion, and the military surrender gave practical effect to 
emancipation, the negroes in the country parts, following up the child- 
like instinct of former days that Charleston was the El Dorado of the 
world, flocked into the ruined town, and made its aspect of misery and 
desolation more complete. The streets were empty of all but them- 
selves; the houses had not only lost all their bright paint without, but 
were mostly tenantless within; many fine mansions, long deserted, were 
fast mouldering into decay and ruin; and the demand for labour and 
the supply of provisions were at the lowest point. Seldom, with a 
deeper ruin of the old, has there been a more hopeless chaos out of 
which to construct a new order of things than Charleston presented in 
those days. Yet the process of amelioration has year by year been going 
steadily forward. Many of the old merchants of the city, and many 
active agents of exchange, both new and old, have come to put the 
wheels of trade once more in motion. Some of the old planters have 
also survived, and are seen, though in diminished numbers and with 
saddened countenances, yet with the steady fire of Anglo-Saxon cour- 
age in their eyes, attending to affairs like men determined to conquer 
fortune even in the depths of ruin and on the brink of the grave; while 
others, not so much to be respected, unwilling to work and ashamed to 


128 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


beg, seek to maintain some remnant of the ancient dignity no one knows 
how. The quays and wharves are busy; new ones, to meet new 
branches of trade, have been built with files of counting-rooms to suit; 
the cotton presses are again at work; lorries laden with the staple prod- 
ucts of the interior pour the livelong day along the streets towards the 
river; revival is extending from the business parts of the town to the 
quiet quarters of private residence; and the hotels, always of the first 
consideration in America, are already, with their stately colonnades of 
white pillars, their freshly painted fronts, and their troops of polished 
waiters of various hues of ebony, magnificent in Charleston. I went 
down one evening to the Battery, an esplanade at the seaward end of the 
peninsula, formed by the Cooper and Ashley rivers, on which Charles- 
ton is built—not of great compass, seeing that the embouchure of the 
two rivers here draws the land to a narrow point, but beautiful and 
refreshing, looking out on the spacious bay direct to Fort Sumter and 
the far Atlantic, and calling up associations of the Spanish Main and 
the West Indies, the distant British Islands, and of naval and historic 
glory, at the crowding thoughts of which the heart of every English- 
speaking man leaps to his mouth. Though Charleston, like other cities, 
has its West End—as I have seen from the tower of the Orphan Asy- 
lum, a noble institution which the war has left in full vigour—where 
goodly houses along stretching avenues of trees, and ample garden 
grounds, afford a happy and elegant retreat to prosperous men of busi- 
ness, yet there is reason enough why the Battery should be a point of 
peculiar eminence and fashion in Charleston. The residences around 
the esplanade—palaces in their way—after long neglect, are under- 
going rapid renovation. I am told that, apart from the “nabobs” who 
live in these charming marine villas, the Battery in ante-war times was 
the resort every evening of a long array of carriages, in which fair 
ladies reclined, and happy gentlemen cooled themselves after the heat 
and toil of the day. The only equipage I saw was the handsome buggy 
of a dry goods man from the North, who is rather liked for the spirit 
he displays. But the ladies of Charleston meantime take a constitu- 
tional walk on the Battery with their babies and nurses, and the gentle- 
men say the carriages will come again in due time. ; 

Such is the hopeful uprising of commercial progress in Charleston 
just now. But the old town has much to recover. In the winter of 
1862 a calamity more destructive and terrible than all the Federal bom- 
bardments befell the devoted city. A fire broke in some negro shanty 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 129 


on the Cooper river, and favoured by the wind, spread and swept down 
all before it in a curious zigzag but generally straight line through the 
centre of the town, till stopped by the Ashley river on the other side. 
This appalling conflagration, the desolation and misery caused and the 
hospitality evoked by which, amidst all the troubles of the war, cannot 
be described, still leaves its mark, like the course of a caterpillar that 
has eaten its way over a cotton leaf, upon the city of Charleston. Fires, 
once sprung, must propagate here with fearful rapidity. A large pro- 
portion of the side streets of Charleston are built of wood. The houses 
are simply frame erections. They are all dry as tinder, and airy as they 
can be made. An accidental spark or flame which in our British towns 
would be instantly smothered by the damp atmosphere, the stone walls, 
the dense fogs, and the absence of sun and ventilation, is here fraught 
sometimes with alarming consequences. Not the slightest suspicion of 
incendiarism rested upon the great Charleston fire of 1862. The negro 
is not given to the folly of setting his house on fire to roast an egg for 
somebody else to eat; and such is the power of discipline and habit over. 
him, that he continues, save on election nights or other periods of great 
excitement, to turn into bed at the early hour in the evening prescribed 
to him by a sort of curfew law in the days of slavery. The question 
asked when one surveys the vast ruin caused by this fire is, What 
became of the insurance companies? The insurance companies of the 
South? The war soon rendered their position untenable. The number 
of persons caring to insure rapidly diminished, and as the destruction 
of fire and sword spread wider and wider, the companies went down by 
the board, till the whole insurance capital of the Southern States, and 
all the interests centred around it, shrivelled up like a scroll and disap- 
peared. One must go to Charleston in order to hear all the ruin of the 
war summed up in good round emphatic English. Any old merchant 
citizen will reckon on his fingers what the war lost of property, capital, 
and substance of every kind to the South. First, the property in 
negroes, which, whether property in right reason and natural equity or 
not, was introduced under the sway of England, was recognised by the 
Constitution of the Republic, was protected by the laws of the United 
States, and was to all material intents and purposes as essentially prop- 
erty in the South as anything elsewhere which makes profit and can be 
bought and sold ;—this property was abolished, and was four hundred 
millions sterling. The whole banking capital of the South, which can- 


not be estimated at less than two hundred millions more, was swamped 
X. 9. 


130 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


in the extinction of all profitable banking business, and, finally, in a 
residuary flood of worthless Confederate money. The whole insurance 
capital of the South—probably a hundred millions more—also perished. 
The well organized cotton, sugar, and tobacco plantations, mills, fac- 
tories, coal and iron mines, and commercial and industrial establish- 
ments, built up by private capital, the value of which in millions of 
pounds sterling cannot be computed—all sank and were engulfed in the 
same wave. Every form of mortgage claim, with the exception of two 
or three proud State stocks, shared for the time being the fate of the 
principal, and only now crops up amidst the subsiding deluge like the 
stumps of a submerged forest. And so on the account goes as long as 
the fingers hold out, till the demonstration made is that the South by 
the war was peeled to the bone, and left not only without a cent in its 
pocket, but without anything by which a cent could be made, save the 
rude but productive land and the bright sun, powerful indeed as nat- 
ural germs of wealth and prosperity, but needing, to give them vitality, 
more capital and labour, more invention and ingenuity, more of every- 
thing which it seemed most difficult to supply. Terrible though the 
picture of ruin and impoverishment be, as thus drawn here in Charles- 
ton, I suspect it is in the main true of the whole South, and the marvel 
must be that affairs should already be so lively, so hopeful and elastic, 
as they everywhere appear. It was to be expected that the young men 
would enter upon business with fresh life and energy ; but more remark- 
able than they are the men of advanced life who, still on the top of the 
wave, are guiding and controlling by their experience the new order 
of things. 

Charleston, like Boston—for a good comparison there is nothing 
like the antipodes—has an English look about it. The old city has not 
fallen so mathematically into the parallelogram formation as the cities 
of the United States in general. The inhabitants still cast many a fond 
look towards the old country, and contrast the present misrule with the 
time when the laws of England were the laws of South Carolina. Such 
is the deep sense of change and revolution produced by the downfall of 
State Rights and the inroad of Federal power and innovation, that they 
profess not to know what the laws of South Carolina now are, or 
whether she has any laws at all. Ask what the system of rule is, and 
the reply will uniformly be that it is “nigger rule,” which is in one sense 
true. The negroes are more numerous than the whites in South Caro- 
lina. Being all citizens of the United States, they have all the right of 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 131 


voting, while many of the whites are not naturalized; and the War 
Radicals who came in to take the lead in political affairs, and to hold 
offices for which the prominent men of the State were disqualified by 
the test oath, have succeeded in controlling the negro vote, and casting 
it almost en masse in their favour at the polls. There not being “carpet- 
baggers” or “scallowags”’ enough in the State to fill all the seats in the 
Legislature, the negroes have largely returned men of their own race 
to watch over “laws and learning,” “‘ships, colonies, and commerce,” at 
the Capitol. The House of Representatives consists of 80 coloured 
men and 44 whites, and the Senate of 11 coloured men and 20 whites— 
there being one seat vacant just now. The white people of South Caro- 
lina are thus practically disfranchised, and a proletariat Parliament has 
been constituted, the like of which could not be produced under the 
widest suffrage in any part of the world save in some of these Southern 
States. The outcry of misgovernment, extravagant expenditure, job- 
bery, and corruption is both loud and general. The negroes are declared 
to be the dupes of designing men, comparative strangers to the State, 
whose object is simply to fill their pockets out of the public spoil. Polit- 
ical charges are not minced in South Carolina. There is room, indeed, 
to hope for a good deal of exaggeration. The exclusion of the superior 
part of the population from all influence in public affairs must of itself 
tend to magnify the enormity of everything enormous, and to distort 
everything not quite square that is done. The members and depend- 
ants of the State Administration are said, after having depreciated the 
South Carolina bonds to 40 and 35 cents, and bought in largely at such 
prices, to have then offered gold interest at New York, which at once 
advanced the price to 95 cents, and enabled them to pocket millions. 
Possible and condemnatory enough, but it was a good thing in itself to 
restore the financial credit of the State; and in North Carolina, for 
example, the business men and the proprietors have since the war urged 
upon the Legislature to place the public credit of the State on the best 
footing, and will not desist till they succeed, under the conviction that 
honesty to the public creditor is the best policy, and the corner-stone of 
all progress and improvement. State Commissions are said to be issued 
on roads, lands, and other departments, the members of which do little 
but job and make profit to themselves and their friends. The State 
Government buys lands on which to settle and give homes to negroes. 
This is commissioned, and land is said to undergo sale and resale before 
it becomes the property of the State. It is not believed that the negroes 


132 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


will in any considerable number make homes on these properties, and 
the only advantage I have incidentally discovered from such settle- 
ments is in one instance where the negroes, not having crops enough of 
their own to occupy their labour, formed a reserve force from which a 
neighbouring planter has drawn extra hands to gather in his cotton. 
Railway contracts and railway bonds, in which the State has its finger, 
are also suspected of offering opportunities not exactly consistent with 
the public good. The phosphate deposits in the bay and rivers have 
been leased at a royalty of a dollar per ton to a single company, not, I 
am to believe, without heavy sums distributed in the House of Repre- 
sentatives; but the principle of this transaction is discussed freely by 
all parties, and it is thought by some that the law of the United States 
will not sanction a commercial monopoly of what is public estate. A 
State census was taken last year, which is thought to have been a super- 
fluous labour, seeing that the decennial census ordered by Congress fell 
to be taken this year, and the Governor is supposed to have sought in 
this way to give employment to partisans, and to secure votes. Every- 
thing thus moves in an atmosphere of political suspicion. One of the 
most favourable signs, indeed, is the keenness with which the acts of 
the State Government and Legislature are scrutinized, and the activity 
with which the native white population endeavour to recover influence 
and authority both in the State and in Congress. Prior to the recent 
elections, they organised a Reform Union on the basis of the political 
and civil equality of the negroes, turned out in large numbers to the 
ballot boxes, protected the negroes who were voting on their side, and 
in Charleston succeeded. But throughout the State the movement so 
far has failed to divide the negro vote with the Radical party, who 
remain in a large majority. The principles of the Reform Union seem 
to be consistently maintained in practice. Many of the white electors 
in the city voted for Delarge, a negro tailor, as representative of their 
district in Congress, because they believed him to be more trustworthy 
than his white opponents. 

I allude at this length to political affairs in South Carolina, because 
it is very obvious that a system of government resting almost wholly on 
the votes of the negroes, is not a desirable state of affairs as regards 
either the State itself or the general interests of the Union. It destroys 
confidence in the integrity and stability of the Administration, prevents 
the investment of money, and renders impossible that hearty co-opera- 
tion of the public authorities with the substantial people of the State 
which is so essential to the interests of all classes of the community. 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 133 


[CHaARLEsToN, S. C.—Nov. 10 to Nov. 14.] 

Apart from the passing excitement of the elections just over, and 
the disappointment of the white population at the voting of the negroes 
en masse for the Republican or Radical party, the general tone of social 
life in Charleston is kindly and temperate, and all classes of society are 
working together with considerable harmony for mutual good. The 
negro is beset at present by two parties who claim to be his “best 
friends.” The Republicans, who came in with the close of the war, 
appeal to him as his best if not only friends; and, looking at the politi- 
cal issues of the war, and the decree of emancipation, with its elaborate - 
guarantees of reconstruction, the negroes could not but regard the 
Republican party politically as their friends. Nor can it be denied that 
the organs of the Federal Government have laboured to introduce 
institutions for the moral and social benefit of the negroes, and, as far 
as their limited means would allow, have befriended that large portion 
of the population. I have not found any one on the other side who is 
prepared to blame the negroes for voting almost universally as they did 
in the elections which raised General Grant to the Presidentship, or who 
appears to have expected that they would or should have been other 
than fast adherents of their emancipators. But the political agitators 
and hungry spoil-and-office hunters of the party are accused of appeal- 
ing to the ignorance and passions of the negro population—of telling 
them that the white people of the State are eagerly seeking an oppor- 
tunity of restoring slavery, which they have certainly no wish to do, 
and which they could not do even if they would; and now, after five 
years of this, it is considered hard that the negroes—when there are 
great public objects of economy, protection from jobbery and corrup- 
tion, and a sound and healthy administration of the affairs of the State 
to promote, in which the blacks are as closely interested as others— 
should cast their votes in a body against the great majority of the white 
population, and terrorize such of their own colour as are disposed to act 
differently. This feeling breaks out violently just now in bar-rooms 
and at street corners, and is often expressed more quietly and reason- 
ably, yet firmly, in private circles. Many seem ready to despair of the 
negro as a politician, while others talk of a “‘war of races” and other 
disorders sure to arise. The feeling is no doubt all the stronger since 
the evils of “carpet-bagging” and negro demagoguery are apparent to 
respectable men of both parties, and, while violently denounced on one 
side, are not denied, but sometimes admitted and deplored, on the other. 


124 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


Though politics in South Carolina thus wear a somewhat sinister com- 
plexion, yet there is a healthy action and a sober practical opinion under- 
neath the service that promise beneficial results. The issues left by the 
war are being rapidly closed; the Refor:a Union, which has figured 
prominently in the late elections as the organ of the native white people 
of the State, recognizes fully the civil and political equality of the 
negroes not only as an election platform, but as the fundamental law of 
the United States; this position is likely to be maintained, and may be 
expected soon to bring about in this, as in other Southern States, a 
better balance of parties. Meanwhile social bonds are being knit 
together, and many ameliorative influences are quietly at work. The 
ladies, who had a long apprenticeship of self-devotion during the war, 
are exerting themselves to give work, and to sell the work of poor 
needlewomen of both races. Nearly all the old charities of Charleston 
remain in operation, and schools and missions are doing much to 
improve the population. 

By a law passed five years before the war a public school system 
was introduced into South Carolina, which became well developed in 
Charleston; and now the State has passed under the new free-school 
principle, embodied in the Constitutions of the Southern States under 
the Acts of Reconstruction. It is only by degrees that this system can 
get into general operation, and, indeed, it is doubtful whether the 
ground lost in education during the war has yet been recovered. The 
official statistics for 1860 give 20,716 pupils in 757 public schools, 
whereas they show for 1869 only 381 public schools and 16,418 pupils. 
The new law is now, however, being put into operation; the State has 
appropriated $50,000 to this object, and, aided by the Peabody Fund 
and other voluntary contributions, South Carolina may be expected soon 
to be tolerably well furnished with the means of education for the whole 
population. Charleston is probably more advanced in this respect than 
any other part of the State, and the education of negro children is 
already quite a prominent feature, one building devoted to the coloured 
people being capable of receiving 1,000 scholars. 


REDFIELD PROCTOR 


REDFIELD Proctor was born at Proctorsville, Vermont, in 1831. 
He became Governor of his State in 1878, Secretary of War in 1880, 
and United States Senator in 1891. 

Before the Spanish-American War, he made a ue investiga- 
tion for his own sake of the conditions in Cuba. Considerable previous 
experience in the island fitted him admirably to be a competent judge, 
and the speech given below—a plain, conservative statement of affairs 
there—had the greatest influence in convincing the Senate of the neces- 
sity of interference for reasons of humanity. 


CONDITIONS IN CUBA 


Mr. President, more importance seems to be attached by others to 
my recent visit to Cuba than I have given it, and it has been suggested 
that I make a public statement of what I saw and how the situation 
impressed me. This I do on account of the public interest in all that 
concerns Cuba, and to correct any inaccuracies that have, not unnat- 
urally, appeared in some of the reported interviews with me. 

My trip was entirely unofficial, and of my own motion, not sug- 
gested by anyone. The only mention I made of it to the President was 
to say to him that I contemplated such a trip and to ask him if there 
was any objection to it; to which he replied that he could see none. No 
one but myself, therefore, is responsible for anything in this statement. 
Judge Day gave me a brief note of introduction to General Lee, and I 
had letters of introduction from business friends at the North to bankers 
and other business men at Habana, and they in turn gave me letters 
to their correspondents in other cities. These letters to business men 
were very useful, as one of the principal purposes of my visit was to 
ascertain the views of practical men of affairs upon the situation. 

Of General Lee I need say little. His valuable services to his 
country in his trying position are too well known to all his countrymen 
to require mention. Besides his ability, high character, and courage, he 
possesses the important requisites of unfailing tact and courtesy, and, 


136 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


withal, his military education and training and his soldierly qualities 
are invaluable adjuncts in the equipment of our representative in a 
country so completely under military rule as is Cuba. General Lee 
kindly invited us to sit at his table at the hotel during our stay in 
Habana, and this opportunity for frequent informal talks with him was 
of great help to me. 

In addition to the information he voluntarily gave me, it furnished 
a convenient opportunity to ask him the many questions that suggested 

_ themselves in explanation of things seen and heard on our trips through 
the country. I also met and spent considerable time with Consul Brice 
at Matanzas, and with Captain Barker, a stanch ex-Confederate soldier, 
the consul at Sagua la Grande, a friend of the Senator from Mississippi 
[Mr. Walthall]. None of our representatives whom I met in Cuba are 
of my political faith, but there is a broader faith, not bounded by party 
lines. They are all three true Americans, and have done excellent 
service. 
The Maine 

It has been stated that I said there was no doubt the Maine was 
blown up from the outside. This is a mistake. I may have said that 
such was the general impression among Americans in Habana. In fact, 
I have no opinion about it myself, and carefully avoided forming one. 
I gave no attention to these outside surmises. I met the members of the 
court on their boat, but would as soon approach our Supreme Court in 
regard to a pending case as that board. They are as competent and 
trustworthy within the lines of their duty as any court in the land, and 
their report, when made, will carry conviction to all the people that the 
exact truth has been stated just as far as it is possible to ascertain it. 
And until then surmise and conjecture are idle and unprofitable. Let 
us calmly wait for the report. 

Sections Visited 

There are six provinces in Cuba, each, with the exception of Matan- 
zas, extending the whole width of the island, and having about an equal 
sea front on the north and south borders. Matanzas touches the Carib- 
bean Sea only/at its southwest corner, being separated from it elsewhere 
by a narrow peninsula of Santa Clara Province. The provinces are 
named, beginning at the west, Pinar del Rio, Habana, Matanzas, Santa 
Clara, Puerto Principe, and Santiago de Cuba. My observations were 
confined to the four western provinces, which constitute about one-half 
of the island. The two eastern ones are practically in the hands of the 
insurgents, except the few fortified towns. These two large provinces 
are spoken of to-day as “Cuba Libre.” 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 137 


Habana, the great city and capital of the island, is, in the eyes of 
the Spaniards and many Cubans, all Cuba, as much as Paris is France. 
But having visited it in more peaceful times and seen its sights, the 
tomb of Columbus, the forts—Cabana and Morro Castle, etc.—I did not 
care to repeat this, preferring trips in the country. Everything seems 
to go on much as usual in Habana. Quiet prevails, and except for the 
frequent squads of soldiers marching to guard and police duty and 
their abounding presence in all public places, one sees little signs of war. 

Outside Habana all is changed. It is not peace nor is it war. It is 
desolation and distress, misery and starvation. Every town and village 
is surrounded by a “trocha” (trench), a sort of rifle pit, but constructed 
on a plan new to me, the dirt being thrown up on the inside and a barbed 
wire fence on the outerside of the trench. These trochas have at every 
corner and at frequent intervals along the sides what are there called 
forts, but which are really small blockhouses, many of them more like 
large sentry boxes, loopholed for musketry, and with a guard of from 
two to ten soldiers in each. 

The purpose of these trochas is to keep the reconcentrados in as 
well as to keep the insurgents out. From all the surrounding country 
the people have been driven in to these fortified towns and held there to 
subsist as they can. They are virtually prison yards, and not unlike 
one in general appearance, except that the walls are not so high and 
strong; but they suffice, where every point is in range of a soldier’s 
rifle, to keep in the poor reconcentrado women and children. 

-Every railroad station is within one of these trochas and has an 
armed guard. Every train has an armored freight car, loopholed for 
musketry and filled with soldiers, and with, as I observed usually, and 
was informed is always the case, a pilot engine a mile or so in advance. 
There are frequent blockhouses inclosed by a trocha and with a guard 
along the railroad track. With this exception there is no human life or 
habitation between these fortified towns and villages, and throughout 
the whole of the four western provinces, except to a very limited extent 
among the hills where the Spaniards have not been able to go and drive 
the people to the towns and burn their dwellings. I saw no house or 
hut in the 400 miles of railroad rides from Pinar del Rio Province in the 
west across the full width of Habana and Matanzas provinces, and to 
Sagua La Grande on the north shore, and to Cienfuegos on the south 
shore of Santa Clara, except within the Spanish trochas. 


There are no domestic animals or crops on the rich fields and pas- 


138 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


tures except such as are under guard in the immediate vicinity of the 
towns. In other words, the Spaniards hold in these four western prov- 
inces just what their army sits on. Every man, woman, and child, and 
every domestic animal, wherever their columns have reached, is under 
guard and within their so-called fortifications. To describe one place 
is to describe all. To repeat, it is neither peace nor war. It is concen- 
tration and desolation. This is the “pacified” condition of the four 
western provinces. 

West of Habana is mainly the rich tobacco country; east, so far as 
I went, a sugar region. Nearly all the sugar mills are destroyed 
between Habana and Sagua. Two or three were standing in the vicin- 
ity of Sagua, and in part running, surrounded, as are the villages, by 
trochas, and “forts” or palisades of the royal palm, and fully guarded. 
Toward and near Cienfuegos there were more mills running, put all 
with the same protection. It is said that the owners of these mills near 
Cienfuegos have been able to obtain special favors of the Spanish Gov- 
ernment in the way of a large force of soldiers, but that they also, as 
well as all the railroads, pay taxes to the Cubans for immunity. I had 
no means of verifying this. It is the common talk among those who 
have better means of knowledge. 

The Reconcentrados—The Country People 

All the country people in the four western provinces, about 400,000 
in number, remaining outside the fortified towns when Weyler’s order 
was made were driven into these towns, and these are the reconcen- 
trados. They were the peasantry, many of them farmers, some land- 
owners, others renting lands and owning more or less stock, others 
working on estates and cultivating small patches ; and even a small patch 
in that fruitful clime will support a family. 

It is but fair to say that the normal condition of these people was 
very different from what prevails in this country. Their standard of 
comfort and prosperity was not high measured by ours. But according 
to their standards and requirements their conditions of life were sat- 
isfactory. 

They lived mostly in cabins made of palms or in wooden houses. 
Some of them had houses of stone, the blackened walls of which are 
all that remain to show the country was ever inhabited. 

The first clause of Weyler’s order reads as follows: 

I Order and Command 
First. All the inhabitants of the country or outside of the line of 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 139 


fortifications of the towns shall, within the period of eight days, 
concentrate themselves in the towns occupied by the troops. Any indi- 
vidual who, after the expiration of this period, is found in the uninhab- 
ited parts will be considered a rebel and tried as such. 


The other three sections forbid the transportation of provisions 
from one town to another without permission of the military authority, 
direct the owners of cattle to bring them into the towns, prescribe that 
the eight days shall be counted from the publication of the proclamation 
in the head town of the municipal district, and state that if news is fur- 
nished of the enemy which can be made use of, it will serve as a “rec- 
ommendation.”’ 

Many, doubtless, did not learn of this order. Others failed to grasp 
its terrible meaning. Its execution was left largely to the guerrillas to 
drive in all that had not obeyed, and I was informed that in many cases 
the torch was applied to their homes with no notice, and the inmates 
fled with such clothing as they might have on, their stock and other 
belongings being appropriated by the guerrillas. When they reached the 
towns they were allowed to build huts of palm leaves in the suburbs 
and vacant places within the trochas, and left to live, if they could. 

Their huts are about Io by 15 feet in size, and for want of space 
are usually crowded together very closely. They have no floor but the 
ground, no furniture, and, after a year’s wear, but little clothing except 
such stray substitutes as they can extemporize; and with large families, 
or more than one, in this little space, the commonest sanitary provisions 
are impossible. Conditions are unmentionable in this respect. Torn 
from their homes, with foul earth, foul air, foul water, and foul food or 
none, what wonder that one-half have died and that one-quarter of the 
living are so diseased that they cannot be saved? A form of dropsy is 
a common disorder resulting from these conditions. Little children are 
still walking about with arms and chest terribly emaciated, eyes swollen, 
and abdomen bloated to three times the natural size. The physicians 
say these cases are hopeless. 

Deaths in the streets have not been uncommon. I was told by one 
of our consuls that they have been found dead about the markets in the 
morning, where they had crawled, hoping to get some stray bits of food 
from the early hucksters, and that there had been cases where they had 
dropped dead inside the market surrounded by food. These people 
were independent and self-supporting before Weyler’s order. They are 
not beggars even now. There are plenty of professional beggars in 


140 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


every town among the regular residents, but these country people, the 
reconcentrados, have not learned the art. Rarely is a hand held out to 
you for alms when going among their huts, but the sight of them makes 
an appeal stronger than words. 

The Hospitals 

Of these I need not speak. Others have described their conditions 
far better than I can. It is not within the narrow limits of my vocab- 
ulary to portray it. I went to Cuba with a strong conviction that the 
picture had been overdrawn; that a few cases of starvation and suffer- 
ing had inspired and stimulated the press correspondents, and that they 
had given free play to a strong, natural, and highly cultivated imagina- 
tion. 

Before starting I received through the mail a leaflet published by 
the Christian Herald, with cuts of some of the sick and starving recon- 
centrados, and took it with me, thinking these must be rare specimens, 
got up to make the worst possible showing. I saw plenty as bad and 
worse; many that should not be photographed and shown. 

T could not believe that out of a population of 1,600,000, 200,000 had 
died within these Spanish forts, practically prison walls, within a few 
months past from actual starvation and diseases caused by insufficient 
and improper food. My inquiries were entirely outside of sensational 
sources. They were made of our medical officers, of our consuls, of 
city alcaldes (mayors), of relief committees, of leading merchants and 
bankers, physicians, and lawyers. Several of my informants were Span- 
ish born, but every time the answer was that the case had not been 
overstated. What I saw I cannot tell so that others can see it. It must 
be seen with one’s own eyes to be realized. 

The Los Pasos Hospital, in Habana, has been recently described 
by one of my colleagues, Senator Gallinger, and I cannot say that his 
picture was overdrawn, for even his fertile pen could not do that. But 
he visited it after Dr. Lesser, one of Miss Barton’s very able and 
efficient assistants, had renovated it and put in cots. I saw it when 400 
women and children were lying on the stone floors in an indescribable 
state of emaciation and disease, many with the scantiest covering of rags 
—and such rags !—sick children, as naked as they came into the world; 
and the conditions in the other cities are even worse. 

Miss Barton and Her Work 

Miss Barton needs no indorsement from me. I had known and 

esteemed her for many years, but had not half appreciated her capa- 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 141 


bility and devotion to her work. I specially looked into her business 
methods, fearing that here would be the greatest danger of mistake, 
that there might be want of system and waste and extravagance, but 
found she could teach me on these points. I visited the warehouse 
where the supplies are received and distributed; saw the methods of 
checking ; visited the hospitals established or organized and supplied by 
her; saw the food distributions in several cities and towns, and every- 
thing seems to me to be conducted in the best manner possible. The 
ample, fine warehouse in Habana, owned by a Cuban firm, is given, with 
a gang of laborers free of charge to unload and reship supplies. 

The Children’s Hospital in Havana, a very large, fine private resi- 
dence, is hired at a cost of less than $100 per month, not a fifth of what 
it would command in this city. It is under the admirable management 
of Mrs. Dr. Lesser of New York, a German lady and trained nurse. I 
saw the rapid improvement of the first children taken there. All Miss 
Barton’s assistants seem excellently fitted for their duties. In short, I 
saw nothing to criticise, but everything to commend. The American 
people may be assured that their bounty will reach the sufferers with 
the least possible cost and in the best manner in every respect. And if 
our people could see a small fraction of the need, they would pour more 
“freely from their liberal stores” than ever before for any cause. 

When will the need for this help end? Not until peace comes and 
the reconcentrados can go back to the country, rebuild their homes, 
reclaim their tillage plots, which quickly run up to brush in that won- 
derful soil and clime, and until they can be free from danger of molesta- 
tion in so doing. Until then the American people must in the main care 
for them. It is true that the alcaldes, other local authorities, and the 
relief committees are now trying to do something, and desire, I believe, 
to do the best they can. But the problem is beyond their means and 
capacity, and the work is one to which they are not accustomed. 

General Blanco’s order of November 13 last somewhat modifies 
the Weyler order, but it is of little or no practical benefit. Its applica- 
tion is limited to farms “properly defended,” and the owners are obliged 
to build “centers of defense.” Its execution is completely in the dis- 
cretion of the local military authorities, and they know the terrible mili- 
tary efficiency of Weyler’s order in stripping the country of all possible 
shelter, food, or source of information for an insurgent, and will be 
slow to surrender this advantage. In fact, though the order was issued 


four months ago, I saw no beneficent results from it worth mentioning. 


142 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


I do not impugn General Blanco’s motives, and believe him to be an 
amiable gentleman, and that he would be glad to relieve the condition 
of the reconcentrados if he could do so without loss of any military 
advantage; but he knows that all Cubans are insurgents at heart, and 
none now under military control will be allowed to go out from under it. 

I wish I might speak of the country—of its surpassing richness. 
I have never seen one to compare with it. On this point I agree with 
Columbus, and believe everyone between his time and mine must be of 
the same opinion. It is indeed a land— 


Where every prospect pleases 
And only man is vile. 


The Spaniard 

I had little time to study the race question, and have read nothing 
on it, so can only give hasty impressions. It is said that there are nearly 
200,000 Spaniards in Cuba out of a total population of 1,600,000. They 
live principally in the towns and cities. The small shopkeepers in the 
towns and their clerks are mostly Spaniards. Much of the larger busi- 
ness, too, and of the property in the cities, and in a less degree in the 
country, is in their hands. They have an eye to thrift, and as every- 
thing possible in the way of trade and legalized monopolies, in which 
the country abounds, is given to them by the Government, many of them 
acquire property. I did not learn that the Spanish residents of the island 
had contributed largely in blood or treasure to suppress the insurrection. 

The Cuban 

There are, or were before the war, about 1,000,000 Cubans on the 
island, 200,000 Spaniards (which means those born in Spain), and less 
than half a million of negroes and mixed bloods. The Cuban whites are 
of pure Spanish blood and, like the Spaniards, dark in complexion, but 
oftener light or blonde, so far as I noticed. The percentage of colored 
to white has been steadily diminishing for more than fifty years, and is 
not now over 25 per cent of the total. In fact, the number of colored 
people has been actually diminishing for nearly that time. The Cuban 
farmer and laborer is by nature peaceable, kindly, gay, hospitable, light- 
hearted, and improvident. 

There is a proverb among the Cubans that “Spanish bulls cannot 
be bred in Cuba”—that is, that the Cubans, though they are of Spanish 
blood, are less excitable and of a quieter temperament. Many Cubans 
whom I met spoke in strong terms against the bull fights; that it was a 
brutal institution, introduced and mainly patronized by the Spaniards. 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 143 


One thing that was new to me was to learn the superiority of the well- 
to-do Cuban over the Spaniard in the matter of education. Among 
those in good circumstances there can be no doubt that the Cuban is 
far superior in this respect. And the reason of it is easy to see. They 
have been educated in England, France, or this country, while the 
Spaniard has such education as his own country furnishes. 

The Negro 

The colored people seem to me by nature quite the equal mentally 
and physically of the race in this country. Certainly physically they are 
by far the larger and stronger race on the island. There is little or no 
race prejudice, and this has doubtless been greatly to their advantage. 
Kighty-five years ago there were one-half as many free negroes as 
slaves, and this proportion slowly increased until emancipation. 

The Military Situation 

It is said that there are about 60,000 Spanish soldiers now in Cuba 
fit for duty out of the over 200,000 that have been sent there. The rest 
have died, have been sent home sick, or are in hospitals, and some have 
been killed, notwithstanding the official reports. They are conscripts, 
many of them very young, and generally small men. One hundred and 
thirty pounds is a fair estimate of their average weight. They are quiet 
and obedient, and if well drilled and led, I believe would fight fairly 
well, but not at all equal to our men. Much more would depend on 
the leadership than with us. The officer must lead well and be one in 
whom they have confidence, and this applies to both sides alike. As I 
saw no drills or regular formation, I inquired about them of many per- 
sons, and was informed that they had never seen a drill. I saw perhaps 
10,000 Spanish troops, but not a piece of artillery or a tent. They live 
in barracks in the towns, and are seldom out for more than the day, 
returning to town at night. 

They have little or no equipment for supply trains or for a field 
campaign such as we have. Their cavalry horses are scrubby little 
native ponies, weighing not over 800 pounds, tough and hardy, but for 
the most part in wretched condition, reminding one of the mounts of 
Don Quixote and his squire. Some of the officers, however, have good 
horses, mostly American, I think. On both sides cavalry is considered 
the favorite and the dangerous fighting arm. The tactics of the Span- 
ish, as described to me by eyewitnesses and participants in some of their 
battles, is for the infantry, when threatened by insurgent cavalry, to 
form a hollow square and fire away ab libitum, and without ceasing 
until time to march back to town. 


144 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


It does not seem to have entered the minds of either side that a 
good infantry force can take care of itself and repulse anywhere an 
equal or greater number of cavalry, and there are everywhere positions 
where cavalry would be at a disadvantage. 

Having called on Governor and Captain-General Blanco and 
received his courteous call in return, I could not with propriety seek 
communication with insurgents. I had plenty of safe offers of safe con- 
duct to Gomez’s camp, and was told that if I would write him, an answer 
would be returned safely within ten days at most. 

I saw several who had visited the insurgent camps, and was sought 
out by an insurgent field officer, who gave me the best information 
received as to the insurgent force. His statements were moderate, and 
I was credibly informed that he was entirely reliable. He claimed that 
the Cubans had about 30,000 men now in the field, some in every prov- 
ince, but mostly in the two eastern provinces and eastern Santa Clara, 
and this statement was corroborated from other good sources. They 
have a force all the time in Habana Province itself, organized in four 
small brigades and operating in small bands. Ruiz was taken, tried, 
and shot within about a mile and a half of the railroad and about fifteen 
miles out of Habana, on the road to Matanzas, a road more traveled 
than any other, and which I went over four times. 

Arranguren was killed about three miles the other side of the road 
and about the same distance, fifteen or twenty miles, from Habana. 
They were well armed, but very poorly supplied with ammunition. 
They are not allowed to carry many cartridges; sometimes not more 
than one or two. The infantry, especially, are poorly clad. Two small 
squads of prisoners which I saw, however, one of half a dozen in the 
streets of Habana, and one of three on the cars, wore better clothes 
than the average Spanish soldier. 

Each of these prisoners, though surrounded by guards, was bound 
by the arm and wrists by cords, and they were all tied together by a cord 
running along the line, a specimen of the amenities of their warfare. 
About one-third of the Cuban army are colored, mostly in the infantry, 
as the cavalry furnished their own horses. 

This field officer, an American from a Southern State, spoke in the 
highest terms of the conduct of these colored soldiers; that they were 
as good fighters and had more endurance than the whites; could keep 
up with the cavalry on a long march and come in fresh at night. 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 145 


The Political Situation 

The dividing lines between parties are the most straight and 
clear cut that have ever come to my knowledge. The division in our 
war was by no means so clearly defined. It is Cuban against Spaniard. 
It is practically the entire Cuban population on one side and the Spanish 
army and Spanish citizens on the other. 

I do not count the autonomists in this division, as they are so far 
too inconsiderable in numbers to be worth mentioning. General Blanco 
filled the civil offices with men who had been autonomists and were still 
classed as such. But the march of events had satisfied most of them 
that the chance for autonomy came too late. 

It falls as talk of compromise would have fallen the last year or two 
of our war. If it succeeds, it can only be by armed force, by the triumph 
of the Spanish army, and the success of Spanish arms would be easier 
by Weyler’s policy and method, for in that the Spanish army and people 
believe. | 

There is no doubt that General Blanco is acting in entire good faith; 
that he desires to give the Cubans a fair measure of autonomy, as 
Campos did at the close of the ten-year war. He has, of course, a few 
personal followers, but the army and Spanish citizens do not want genu- 
ine autonomy, for that means government by the Cuban people. And it 
is not strange that the Cubans say it comes too late. 

I have never had any communication, direct or indirect, with the 
Cuban Junta in this country or any of its members, nor did I have with 
any of the juntas which exist in every city and large town of Cuba. 
None of the calls I made were upon parties of whose sympathies I had 
the least knowledge, except that I knew some of them were classed as 
autonomists. 

Most of my informants were business men, who had no sides and 
rarely expressed themselves. I had no means of guessing in advance 
what their answers would be, and was in most cases greatly surprised 
at their frankness. 

I inquired in regard to autonomy of men of wealth and men as 
prominent in business as any in the cities of Habana, Matanzas, and 
Sagua, bankers, merchants, lawyers, and autonomist officials, some of 
them Spanish born but Cuban bred, one prominent Englishman, several 
of them known as autonomists, and several of them telling me they were 
still believers in autonomy if practicable, but without exception they 


replied that it was “‘too late” for that. 
X10; 


146 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


Some favored a United States protectorate, some annexation, some 
free Cuba; not one has been counted favoring the insurrection at first. 
They were business men and wanted peace, but said it was too late for 
peace under Spanish sovereignty. They characterized Weyler’s order 
in far stronger terms than I can. I could not but conclude that you do 
not have to scratch an autonomist very deep to find a Cuban. There is 
soon to be an election, but every polling place must be inside a fortified 
town. Such elections ought to be safe for the “ins.” 

I have endeavored to state in not intemperate mood what I saw 
and heard, and to make no argument thereon, but leave everyone to 
draw his own conclusions. To me the strongest appeal is not the bar- 
barity practiced by Weyler nor the loss of the Maine, if our worst fears 
should prove true, terrible as are both of these incidents, but the spec- 
tacle of a million and a half of people, the entire native population of 
Cuba, struggling for freedom and deliverance from the worst misgov- 
ernment of which I ever had knowledge. But whether our action ought 
to be influenced by any one or all these things, and, if so, how far, is 
another question. 

I am not in favor of annexation; not because I would apprehend 
any particular trouble from it, but because it is not wise policy to take 
in any people of foreign tongue and training, and without any strong 
guiding American element. The fear that if free the people of Cuba 
would be revolutionary is not so well founded as has been supposed, 
and the conditions for good self-government are far more favorable. 
The large number of educated and patriotic men, the great sacrifices 
they have endured, the peaceable temperament of the people, whites and 
blacks, the wonderful prosperity that would surely come with peace and 
good home rule, the large influx of American and English immigration 
and money, would all be strong factors for stable institutions. 

But it is not my purpose at this time, nor do I consider it my prov- 
ince, to suggest any plan. I merely speak of the symptoms as I saw 
them, but do not undertake to prescribe. Such remedial steps as may be 
required may safely be left to an American President and the American 
people. 


147 


F. H. SAWYER 


F. H. SAwYeErR was British consul in Manila and a resident there 
for some fourteen years. 


PROSPECTS IN THE PHILIPPINES 


The commercial prospects of the islands are great, even if we do 
not instaritly take for gospel the fairy tales we are told about Manila 
becoming the centre of the trade of the Pacific. There can be no doubt 
that if peace and an honest administration can be secured, capital will 
be attracted and considerable increase in the export of hemp, tobacco, 
and sugar will gradually take place as fresh land can be cleared and 
planted. As I have elsewhere said, the Philippines in energetic and 
skillful hands will soon yield up the store of gold which the poor Span- 
iards have been so mercilessly abused for leaving behind them. But 
the Philippines are not and never will be a country for the poor white 
man. 

A white man cannot labour there without great danger to his health. 
He cannot compete with the native or Chinese mechanic, in fact he is not 
wanted there at all. For my part, I would never employ a white man 
there as a labourer or mechanic, if I could help it, more especially an 
Englishman or an American, for I know from experience what the 
result would be. As foreman or overseer a white man may be better, 
according to his skill and character. 

Now let me, as soon as possible, expose the absurdity of a mis- 
chievous letter, which I fear may already have done much harm, but I 
hope my warning may do something to counteract its effects. I quote 
from the Blue Book so often mentioned: pp. 330-1. 


148 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


Mr. WILLIAMS fo Mer. Day. 


U. S. S. BaLtimorE, MANILA Bay, 
July 2nd, 1898. 
SIR, 
* * * * * x 

If long occupation or possession on the part of our government be 
considered, I believe early and strenuous efforts should be made to 
bring here from the United States men and women of many occupa- 
tions—mechanics, teachers, ministers, shipbuilders, merchants, electri- 
cians, plumbers, druggists, doctors, dentists, carriage and harness 
makers, stenographers, typewriters, photographers, tailors, blacksmiths, 
and agents for exporting, and to introducé American products, natural 
and artificial, of many classes. To all such I pledge every aid, and now 
is the time to start. Good government will be easier the greater the 
influx of Americans. 

My despatches have referred to our present percentage of export 
trade. If now our exports come here as interstate, duty free, we have 
practical control of Philippine trade, which now amounts to many 
millions, and because of ingrafting of American energy and methods 
upon the fabulous natural and productive wealth of these islands, can 
and probably will be multiplied by twenty during the coming twenty 
years. All this increment should come to our nation and not go to any 
other. | 

* * * * * 

I hope for an influx this year of 10,000 ambitious Americans, and 
all can live well, become enriched. . . . 

(Signed) O. F. WILLIAMS, 
Consul. 


I venture to say that the man who wrote this astonishing letter, 
taking upon himself the responsibility of advising “early and strenuous 
efforts” to send from the United States thousands of men and women 
of many occupations to Manila, and of assuring them that “all could 
live well and become enriched,” knew nothing at all about the state of 
the Philippine Islands, and is a most unsafe guide. 

What on earth would all these tradespeople find to do in the islands? 
Where could they be housed? How could they be supported? If they 
came in numbers, the doctors and druggists might indeed find full 
employment prescribing and making up medicine for the many sufferers 
from tropical ailments, especially the typhoid fevers, that would attack 
the unacclimatised immigrants, and the ministers could earn their daily 
bread by reading the burial service, whilst the typewriters would be 
busy typing letters to friends at home announcing the deaths that 
occurred; and warning them against coming to starve in Manila. But 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 149 


I defy anyone to explain how the shipbuilders, electricians, plumbers, 
tailors and blacksmiths are to make a living. As regards merchants or 
agents for exporting, I may say that Americans have not been very suc- 
cessful in Manila in this capacity. The great and influential firm of 
Russell & Sturgis came to grief through over-trading, and another 
noteworthy firm, Messrs. Peele, Hubbell & Co., failed from rash specu- 
lations in sugar, and not from any persecutions by the Spanish authori- 
ties, as has been falsely stated in a magazine article. I speak with 
knowledge on the matter, as I was well acquainted with this firm, hav- 
ing been their consulting engineer for the construction of the slipway 
at Canacao for which they were agents. I think it only right to say 
that the gentlemen who were heads of these American firms were 
worthy upholders of the high reputation of their country. They failed, 
but no imputations rested on the characters of the partners, and I have 
always heard them spoken of with great respect, especially amongst 
the natives. 

Those of them who were personally known to me were men who 
invariably showed every courtesy and consideration to all who came in 
contact with them, whether Europeans or natives. Notwithstanding 
their misfortunes they were a credit to their country, and they did a 
good deal towards the development of the trade in the Philippines. 

I believe that the estates of Russell & Sturgis when realized, paid 
all their liabilities in full, and besides left considerable pickings in the 
hands of the liquidators and their friends. Two or three firms were 
built up out of their ruins. Some Chinese half-castes and natives had 
received heavy advances from this firm, especially about Molo and 
Yloilo. One well known individual had received $60,000, and when 
summoned before the court he claimed the benefit of the “Laws of the 
Indies,” by which his liability was limited to $5. The judge, however, 
ordered him to repay the principal at the rate of a dollar a month! I 
had this information from the judge himself. 

Curiously enough, American merchants have been equally unsuc- 
cessful in other parts of the far East. Many will remember the failure 
of Messrs. Oliphant & Co., the great China merchants, agents for the 
American Board of Missions, notwithstanding their desperate effort to 
retrieve their position by reviving the coolie trade with Peru, and in 
later days Messrs. Russell & Co. of Hong Kong also came to grief. 


I can give no explanation of the reasons for these four great fail- 


150 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


ures, but I conjecture that all these firms were in too much of a hurry, 
and tried to “hustle the East.” Yet in face of this calamitous experi- 
ence, Oscar F. Williams advises more to come, “pledges every aid,’ and 
predicts that “trade can, and probably will, be multiplied by twenty 
during the coming twenty years.” 

For my part, I should think it great progress if the exports and 
imports of the Philippines could be doubled in twenty years. The idea 
of sending plumbers to Manila where lead pipes are not used, is a com- 
icality only matched by the suggestion that tailors are wanted amongst 
a population dressed in cotton shirts and trousers, and where the white 
people wear veranda-made white duck suits. 

Both notions are more suitable for a comic opera than for an official 
document. 

There is only one more paragraph in this letter that I need com- 
ment on. 

Mr. Williams says: ‘Good government will be easier, the greater 
the influx of Americans.” 

To those who know the East there is no necessity to argue on this 
point. I therefore state dogmatically that the presence of white settlers 
or working people in the islands would add enormously to the difficulties 
of government. This is my experience, and during the Spanish admin- 
istration it was generally admitted to be the case. 

In British India the government does not in the least degree favour 
the immigration of British workmen. The only people who are recog- 
nised as useful to that country are capitalists and directors of agricul- 
tural or industrial enterprises. 

A large number of American mechanics turned loose amongst the 
population would infallibly, by their contempt for native customs, and 
their disregard of native feeling, become an everlasting source of strife 
and vexation. Impartial justice between the parties would be unattain- 
able; the whites would not submit to be judged by a native magistrate, 
and the result would be a war of races. 

It may be taken as probable that there is no crime, however hein- 
ous, that could be committed by an American upon a native, that would 
involve the execution of the death penalty on the criminal. On the 
other hand, I can quite believe that natives laying their hands upon 
Americans, whatever the provocation, would be promptly hanged, if 
they were not shot down upon the spot. The natives, it should be re- 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 151 


membered, are revengeful, and will bide their time; either to use the 
bolo upon one who has offended them, to burn down his house, set 
fire to his crop, or put a crow-bar in amongst his machinery. I fear that 
American brusqueness and impatience would often lead to these savage 
reprisals. 

I think, therefore, that the American Administration of the Philip- 
pines should be empowered to prevent or regulate the immigration of 
impecunious Americans or Europeans whose presence in the Islands 
must be extremely prejudicial to the much-desired pacification. No, the 
poor white is not wanted in the Islands, he would be a curse, and a 
residence there would be a curse to him. He would decay morally, 
mentally, and physically. The gorgeous East not only deteriorates the 
liver, but where a white man lives long amongst natives, he suffers a 
gradual but complete break-up of the nervous system. This peculiarity 
manifests itself amongst the natives of the Far East in the curious 
nervous disorder which is called mali-mali in the Philippines and sakit- 
latah amongst the Malays of the Peninsula and Java. It seems to be 
a weakening of the will, and on being startled, the sufferer entirely loses 
self-control and imitates the movements of any person who attracts his 
attention. It is more prevalent amongst women than men. I remember 
being at a performance of Chiarini’s Circus in Manila, when General 
Weyler and his wife were present. The clown walked into the ring on 
his hands, and a skinny old woman amongst the spectators who suf- 
fered from the mali-mali at once began to imitate him with unpleasing 
results, and had to be forcibly restrained by the scandalised bystanders. 

Running amok marks a climax of nerve disturbance, when the suf- 
ferer, instead of committing suicide, prefers to die killing others. 

He usually obtains his wish, and is killed without compunction, 
like a mad dog. 

Both natives and white residents are at times in rather a low con- 
dition of health, and if after exercise or labour they fail to get their 
meal at the proper time, when it comes they cannot eat. In its lighter 
form this is called desgana or loss of appetite, but I have seen natives 
collapse under such circumstances with severe headache and chills. 
This more serious form is known as traspaso de hambre, and is some- 
times the precursor of fever and nervous prostration. 

The Roman Catholic Church has had the wisdom to recognise and 
make allowance for the liability of residents and natives of the Philip- 


152 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


pines to this serious disorder, and has relaxed the usual rules of fast- 
ing, as being dangerous to health. 

Amongst the Europeans who have been long in the Islands, many 
are said to be “‘chiflado,” a term I can only render into English by the 
slang word cracked. This occurs more particularly amongst those who 
have been isolated amongst the natives. 

It is not easy to account for, but the fact is undeniable. I have 
heard it ascribed to “telluric influence,” but that is a wide and vague 
expression. Perhaps the explanation may be found in the extreme vio- 
lence of the phenomena of nature. 

The frequent earthquakes, the almost continuous vibration of the — 
soil, the awe-inspiring volcanic eruptions, with their sooty black palls 
of ash darkening the sky for days together, over hundreds of miles, the 
frightful detonations, the ear-splitting thunder, the devastating rage of 
the typhoons, the saturated atmosphere of the rainy season, and the 
hot dry winds of Lent, with the inevitable conflagrations, combine with 
depressing surroundings and anxieties to wreck the nerves of all but the 
strongest and most determined natures. If to all this the white resident 
or sojourner in the Philippines adds the detestable vice of intemperance, 
or even indulges in a liberal consumption of spirits, then instead of 
merely shattering his nerves, he is likely to become a raving maniac, 
for it takes much less whisky to bring on delirium tremens there, than 
it does in a temperate climate. 

Long sojourn in some other lands appears to act in a different 
manner. In tropical Africa it seems to be the moral balance that is lost. 
The conscience is blunted if not destroyed, the veneer of civilisation is 
stripped off, the white man reverts to savagery. The senseless cruelties 
of Peters, Lothaire, Voulet, Chanoine, and of some of the outlying offi- 
cials of the Congo Free State are not mere coincidences. They must 
be ascribed to one common cause, and that is debasement by environ- 
ment. The moral nature of a white man seems to become contaminated 
by long isolation amongst savages as surely as the physical health by 
living amongst lepers. 

If a poor white man wishes to sink to the level of a native, he has 
only to marry a native woman, and his object will be fully attained in 
a few years. But he will find it very much to his pecuniary interest, 
for she will buy cheaper and sell dearer than he can, and will manage 
his house and his business too, most economically. Some of her rela- 
tions will come and live with him, so that he will not feel lonely, and 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 153 


a half-caste family will grow up round about him, talking the dialect of 
their mother, which he, perhaps, does not understand. But if the poor 
white man takes out a white wife, he will probably have the pain and 
distress of seeing her fade away under the severity of the climate, 
which his means do not permit him to alleviate. White women suffer 
from the heat far more than men. Children cannot be properly brought 
up there after the age of twelve. They must either be sent home to be 
educated, or allowed to deteriorate and grow up inferior to their pa- 
rents in health, strength, and moral fibre. When I think of these things, 
I feel amazed at Oscar F. Williams’ presumption in writing that letter. 
I hope that not many have taken his advice, and that any who have will 
call on him to fulfil his imprudent pledges. 

However, now I have done with the poor white man. Capital is 
the greatest necessity of the Philippines. The labour is there if Gen- 
erals Otis and McArthur have left any natives alive. 

More banks are wanted. At present there are three important 
banks in Manila, and two of them have branches in Yloilo. The Hong 
Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation has the largest resources; 
next comes the Chartered Bank of India, Australasia, and China, and 
lastly the Banco Espafiol Filipino. The first two give the most perfect 
facilities for business. I was only interested in importing, but certainly 
nothing more could be desired by an importer than their system of 
opening credits against shipping documents ; for practically he only had 
to pay for the goods when they arrived in Manila. All their business 
was done in the most expeditious manner, and I could suggest no im- 
provement on their methods. 

The Banco Espafiol Filipino was in a measure under government 
control, its procedure was consequently very slow, and its ways those of 
bygone days. 

These banks, however, did not advance money to cultivators to clear 
lands, plant crops, or erect machinery, as the returns are too slow, not 
to say doubtful. Yet this is what is wanted; banks in Manila and the 
chief towns that will advance money for such purposes, under the advice 
of experts personally acquainted with the cultivators and their lands. 
Such a business certainly requires great intelligence and discernment. 

Still there is a future for such banks, for agriculturists have to pay 
enormous rates of interest and commissions for money to carry on 
their plantations. Such banks could also finance timber-cutters, gold 
miners, and other bona fide workers. 


154 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


Amongst the enterprises I have recommended when writing about 
the Pampangos, and others engaged in planting sugar-cane, is the es- 
tablishment of central sugar factories in suitable localities. Such under- 
takings, judiciously administered, would have every prospect of success. 

There is also room for paper-mills, rice-mills, cotton-mills, and 
saw-mills, but all these, especially the last, need careful consideration 
for the selection of the locality where they are to be placed. The manu- 
facture of various kinds of leather could be greatly extended and im- 
proved. There is employment for more coasting steamers and schoon- 
ers. The latter and hulls of small steamers can be built in the country 
from the native timber. 

Although the development of means of communication is all- 
important, it is evident from the configuration of the Archipelago that 
no great length of railway is required, nor would it pay to construct 
them in so mountainous a country. Water-carriage is all-important. 
In Luzon a line of railway might be made from Manila to Batangas 
with a branch into the Laguna province. It would traverse a fertile and 
thickly-populated country. 

A short line of railway or electric tramway from near Siniloan on 
the Lake to the Pacific would be most useful in giving access to and 
developing the eastern coast, or contra costa, as it is called. This coast 
is very backward in every way, indeed from Baler to Punta Escarpada 
on its extreme north, it is quite unknown, and remains in the posses- 
sion of the Dumagas, an aboriginal tribe of heathen savages of low 
type, just as at the time of the Spanish conquest; and it would be worth 
while to study the question of cutting a ship-canal through this narrow 
strip of land if the mouth could be protected from the Pacific surf. 
There is also Bishop Gainza’s project that might be revived, that of cut- 
ting a canal for country craft from Pasacao in Camarines Sur to the 
River Vicol. In Negros and Panay some short lines from the ports 
through the sugar lands might pay if constructed very economically. 

Tramways between populous towns not far apart in Luzon and 


Panay would probably pay very well, as the people are fond of visiting 
their friends. 

It will probably be many years before Mindanao will be in a posi- 
tion to warrant the construction of railways. The island has relapsed 
into barbarism as a consequence of the withdrawal of the Spanish gar- 
risons and detachments, and of nearly all the Jesuit missionaries. 

It could, however, give employment to a flotilla of small steamers 
and sailing vessels on its northern and southern coasts. 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 155 


Such is my opinion in brief upon the possibilities of the develop- 
ment of industries and commerce. 

That the commerce of the islands, now mainly British, will ulti- 
mately pass into American hands, can scarcely be doubted. They are 
not yet firmly seated in power, but their attitude to British and foreign 
firms is already sufficiently pronounced to allow an observant onlooker 
to make a forecast of what it will be later on. 

Dominating Cuba, holding the Philippines, the Sandwich Islands 
and Porto Rico, the Americans will control the cane sugar trade, the 
tobacco trade, and the hemp trade, in addition to the vast branches of 
production they now hold in their hands. 


LIFE AND CHARACTER OF THE TAGALS 


The most important race in the Archipelago is the Tagal, or Ta- 
galog, inhabiting Central Luzon, including the following provinces: 

Batangas, Bulacan, Bataan, Camarines Norte, Cavite, Laguna, 
Manila, part of Nueva Ecija and Tayabas, the districts of Infanta, 
Morong, and part of Principe, also the Island of Corregidor and the 
coast of Mindoro. They probably number about one million five hun- 
dred thousand souls. 

Antonio de Morga, in his work “Sucesos de Philipinas,” says (p. 
126): “The women wear the baro and saya, and chains of gold upon 


3 


their necks, also bracelets of the same. All classes are very clean in 
their persons and clothing, and of good carriage and graceful (de buen 
ayre y gracia’). 

They are very careful of their hair, washing it with gogo and 
anointing it with ajonjoli oil perfumed with musk. 

In the “Relacion de las Islas Philipinas,” 1595 (?), the anonymous 
author said of the Tagals: “The people of this province are the best 
of all the Islands, more polite, and more truly our friends. They go 
more clothed than the others, the men as well as the women. They are 
light-coloured people of very good figures and faces, and like to put on 
many ornaments of gold, which they have in great abundance.” 

In other respects, however, they seem, from the same author, to be 
less worthy of praise, for he goes on to tell us: “When some principal 
man died, in vengeance of his death they cut off many heads, with 


156 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


which they made many feasts and dances. . . . They had their 
houses full of wood and stone idols, which they called Tao-tao and 
Lichac, for temples they had none. And they said that when one of 
their parents or children died the soul entered into one of these idols, 
and for this they reverenced them and begged of them life, health, 
and riches. They called these idols anitos, and when they were ill they 
drew lots to find which of these had given them the illness, and then 
made great sacrifices and feasts to it. 

“They worshipped idols which were called Al Priapo Lacapati, 
Meilupa, but now, by the goodness of God, they are enlightened with 
the grace of the Divine Gospel and adore the living God in spirit.” 

The old writer then remarks on the cleverness and sharpness of 
the boys, and the ease with which they learned to read and write, sing, 
play, and dance. 

This characteristic appears general to the Malay race, for, speak- 
ing of the Javanese, Crauford says: “They have ears of remarkable 
delicacy for musical sounds, are readily taught to play upon any instru- 
ment the most difficult and complex airs.” 

According to Morga, at the time of the Conquest, the Tagals wrote 
their language in the Arabic language. He says: “They write well in 
these Islands; most people both men and women, can write. This tends 
to show that the equality of the sexes, which I shall refer to later, has 
been customary from ancient times.” 

Tomas de Comyn (1810) says: 

The population of the capital, in consequence of its continual com- 
munication with the Chinese and other Asiatics, with the sailors of 
different nations, with the soldiers, and with the Mexican convicts who 
are generally mulattoes, and who arrive in some number every year, has 
come to be a mixture of all the bloods and features, or otherwise a 
degeneration of the primitive race. 

At Cainta, on a branch of the Pasig, the natives are darker, taller, 
and of a different type. This is accounted for by the fact that, in 1762- 
63, during the English invasion, a regiment of Madras Sepoys, occu- 
pied the town for many months, long enough, in fact, to modify the 
native type to such an extent as to be plainly visible 125 years later. 

Crauford says that some Christian inhabitants of Ternate followed 
their priests (Jesuits) to Luzon when the Spaniards were driven out 
of Molucas by the Dutch in 1660. They were located in Marigondon. 
There is now a town called Ternate between Marigondon and the sea, 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 157 


near Punta Restinga. But, with the exception of the capital and these 
two places, I think the Tagals have not greatly altered in physical char- 
acteristics since the Conquest—notwithstanding Ratzel’s statement that 
“Spanish-Tagal half-breeds in the Philippines may be numbered by the 
hundred thousand,” which I consider erroneous. 

The fact is, that wherever a small number of male Europeans live 
amongst a native race, the effect on the type is smaller than may be sup- 
posed, and what there is becomes obliterated or disseminated in course 
of time. Colour may be a little altered, but all the other characteristics 
remain. The mestizas are not so prolific as the native women, and not- 
withstanding Jagor’s assertion to the contrary, they often marry natives, 
and especially if their father has died while they were young. I knew 
in the town of Balayan three handsome sisters, daughters of a Spaniard 
who had died many years before. Although they lived in a house which 
had been at one time the finest in the town, and still retained some rem- 
nants of its former grandeur, they had reverted entirely to the native 
customs and dress. They spoke only Tagal, and all three of them mar- 
ried natives. 

The tendency of the Philippine native to revert to old customs is 
well marked, and I agree with Jagor when he says: “Every Indian has 
an innate inclination to abandon the hamlets and retire into the solitude 
of the woods, or live isolated in the midst of his own fields,” in fact to 
Remontar. 

The Tagals are considered by Wallace as the fourth great tribe of 
the Malay race. He only mentions the Tagals, but in fact the popula- 
tion of the Archipelago, except the Negritos and some hybrids, belongs 
to the Malay race, although slightly mixed with Chinese and Spanish 
blood in a few localities. They are here and there modified by mixture 
with other races,and everywhere by their environment, for they have 
been Roman Catholics and subject to Spanish influence, if not rule, 
for upwards of three centuries. 

They differ little in physical appearance from the Malays proper 
inhabiting the Peninsula, and although their manners and customs are 
somewhat changed, their nature remains the same. They retain all the 
inherent characteristics of the Malay. 

The Tagal possesses a great deal of self-respect, and his demeanour 
is quiet and decorous. He is polite to others, and expects to be treated 
politely himself. He is averse to rowdiness or horse-play of any kind, 


and avoids giving offence. 


158 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


Family Life. 

For an inhabitant of the tropics he is fairly industrious, sometimes 
even vary hard working. 

Those who have seen him poling cascos against the stream of the 
Pasig will admit this. 

He is a keen sportsman, and will readily put his money on his 
favourite horse or game-cock; he is also addicted to other forms of 
gambling. The position taken by women in a community is often con- 
sidered as a test of the degree of civilisation it has attained. Measured 
by this standard, the Tagals come out well, for amongst them the wife 
exerts great influence in the family, and the husband rarely completes 
any important business without her concurrence. 

Crauford considers the equality of the sexes to be general through- 
out the Indian Archipelago, more particularly in the Island of Celebes, 
where the inhabitants are the most warlike of all. 

The Tagals treat their children with great kindness and forbear- 
ance, those who are well-off show much anxiety to secure a good edu- 
cation for their sons, and even for their daughters. 

Parental authority extends to the latest period in life. I have seen 
a man of fifty years come as respectfully as a child to kiss the hands of 
his aged parents when the vesper bell sounded, and this notwithstanding 
the presence of several European visitors in the house. 

Children, in return, show great respect to both parents, and come 
morning and evening to kiss their hands. I may remark that their man- 
ner of kissing is different to ours. They place the nose and lips against 
the cheek or hand of the person to be saluted, and draw in the breath 
strongly. 

A ppearance—Manners. 

The Malays in general are not,-perhaps, a handsome race, their flat 
noses disfigure them in the eyes of the recently-arrived European or 
American, and it takes time to get accustomed to them. 

Still, their rich brown skin often covers a symmetrical, lithe and 
agile figure, the small hands and feet denoting their Turanian origin. 

The youth of both sexes up to the age of puberty are not seldom of 
striking beauty, and their appearance is not belied by their behaviour. 
They are trained in good manners from their earliest youth, both by 
precept and example. 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 159 


Palgrave says of them: “Nowhere are family bonds closer drawn, 
family affections more enduring, than amongst the Malay races. 
His family is a pleasing sight, much subordination and little restraint, 
unison in gradation, liberty not license. Orderly children, respected 
parents, women subject, but not suppressed, men ruling, but not des- 
potic, reverence with kindness, obedience in affection, these form a 
lovable picture, nor by any means a rare one in the villages of the 
Eastern Isles.” 

It may here be interesting to note the very contradictory opinions 
that have been expressed upon this subject. 


W. G. PALGRAVE 
“Malay Life in the Philippines,” 
p. 146 


JoHN FoREMAN 


“The Philippine Islands,” p. 194 


“Home discipline and training 
of manners are quite ignored, 
even in the well-to-do families. 


“Children early trained by 
precept and example to good 
manners, show less disposition to 


noise and mischief than is ordi- 
nary elsewhere at their age.” 


Children are left without control, 
and allowed to do just as they 
please, hence they become ill- 
behaved and boorish.” 


As will be seen in my text, my own experience rather confirms 
Palgrave’s opinion, and I should say that even the children of the peas- 
antry would compare favourably both in manners and intelligence with 
the children at the Board Schools in London, and to say nothing of 
Glasgow or Liverpool. 

Amongst the Tagals, it is customary when speaking of or to a man 
to use the prefix Si—thus, Si José, Mr. Joseph; whilst a woman is 
spoken of or toas Aling Maria, Miss Mary. The word Po is used for Sir. 
Thus: Oo-po—Yes, sir; Hindi-po—No, sir; Uala-po—There is none, 
sir; Mayrooém-po—tThere is some, sir. 

Cleanliness. 

The sense of personal dignity and self-respect, the dominant feeling 
in the Malay nature, is shown in the Tagals by a general cleanliness in 
their persons and clothing. They usually live near water, and nearly all 
of them can swim. 

The heat of the climate makes bathing a pleasure, and as the tem- 
perature of the sea or river is commonly 83° F., a prolonged immersion 


causes no inconvenience. 


160 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


On the morning of a feast-day the number of bathers is creased, 
and at the time of high tide a very large proportion of the population 
seems to be in the water, both sexes and all ages mixing indiscriminately, 
the adults decently covered and all behaving themselves as decorously 
as the bathers at Brighton, Newport or Atlantic City. 

They have not yet arrived at that precise stage of civilisation that 
develops the Rough, the Larrikin, or the Hooligan. Palgrave says: “Al 
Malay may be a profligate, a gambler, a thief, a robber, or a murderer, 
he is never a cad.” 

Palgrave had not great opportunities of knowing the Tagals, but I 
confirm the above opinion, although I do not agree with the views on 
the future of the Philippines, and what is best for them, expressed in 
his fantastic and hyphen-infested verbiage, all seemingly written for 
elrect, 

Superstitions. 

The Tagal is extremely superstitious, and like his kinsman, the 
Dayak, he is a believer in omens, although he has not reduced them so 
completely to a system, and three centuries of Christianity have diverted 
his superstitions into other channels. 

In his mind, each cave, each ravine, each mountain, each pool, each 
stream, has its guardian spirit, to offend or to startle which may be 
dangerous. These are the jinni of Southern Arabia and Socotra. 

The Balete tree (Ficus Urostigima—Sp.) corresponds to our Witch 
Elm, and certainly at night has a most uncanny appearance. Each of 
these great trees has its guardian spirit or Tic-balan. 

Daring, indeed, would be the Indian who would pass such a tree, 
enter a cave, ascend a mountain, or plunge into a pool without bowing 
and uttering the Pasing tabi sa nono [By your leave, my Lord] that 
may appease the spirit’s wrath, just as the Bedouin of Dhofar cry, 
“Aleik Soubera—aleik soubera,” to propitiate the jinni. 

His mental attitude in this respect reminds me of a story told me 
many years ago by a lady residing in Hampshire. A lady neighbour 
of hers inquired from her whether she taught her children to bow when 
the Devil’s name was mentioned. My informant replied in the nega- 
tive, whereupon the lady remarked, “I do, I think it is safer.” This is 
the way with the Tagal, he bows because he thinks it is safer. If that 
prudent lady is still alive and may chance to read this, she may be 
pleased to learn that her opinion is shared by the whole Malay race. 

Child-birth has its anxieties everywhere, and the more artificial the 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS | 161 


life the woman has led, the more she suffers at that critical time. The 
Tagal woman whose naturally supple frame has never been subjected to 
tight-lacing, nor compressed within a tailor-made costume, has a far 
easier time of it than her European sister, but superstition and quackery 
combine to terrify and ill-use her. 

The Patianac, an evil spirit, profits Ly the occasion, and his great 
delight is to obstruct the birth, or to kill and devour the infant. The 
patianac might be busy elsewhere, but from the ridge-pole of the house 
a bird of ill-omen, the dreadful Tic-tic, raises a warning cry, for its 
office and delight is to call the attention of the evil spirit to the oppor- 
tunity of doing mischief. Instantly every door and window is closed 
and every chink stopped to prevent its entrance, whilst the anxious 
father and his kinsmen, naked as they were born, walk around and 
underneath the house, slashing the air with sticks or bolos to frighten 
away the spirit. Sometimes a man will get up on the ridge-pole to drive 
away the Tic-tic. 

Meanwhile, in the stifling room, it is too often the case that violent 
means are used to expedite the birth, so violent, indeed, that they some- 
times result in the permanent injury or in the death of the woman. 

Several years ago the Government instituted an examination for 
midwives, and only those were allowed to practice who had been prop- 
erly instructed, so that these absurdities and cruelties are on the wane, 
except amongst the poorest or in outlying districts. 

The Astan is merely a cannibal ghost, but the Tagal ghost throws 
stones, a thing I have not heard of a ghost doing in Europe. 

All sorts of stories are told about the Asian, similar to ghost stories 
in other lands. 

About 1891 a house in Malate was stoned night after night, and 
although every effort was made to find out the authors, they were never 
discovered, and the natives steadfastly believed it to be the doing of 
the Astan. 

There is another superstitious idea firmly rooted in the minds of 
the Tagals and other natives, of which the following is an instance: A 
villainous-looking native had been captured with some property stolen 
from my house, and was sent to the lock-up at the police station, from 
whence he promptly escaped, but was recaptured later. My coachman, 
a most meritorious servant who had been with me for years, assured 
me in an impressive manner, and with an air of conviction, that the 


culprit was one of those wizards who are able to pass through a keyhole 
X. 1, 


162 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


by drawing themselves out into the thinness of a piece of string, and my 
other servants accepted this view implicitly. 

The famous Tulisanes, or bandits, thoroughly believe in the power 
of the Antin-Antin or amulet to render them invulnerable to bullets. It 
is, indeed, remarkable that notwithstanding the numbers of these crim- 
inals who have been shot by the Guardia Civil with their Antin-Antin 
upon them, this absurd belief should flourish, but there is no doubt it 
does. These charms consist of any sort of necromancer’s rubbish, or 
are sometimes writings in invocations, usually worn round the neck 
under the clothing. ; 

The profession of the Roman Catholic religion has perhaps helped 
this superstition to linger on, for the wearing of scapularies is common, 
especially amongst the women. These articles are manufactured for the © 
priests and some are sent out to Antipolo, to be blessed at the shrine of 
Nuestra Sefor de Buen Viage y de la Paz, and sold to the pilgrims who 
crowd in thousands to this shrine in May of each year. 

A Tagal woman sometimes wears as many as three of these scapu- 
laries hung from silk threads round her neck and covered by her upper 
garment. They usually dispose two in front, where they conceive the 
danger is greatest, and one on the back, as a further precaution against 
an attack from the rear. 

Wearing these holy amulets, and having crossed herself and uttered 
a prayer before coming downstairs in the morning, the Tagal wife or 
maid feels that she has done all she can, and that if any backsliding 
should occur, during the day, it will not be her fault. } 

She believes greatly in lucky or holy numbers. I heard the follow- 
ing story related by a native lady to a native priest when going to Batan- 
gas by steamer. 

The lady was telling the priest of her husband’s illness (it appeared 
to have been congestion of the lungs), and she prepared and applied a 
poultice of three heads of garlic in honour of the Three Persons of the 
Blessed Trinity; this not producing the desired effect, she then made a 
poultice of five heads of garlic, in honour of the Five Wounds of our 
Blessed Saviour, and successively others of seven heads, in honour of 
the Seven Pains of the Blessed Virgin; twelve heads in honour of the 
Twelve Apostles, and last of all, a poultice of thirty-three heads of garlic 
in honour of the thirty-three years our Blessed Saviour remained on 
earth. The priest nodded approval as she went on, but as she stopped 
he said: “And then?” To which the lady replied: “Then he died.” 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 163 


This poor man came off easily, for in some cases people who suffer 
from fits and other diseases are thought to be possessed by devils, and 
are severely beaten to drive out the evil spirit. The patient does not 
always escape with his life. 

The women often dream of lucky numbers in the Manila Lottery 
and make every endeavour to purchase the number they have dreamt of. 

Amongst the Christian superstitions may be mentioned the feast 
of San Pascual Bailén at Obando. Those who attend this function are 
commonly the rowdier class of inhabitants of the Capital, and they go 
mostly on foot, making music and dancing on the way. They also dance 
in the courtyard in front of the church, not forgetting to refresh them- 
selves with strong drink in the meanwhile. 

This is not at all an edifying spectacle, for the dancers are covered 
with dust and with the perspiration from their active exertions. I do 
not know the legend that gives occasion to this curious form of devo- 
tion. Occasionally, and especially during Holy Week, another form of 
penitence is practised by the natives. I remember, about 1892, seeing 
one of these penitents, a man having a mask on his face, the upper part 
of his body bare, and a long chain fastened to one ankle and dragging 
on the ground behind him. In one hand he bore a flagellum, with which 
he from time to time lashed himself on the shoulders, which bore evi- 
dent marks of the discipline they had received. A youth who followed 
him occasionally jerked the chain, throwing the penitent violently at 
full length upon the dusty road. This form of penitence is not approved, 
however, by the priests, for when I called on the parish priest, the same 
evening, I mentioned the circumstance to him, and he directed the peni- 
tent to be locked up, to stop what he rightly termed a scandal. 

On many occasions the natives had got up a religious excitement, 
and great gatherings have taken place at some spot where a miraculous 
appearance of the Blessed Virgin, or some supernatural manifestation 
has been alleged to have occurred. 

All these affairs have been somewhat sceptically inquired into by 
the priests under a general order to this effect issued by the archbishop, 
and so far as my experience goes, the excessive religious ardor of the 
natives has rather been checked than stimulated. 

When writing about the Visayas I shall have more to say about 
misdirected religious zeal. The Tagals practise circumcision as a 
hygienic measure, and not as a religious rite. The operation is usually 
performed at the age of fourteen by a companion or friend of the 


164 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


patient, and a sharp flint or piece of volcanic glass (obsidian) is used 

for this purpose. From what I have heard, this custom is really main- 

tained by the women, who refuse their favours to the uncircumcised of 

their own nation, though with foreigners they are more complaisant. 
Cursing. 

In cursing, the Tagal displays a directness quite worthy of the 
Anglo-Saxon. All his remarks are very much to the point, and would 
have earned the approval of the late lamented and reverend author of 
the Ingoldsby Legends. Leaving out the world-wide reflections upon 
the virtues of an opponent’s female ancestry, since these appear to 
belong indiscriminately to all nations, the principal Tagal curses are 
as follows :-— 

1. May an evil wind blow upon you. 

2. May the earth open and swallow you up. 
3. May the lightning strike you. 

4. May the alligator eat you. 

The superiority of the Tagal style as compared with the French 
Mortbleu, Ventre bleu, must be apparent to all unprejudiced observers. 
The Tagal has drawn all his curses from the grand and awful opera- 
tions of nature in his own country, except the last, where he invokes 
the dreaded saurian, the most fearsome inhabitant of the Philippine 
swamps, rivers, and coasts—formerly venerated by his ancestors and 
respectiully addressed by them as nono, or grandfather. 

Under American guidance and example, I think the Tagals quite 
capable of developing a startling vocabulary of swear-words, and in 
course of time rivaling their instructors in profanity, with a touch of 
their old style to give a little local colour. 

Courtship. 

Courtship is sometimes a long business amongst the Tagals. It is 
still customary in the country districts for the impecunious candidate 
for matrimony to serve the father of the damsel he desires to wed for a 
period which may extend to a couple of years or more. He is called a 
Catipado, and is expected to make himself generally useful, and to take 
a hand in any labour that may be going on, sowing or reaping, mending 
the roof, or patching the canoe. 

It is his privilege to assist the girl of his choice in her labours. The 
girls of a household are expected to husk the rice for the next day’s 
use. This is done in the cool of the evening, out of doors, a wooden 
mortar and a long heavy pestle being used. It is a well-recognised occa- 
sion for the lover to assist and entertain his sweetheart. 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 165 


Very pretty do the village maidens look, as, lightly clothed in 
almost diaphanous garments, they stand beside the mortars plying the 
pestle, alternately rising on tiptoe, stretching the lithe figure to its full 
height and reach, then bending swiftly to give force to the blow. 

No attitude could display to more advantage the symmetry of form 
which is the Tagal maiden’s heritage, and few sights are more pleasing 
than a group of these tawny damsels husking paddy midst chat and 
laughter, while a tropical full moon pours its effulgence on their glisten- 
ing tresses and rounded arms. 

Marriage. 

But let us return to the Catipado. He must be very careful not to 
give cause of offence to the elders of the family, more especially towards 
the end of his term, as there may be a disposition amongst them to 
dismiss him, and take on another to begin a new term. In fact, many 
natives have shown themselves so unwilling to consent to their daugh- 
ter’s marriage, when no sufficient reason could be given for their refusal, 
that the Governor-General, representing the Crown, is entrusted with 
a special power of granting the paternal consent in such cases. 

No regular marriage can be celebrated whilst the girl is a minor, 
without the father’s consent. 

When this is refused, and the patience of the lovers is exhausted, 
the girl leaves her father’s house and is deposited in the house of the 
fiscal, or churchwarden, under the care of his wife. 

A petition on stamped paper is then prepared, reciting the circum- 
stances; this goes to the parish priest and to the Gobernadorcillo, who 
require the father to state the grounds of his refusal. If they are satis- 
fied that no good reason exists, the petition, with their approval noted 
on it, goes to the Governor-General, and in due time a notification 
appears in the official Gazette that the Governor-General has been 
pleased to overrule the father’s negative, and a license (on stamped 
paper also) for the marriage to be celebrated, is delivered to the priest. 
This procedure is very necessary, but it has the disadvantage of being 
slow and expensive, so that in some cases, instead of adopting this 
course, the youthful pair allow themselves some advances of the priv- 
ileges of matrimony, and perhaps there arrives a time when the obdurate 
parent finds himself obliged to consent to legalise an accomplished fact 
to avoid an open scandal. 

The erring damsel, however, may think herself lucky if she escapes 
a fatherly correction, laid on with no grudging hand, before the reluctant 
consent is granted. 


166 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


The priest will, of course, require the youthful sinners to confess 
and do penance for their previousness before he will marry them. 

The marriage ceremony is a very simple one, and usually takes 
place after early Mass. The priest fixes the fee according to the means 
of the party; it is often a substantial one. After the ceremony comes a 
Catapisan, or assembly, when the relatives and friends are entertained. 
There will be music, and unless the priest disapproves of dancing, that 
will be indulged in. The Augustinians mostly allow dancing, but the 
Dominicans often object to it as an immoral amusement. 

The house will be hung with bright-coloured cloths and paper lan- 
terns ; the table loaded with refreshments, both light and heavy. 

Wedding Feasts 

Roast pig is a standing dish at these feasts, the animal being roasted 
whole, on a spit over a fire made on the ground. A professional roaster 
superintends the operation, and the pig is brought to a fine even colour 
all over. Sometimes there are roast turkeys or roast mutton and kid, 
possibly beef cooked in various ways, surely fish of different kinds, 
fresh, salted, or smoked; the indispensable boiled rice or morisqueta, 
and an abundance of sweets, fruits in syrup, guava jelly, and Dutch 
cheese. There will be chocolate and perhaps coffee. As to drinks, 
besides some native brews, there will be Norwegian or German export 
beer, or Tennant’s beer in stone bottles, square-face gin, and Spanish red 
wine (Vino Tinto). 

Unlimited Buyo, cigarettes and cigars are provided. All these 
things are hospitably pressed upon all comers, especially upon any 
European present. If his politeness prevents his refusing this miscel- 
laneous assortment, unless he is favoured with the digestion of an 
ostrich, he will rue it next day, and perhaps for several days. The 
worthy priest is naturally in the place of honour, and like the wise man 
he mostly is, he perhaps brings, slung under. his habit, or sends before- 
hand, a capacious leather bottle, with a supply of generous wine direct 
from some convent vineyard on the peninsula, a pure natural wine, 
undefiled and unfortified by German industrial spirit. A tall and portly 
Augustine monk, in his spotless and ample white robes, presents a very 
imposing and apostolic appearance, and looks quite in his place at the 
head of the table. The host seldom sits down with his guests, but busies 


himself attending to their wants. 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 167 


Tagals as Soldiers and Sailors 

The houses of the well-to-do natives are large and airy, and are kept 
scrupulously clean under the vigilant eye of the mistress. 

Hospitality is a characteristic of the Tagal. According to his means 
he keeps open house on religious feast-days or on family festivals, and 
readily invites to his table at any time travelers who may be passing 
through the town. Having enjoyed their hospitality on many occasions, 
I can testify to their kindness and liberality. They placed at my dis- 
posal their riding-ponies, vehicles or canoes, and did all in their power 
to show me anything remarkable in their neighbourhood. 

The Tagals make good soldiers, and can march long distances bare- 
footed. Morga remarks how quickly they learned to use the arquebus 
or musket in the wars of the conquest. They gave proofs of their pluck 
and endurance when assisting the French in Tonquin. If well led they 
will advance regardless of danger; when once engaged they become 
frenzied and blood-thirsty, most difficult to restrain. They are not 
improved by being made to wear gloves, boots, helmets, and European 
uniforms. 

In this they are not singular, for the Ceylon Rifle Regiment (a 
Malay corps) was utterly ruined, and never did any good after being 
put into boots and gloves by some narrow-minded martinet. 

As sailors they are unsurpassed in the East. They navigate their 
schooners. and lorchas with much skill, although the rigging and outfit 
is seldom kept in thorough good order unless they have a Spanish 
captain. 

They serve both as sailors and firemen in the fine flotilla of coast- 
ing-steamers belonging to Manila, and they manned all the smaller ves- 
sels of the Spanish navy in the Philippines. 

Most of the British and foreign steamers in the far East carry four 
Manila men as quartermasters. They are considered to be the most 
skilful helmsmen. Their ability as mechanics is remarkable. They 
bear out entirely Morga’s description of them: “Of good talent for 
anything they undertake.” 

They will, without any European supervision, heave down wooden 
sailing-vessels up to about 1,000 tons, and repair the keel, or strip, 
caulk, and re-copper the bottom. I have often seen this done. They 
build, from the excellent hard wood of the country, brigantines, schoon- 
ers, lorchas, also cascos, and other craft for inland navigation and 


168 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


shallow waters. These latter vessels are most ingeniously contrived, 
and admirably adapted to the conditions under which they are to be 
used, and although not decked, carry their cargoes dry, and in good 
order, in the wettest weather. They make the most graceful canoes, 
and paddle or punt them with remarkable dexterity. . 

In Manila and Cavite are to be found a fair number of native 
engine-fitters, turners, smiths and boiler-makers. 

There must be some 400 steam sugar-mills in the islands (besides 
6,000 cattle-mills). The engine-drivers and firemen are all natives, and 
mostly Tagals. 

There are also in the capital large numbers of native house-carpen- 
ters, quarrymen, stone-masons, and some bricklayers and brick-makers. 

Curiously enough, foundry work is not much done by Tagals, 
although when Legaspi arrived in Luzon he not only found cannon 
mounted at Manila, but there was a cannon-foundry there, and another 
at Tondo. 

There are foundries at the latter place to this day belonging to 
Chinese half-castes, but church-bells are more to their way now than 
cannon. They, however, cast small brass mortars with handles like 
quart pots, which are used for firing salutes at the feasts of the church. 
But I think most of the workmen were then, and are now, Chinese. 

They make their own gunpowder, and fireworks of all kinds. They 
are inordinately fond of these, and get up very creditable displays. They 
are careless in handling them, and I was an eye-witness of an explosion 
of fireworks during a water féte, on the passing in front of the gov- 
ernor’s palace at Malacafian, when a number of people were killed. I 
never learned how many had perished, and the newspapers were for- 
bidden to enlarge upon it. 

Excellent carriages are built in Manila entirely by native labour, 
the carromatas, or two-wheeled vehicles used for traveling, being made 
in the suburbs, or in Malabon. 

Carriage-building is an important trade, for an incredible number 
of vehicles of all sorts are used in Manila. 

Of an evening, in the Luneta, some hundreds may be seen, and on 
One occasion, at the races of the Jockey Club in Santa Mesa, two thou- 
sand vehicles were reported to be present. 

Painting and decorating is executed by Manila men in excellent 
style. This art was taught them by Alberoni, and other Italians. Their 
pupils have covered the walls of many buildings with frescoes in the 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 169 


Italian style, very fairly done. There is much scope for their art in 
decorating altars and shrines. 

The Tagals also show some talent for sculpture, as any visitor to 
Manila can see for himself by inspecting the Jesuit Church, which is a 
marvel of patient artistic labour, having taken eleven years to construct. 
Some of the carving there, however, is so delicate and minutely detailed, 
that it appears more suitable for a show case in a museum than for the 
adornment of a place of worship. Of course, every detail of design is 
due to the Jesuits themselves, amongst whom talented men of every 
profession can be found. 

As a fisherman, the Tagal excels, and the broad expanse of Manila 
Bay, some 700 square miles in area, gives ample scope for his ingenuity. 
He practises every kind of fishing, Corrales de Pesca, or fish-stakes 
within the five-fathom line, casting nets and seines in the shallow water, 
huge sinking nets attached to bamboo shear-legs mounted on rafts in 
the estuaries, drift nets and line-fishing in the deeper parts of the bay. 

From Tondo, from Parafiaque, Las Pifias, Bacoor, and Cavite 
Viéjo, and from dozens of other villages, go hundreds of large canoes, 
crowded with men, and heaped up with nets, to fish near the San Nicolas 
Bank, or about Corregidor Island, and they often return with large 
catches. Some fish by night, with torch and spear; in fact, they seem to 
be quite at home at any kind of fishing. 

The nets and sails of the canoes, and the clothes of the fishermen 
are all tanned by them with the bark of the camanchile tree. 

The salting, drying, or smoking of the fish caught in the bay is 
quite an extensive business. The smoked sardines, or tinapa, are very 
tasty, as also the pickled mullet roes called Bagén de Lisa. But the 
small shrimps, fermented in a jar and brought to a particular stage of 
putrefaction, much appreciated by the natives, will not suit European 
or American tastes. 

The vast Bay of Manila holds fish and mammals of all sorts and 
sizes, from small fry to that huge but harmless monster of the deep, 
Rhinodon tipicus, with a mouth like the opening of a hansom cab, scoop- 
ing in jelly-fish by the bushel. 

The péje-rey, like a smelt, the lenguado, or sole, the lisa, or mullet, 
the bacéco, corbina, pAampano, and others whose names I have forgotten, 
are excellent. The oysters are good, but very small. Prawns are excel- 
lent, large and cheap. Crabs are good, but large ones are not plentiful. 
Clawless lobsters are caught amongst the rocks of Corregidor and 


170 SOCIAL, CONDITIONS 


Mariveles. The largest turtle I have ever seen was caught off Malabon. 
It can be seen in the Jesuits’ Museum, Manila. 

Sharks of all sorts, enormous saw-fish, hideous devil-fish, and mon- 
strous conger eels, as well as poisonous black and yellow sea-snakes, 
abound, so that the fisherman does not have everything his own way. 
Amongst these men are to be found some excellent divers. I have found 
them quite able to go down to the keel of a large ship and report whether 
any damage has been done. Where a sheet of copper has been torn off, 
they have nailed on a new sheet, getting in two or three nails every time 
they went down. I enquired from one of these men who had frequently 
dived for me, when a European diver with diving-gear could not be 
obtained, if he was not afraid of sharks? He answered, “No es hora 
del tiburon’’—it is not the sharks’ time—and I found he considered that 
he was very fairly safe from the sharks between ten and four. Before 
ten and after four was a dangerous time, as the sharks were on the look- 
out fora meal. I cannot say that I should like to trust to this, especially 
as I have seen sharks about at other times, and one afternoon, in the 
bay, had to keep off a hammer-headed shark from coming near a British 
diver who was examining the rudder of a steamer, by firing at it from 
the stern. Some sharks are heavy and slow-moving creatures, but the 
hammer-headed kind are endowed with a surprising activity, and twist 
and turn like an eel. 

My native diver informed me that he was much more afraid of the 
Manta than of any shark, and that once when he was diving for some 
purpose—I do not recollect when—at the bottom a shade fell on him, 
and, on looking up, he beheld an enormous manta right above him—in 
his words, “as big as a lighter.”’ However, it passed on, and he was able 
to regain the surface. 

Perhaps the most remarkable talent possessed by the Tagal is his 
gift for instrumental music. 

Each parish has its brass band supplied with European instru- 
ments, the musicians generally wearing a quasi-military uniform. If 
the village is a rich one, there is usually a string band as well. They 
play excellently, as do the military bands. Each infantry battalion has 
its band, whilst that of the Peninsular Artillery, of ninety performers, 
under a bandmaster holding the rank of lieutenant, was one of the finest 
bands I have ever heard. There were few countries where more music 
could be heard gratis than in the Philippines, and for private dances 
these bands could be hired at moderate rates. 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 171 


The Tagal is also a good agriculturist. According to his lights, he 
cultivates paddy with great care. It is all raised in seed-plots, the soil of 
which is carefully prepared, and fenced about. The fields are ploughed 
and harrowed whilst covered with water, so that the surface is reduced 
to soft mud. When the ground is ready for planting, the whole poula- 
tion turns out, and, being supplied with the young shoots in bundles, of 
which tally is kept, proceed to plant each individual shoot of paddy by 
hand. 

Ankle-deep in the soft mud of the paddy-fields stand long rows of 
bare-legged men, women and children, each in a stooping position, hold- 
ing against the body with the left hand a large bundle of rice-plants, 
incessantly and rapidly seizing a shoot with the right hand, and plung- 
ing it into the black slime with the forefinger extended. 

Hour after hour the patient toil goes on, and day after day, in all 
the glare of the burning sun, reflected and intensified from the surface 
of the black water, till the whole surface has been planted. The matan- 
dang-sa-naya, or village elder, then announces how many millions of 
rice shoots have been put in. The labour is most exhausting, from the 
stooping position, which is obligatory, and because the eyes become 
inflamed from the reflection of the sun on the black water. As the 
paddy is planted during the rainy season, it often happens that the work 
is done under a tropical downpour instead of a blazing sun. 

When driving along a road through paddy-fields in October, it 
seems incredible that every blade of that luxuriant crop has been trans- 
planted by hand. Yet the people who do this are branded as lazy. I 
think that they are quite ready to work for a sufficient inducement. 
Whenever I had work to execute I never experienced any difficulty 
in obtaining men. I made it a rule to pay every man with my own hands 
every Saturday his full wages without deductions. On Monday morn- 
ing, if I wanted 300 men, there would be 500 to pick and choose from. 
I should like to see some of their depreciators try an hour’s work plant- 
ing paddy or poling a casco up stream. 

The undulating nature of the ground renders it necessary to divide 
paddy land into small plots of irregular outline at varying levels, divided 
from each other by ridges of earth called pilapiles, so as to retain the 
rain or irrigation water, allowing it to descend slowly from level to 
level till it reaches its outlet at the lowest point. The Tagals fully jus- 
tify their Turanian origin by the skill and care which they show in 
irrigation. About Manila, the sacate, or meadow-grass, which is the 


172 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


principal food of the thousands of ponies in the city, is cultivated on 
lands which are exactly at a level to be flooded by the spring tides. 

The mango-tree is carefully cultivated, and the fruit is, to some 
extent, forced by lighting fires of leaves and twigs under these trees 
every evening in the early part of the year to drive off insects, and give 
additional warmth. 

In Batangas and La Luguna, and, to some extent, in Bulacan, the 
Tagals cultivate the sugar-cane successfully. 

But where they really shine, where all their care is lavished, where 
nothing is too much trouble, is in the cultivation of the buyo (Piper 
betel). This is a climbing plant, and is grown on sticks like hops. 
There were many plantations of this near Pineda, which I frequently 
visited. It is grown in small fields, enclosed by hedges or by rows of 
trees to keep off the wind. 3 

The soil is carefully prepared, and all weeds removed. As the 
tendrils grow up, the sticks are placed for them. The plants are watered 
by hand, and leaf by leaf carefully examined every morning to remove 
all caterpillars or other insects. The plants are protected from the glare 
of the sun by mat-shades supported on bamboos. 

The ripe leaves are gathered fresh every morning, and taken to 
market, where they find a ready sale at remunerative prices for chewing 
with the areca nut and a pinch of slaked shell lime. 

Whenever I have had Tagal hunters with me deer-shooting, I have 
been struck with their knowledge of the natural history of their locality. 
They thoroughly understood the habits of the game, and almost always 
foretold correctly the direction from which the deer would approach 
the guns. , 

They have names for every animal and bird, and for the different 
ages or conditions, or size of antlers, of the deer. 

Even insects and reptiles are named by them; they could give 
details of their habits, and knew whether they were poisonous or dan- 
gerous. 

They always showed themselves greatly interested in sport, and 
much appreciated a good shot. They spoke of a gun that killed well 
as a hot gun (baril mainit). If they were trusted with a gun they were 
very reluctant to spend a cartridge unless for a dead certainty. If two 
cartridges are given to a hunter, he will bring in two deer or pigs, 
otherwise he will apologise for wasting a cartridge, and explain how it 
happened. 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 173 


Their usual way of taking game is to set strong nets of abaca in the 
woods in the form of a V, then the beaters and dogs drive the game 
towards the hunters, who are concealed near the apex, and who kill the 
deer or wild pigs with their lances whilst entangled in the nets. 

I have found the Tagals very satisfactory as domestic servants, . 
although not so hard-working as the Ilocanos. Some of them could 
clean glass or plate as well as an English butler, and could lay the table 
for a dinner party and ornament tastefully with flowers and ferns, fold- 
ing the napkins like a Parisian waiter. 

They could also write out the ménu (their orthography having been 
previously corrected), and serve the dinner and wines in due sequence 
without requiring any directions during the meal. 

Some of them remained in my service the whole time I was in the 
Philippines. One of them, Paulino Morillo, came to England with me 
in charge of my two sons, and afterwards made three voyages to Cuba 
with me. I gratefully acknowledge his faithful service. 

I did not find them sufficiently punctual and regular as cooks, nor 
did they make their purchases in the market to as much advantage as the 
Chinese cooks, who never bid against one another to raise the price. 

As clerks and store-keepers I found the Tagals honest, assiduous, 
and well-behaved. As draughtsmen they were fairly skilful in drawing 
from hand sketches, and excelled in copying or tracing, but were quite 
untrustworthy in taking out quantities and computing. Some of them 
could write beautiful headings, or design ornamental title-pages. I 
have by me some of their work that could not be done better even in 
Germany or France. But the more skilful they were the more irregular 
was their attendance, and the more they had learned the worse they 
behaved. 

When doing business with the Tagals, I found that the elder men 
could be trusted. If I gave them credit, which was often the case, for 
one or two years, I could depend upon the money being paid when due, 
unless some calamity such as a flood or conflagration had rendered it 
absolutely impossible for them to find the cash. In such a case (which 
seldom happened) they would advise me beforehand, and perhaps bring 
a portion of the money, giving a pagaré, bearing interest, for the remain- 
der, and never by any possibility denying the debt. I never made a 
bad debt amongst them, and gladly testify to their punctilious honesty. 
This idea of the sacredness of an obligation seems to prevail amongst 


174 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


many of the Malay races, even among the pagan savages, as I had occa- 
sion to observe when I visited the Tagbantias in Palawan (Paragua). 
They certainly did not learn this from the Spaniards. 

The More Instruction the Less Honesty 

When dealing with the younger men who had been educated in 
Manila, in Hong Kong, or even in Europe, I found that this idea had 
been eradicated from them, and that no sufficient sense of honour had 
been implanted in its stead. 

In fact, I may say that, whilst the unlettered agriculturist, with his 
old-fashioned dress, and quiet, dignified manner, inspired me with the 
respect due to an honest and worthy man, the feeling evolved from a 
discussion with the younger and educated men, dressed in European 
clothes, who had been pupils in the Atenéo Municipal, or in Santo 
Tomas, was less favourable, and it became evident to me that, although 
they might be more instructed than their fathers, they were morally 
below them. Either their moral training had been deficient, or their 
natures are not improved by education. I usually preferred to do busi- 
ness with them on a cash basis. 

Unsuitable Traiming 

Dare I, at the tail-end of the nineteenth century, in the days of 
Board Schools, County Councils, conscientious objectors, and Hooli- 
gans, venture to recall to mind a saying of that grand old Conservative, 
the Peruvian Solomon, Tupac Inca Yupanqui? “Science should only be 
taught to those of generous blood, for the meaner sort are only puffed 
up and rendered vain and arrogant by it. Neither should such mingle 
in the affairs of state, for by that means high offices are brought into 
disrepute.” 

That great monarch’s words exactly express my conclusions about 
the young Tagals and other natives. 

To take a young native lad away from his parents, to place him in 
a corrupted capital like Manila, and to cram him with the intricacies of 
Spanish law, while there is probably, not in all those around him, one 
single honest and upright man he can look up to for guidance and 
example, is to deprive him of whatever principles of action he may once 
have possessed, whilst giving him no guide for his future conduct. 

He acquires the European vices without the virtues; loses his 
native modesty and self-respect, and develops too often into a con- 
temptible pica-pleito, or pettifogger, instead of becoming an honest 
farmer. 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 175 


The more educated Tagals are fond of litigation, and with the 
assistance of native or half-caste lawyers will carry on the most frivol- 
Ous and vexatious lawsuit with every artifice that cunning and utter 
unscrupulousness can suggest. The corrupt nature of the Spanish courts 
is a mainstay to such people. Although they may be possessed of ample 
means litigants often obtain from the court permission to sue a foreigner 
in forma pauperis. 

They are unscrupulous about evidence, and many will perjure 
themselves or bring false witnesses without shame. It is said that 
blank stamped paper of any year can be obtained for a sufficient price: 
for the purpose of forging documents relating to the sale of land; as 
there are people who regularly keep it for this purpose. 

The feeling of envy is strong within them, and any Spaniard or 
foreigner who appears to be succeeding in an industrial enterprise in the 
provinces, such as planting or mining, is sure, sooner or later, to be 
attacked by the pettifoggers or their men of straw, and he will be bled 
heavily when he comes before the courts, and perhaps have to go to the 
Court of Appeal or even to the Tribunal Suprémo in Madrid before he 
can obtain a verdict in his favour. 

The credulity of the Tagal is remarkable; he has on occasion given 
way to outbursts of ferocity, involving death and destruction to numbers 
of innocent people. 

In 1820, during an epidemic of cholera, he was led to believe that 
this strange sickness had been produced by the foreigners, who had 
poisoned the water. An indiscriminate massacre of foreigners was the 
- consequence of this calumny, and but few escaped. The authorities, 
always prompt to repress uprisings against the Government, allowed 
time for the foreigners to be massacred before they interfered. It is 
not easy to say how many English, French, or Americans met their 
deaths at the hands of the populace, for such details are never allowed 
to be published. 

I may say, however, that one should not be too hard on the Tagals 
for this crime, since at a much later date a massacre of priests occurred 
in Madrid, on account of a similar belief. It was started because a lad, 
the servant of a priest, was seen to throw some white powder into the 
Fuente Castellana. JI have not at hand the details of this massacre, but 
the friars were slaughtered like pigs. 

In the dreadful epidemic of cholera in 1882, the natives behaved 
very well, and I must give General Primo de Rivera credit for keeping 


176 SOCIAL, CONDITIONS 


strict order and promptly organising the construction of temporary 
hospitals, the inspection of every parish of the city, the conveyance of 
the sick to hospital, and the burial of the dead. It’was done under 
military direction, and with the assistance of the priests, the civil author- 
ities, and the principal inhabitants. No disturbances occurred owing 
to the strong hand of the Governor-General, although some of the evil- 
disposed natives began to murmur about the doctors carrying about the 
disease. 

The mortality was dreadful ; I believe that some 30,000 people lost 
their lives in the city and province of Manila in three or four months. 
In order to nurse the sick and bury the vast number of dead, it was 
necessary to employ the convicts and prisoners. All these people 
behaved remarkably well, although many succumbed to the disease. The 
survivors were pardoned outright, or had their sentences reduced. If 
the Governor-General had shown signs of weakness, the horrors of 
1820 might have been repeated. 

To give a better idea of the credulity of the Tagals and other 
natives, I may say that in 1868 telegrams were received in Manila (via 
Hong Kong) which were made public in the islands, announcing the 
Spanish revolution of September, and the news, with stupendous exag- 
gerations, reached the remotest villages and the most miserable huts. 
A general and indelible idea took possession of the minds of the natives 
that Revolution (they thought it was a new emperor or a great per- 
sonage) had decreed that all were equal, that there should be no dif- 
ference between Indians and Spaniards, that the latter had to return to 
Spain and Indians be substituted in all employments, and that the tribute 
would be greatly reduced. That there would be no conscription nor 
corvée (personal work), that the Pope would name several Indian 
bishops, and that the Spanish priests would return to the Peninsula. 
That a new captain-general would arrive who would marry a native 
lady, who would be made a princess, that their children would be kings 
and sovereigns of the Philippine empire. 

_ All this was confirmed by prophecies, by dreams, and revelations, 
and great miracles by the Virgin of Antipolo and of St. Joseph, and 
other patrons of the Indies, not omitting St. Peter, for whom the native 
clergy profess a profound veneration, and who is the patron saint of a 
brotherhood which has caused much trouble in the Philippines. 

General Gandara, informed of all these absurdities by the friars, 
did not fail to appreciate the immense importance of the movement 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 117 


which, like the teachings of the so-called gods of Panay and Samar who 
collected thousands of followers, might produce a general insurrection, 
He therefore took due precautions, and invited all the Spaniards in the 
Philippines, without distinction of party, in support of the Government 
constituted in Spain. There was, however, much agitation and much 
traveling to and fro amongst the native clergy and the pettifogging 
lawyers. It was, however, not till 1872 that the conspirators succeeded 
in producing the mutiny of Cavite, which was quickly suppressed, with 
much slaughter of the mutineers. 

The chief amusement of the Tagal is cock-fighting. I shall not 
describe this well-known sport, but will remark that it provides no 
inconsiderable revenue. The right of building and running the cock- 
pits of each province is farmed out to Chinese or Chinese half-breeds, 
and no combats may take place except in these places. They are opened 
after Mass on Sundays and feast-days, and on some other days by 
special leave of the authorities. The love of this sport and the hope of 
gain is so general that the majority of the natives of Manila are breeders 
of game-cocks, which they tend with assiduous care, and artisans often 
carry their favourite birds to their work and tether them in the shade, 
where they can keep them in view. MHorse-fights occasionally take 
place. The ponies of the Philippines, although not usually vicious to 
man, will fight savagely with each other, and inflict severe bites.. I 
remember a case where two ponies harnessed to a victoria began fighting 
and a Guardia Civil attempted to separate them, when one of the ponies 
seized him by the thigh, lifted him off his feet, and shook him as a ter- 
rier might shake a rat; the flesh of the man’s thigh was torn away and 
the bone left bare. This dreadful wound caused his death. The occur- 
rence took place in front of the church of Binondo in Manila. Bull fights 
have been an utter failure in Manila, although many attempts have been 
made to establish them. Flying kites is a great amusement with young 
and old in the early months of the year, when the northeast monsoon 
blows. Fights are organised: the competing kites have crescent-shaped 
pieces of steel attached to the tails, and the competitor who can cut the 
string of his opponent’s kite by causing his own to swoop suddenly 
across it, is the winner. Betting on the result is common. The Tagals 
are also fond of the theatre, and some years ago there was a Tagal 
theatre in Binondo where comedies in that language were played. I 
have also met strolling players in the country towns. 


But of all kinds of shows a good circus is the one that fetches his 
x iz 


178 SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


last dollar out of the Tagal. Guiseppe Chiarini reaped a silver harvest 
in Manila on both occasions he pitched his tents there. His advance 
agent, Maya, a Chilian, paved the way for success, and the pompous 
announcement that Chiarini was born in the sacred city of Rome, greatly 
impressed the natives, who flocked in thousands to his circus. Chiarini 
considered himself able to tame the most vicious horse, and purchased a 
fine Manila pony that no one could manage. The beast, however, was 
not subdued by his powers, and, seizing the tamer’s cheek, bit off a large 
piece. 

On feast-days in the larger towns, open-air plays are sometimes 
given, and what with preparations, rehearsals, and performance, absorb 
the attention of a large number of the inhabitants for a couple of months. 
I witnessed a very notable performance of this kind some years ago at 
Balayan, in the province of Batangas, the characters being played by 
the sons and daughters of the principal people there. The subject was 
taken from the “Wars of Grenada.” In the first act we saw a Christian 
king and his court, also his only and peerless daughter. After these had 
had their say, an ambassador from the Moslem king was announced, 
and the king summoned his council to consider the communication. He 
took his seat upon the throne, with gray-bearded councillors on each side. 
The Moslem envoy, and his suite and escort, entered on horseback and 
very unnecessarily galloped about and gave an exhibition of their horse- 
manship. The envoy, still on horseback, harangued the king, and arro- 
gantly demanded the hand of the beauteous princess for his master, 
threatening war to the knife in case of refusal. He then retired to his 
camp. 

Next came the discussion of the demand, which the grey-beards 
think it hopeless to resist. The Moslem envoy was sent for, and amid 
great grief the princess was about to be confided to his care, when there 
rushed in a young Christian warrior and his followers, who swore they 
would never allow a Christian princess to wed a Paynim, and dismissed 
the envoy with contumelious remarks. He retired vowing vengeance. 
All this occupied a long time, and I did not remain for the rest. I think 
it took two days to act. But from the volleys of musketry and firing of 
rockets and mortars which I heard, a sanguinary war must have been 
waged and many of the characters must have perished. The play was 
acted in a more spirited way than usual; some of the male performers 
declaimed their parts with energy. Some were mounted on fine ponies, 
and were well got up and armed. 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 179 


The girls’ dresses were rich, and they wore a great deal of jewelry. 
Some of the princesses were very handsome girls. There is a sort of 
superstition that any girl performing in one of these pieces is sure to be 
married within a year. This makes them very ready to undertake a part, 
as they obtain an excellent opportunity to display their charms to ad- 
vantage, and so help to fulfill the prediction. The play was witnessed 
by the mass of the population of Balayan and by numerous visitors 
from the neighbouring towns. It was considered a very successful per- 
formance, and it carried my memory over the wide Pacific to Peru, 
where I have seen similar plays acted by the country people in the Plaza 
of Huacho. 

Tagal Literature 

Tagal literature does not amount to very much, and the policy of 
the Government of late years has been to teach Spanish as well as the 
native dialects in the schools. This did not meet the approval of the old 
school of priests ; but many of the younger ones have accepted the Gov- 
ernment view. In the Exhibition of the Philippines, Madrid, 1887, 
Don Vicente Barrantes showed twenty volumes of grammars and vocab- 
ularies of the Philippine dialects, and thirty-one volumes of popular 
native poetry, besides two volumes of native plays. The Reverend 
Father Raimundo Lozano exhibited twenty-eight volumes of religious 
works in the Visayas-Panayano dialect, and the Reverend Father Fran- 
cisco Valdez a study of the roots of the Ilocan dialect in manuscript. 
Many works in the native dialects have been written by the Spanish 
priests, such as one by the Reverend Father Manuel Blanco, the learned 
author of the “Flora Filipina,’ of which I give the title and the first 


Vier SC ao 


Tagaloc verses to assist in dying “Manga dalit na Tagalog at pag- 
well. tulong sa mamaluatay na ta- 
nang Cristiana.” 


Manila, 1867, VIII, 62 pag 8°. 


“Aba bumabasa baquin baga caya 
Tila camuntima i nata cang bohala.” 


I now give the title of a secular poem in English and Tagal, that 
the reader may compare the words and note the subject :-— 


180 


Story of the life of the beaute- 
ous shepherdess Jacobina, a 
native of Moncada, who be- 
came the wife of the King, 
Policarpio de Villar, in the 
kingdom of Dalmatia, and 
bore a son named Villardo. ~ 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 


“Salita at buhay nang marilang 


na pastora na si Jacobina tubo 
sa Villa Moncada Naguing 
asaua nang Policarpio de Vil- 
lar sa caharian nang Dalmacia 
nagga roon nang isang sup- 
ligna anac ang pangaia i si 


Villardo.” 


The poem begins— 


“O maamong Ester mananalong Judit 
Mariang linanag nitong sang daigdig.” 


and concludes— 
“Panang nang pupuri ang lahat nang cabig 
Sa yanang inaguling ang tinamo i sangit.” 

I do not think it is necessary to quote any more, as this gives the 
reader sufficient idea of the language. 

There is much that is good in the Tagal, much to like and admire. 
Antonio de Morga, Sinibaldo de Mas, Tomas de Comyn, Paul de la 
Gironiére, Jagor, Bowring, Palgrave, Foreman, Stevens, Worcester— 
all have some good to say of him, and with reason. But the pirati- 
cal blood is strong in him yet. He requires restraint and guid- 
ance from those who have a higher standard for their actions than 
he has. Left to himself he would infallibly relapse into savagery. At 
the same time he will not be governed by brute force, and under 
oppression or contumelious treatment he would abandon the plains, 
retire to the mountains, and lead a predatory life. Although not just 
himself nor truthful, he can recognise and revere truth and justice in a 
master or governor. Courageous himself, only a courageous man can 
win his respect. He is grateful, and whoever can secure his reverence 
and gratitude will have no trouble in leading him. 

I have testified to the Tagal’s excellence in many handicrafts and 
callings, yet I greatly doubt whether they have the mental and moral 
equipment for any of the professions. I should not like to place my 
affairs in the hands of a Tagal lawyer, to trust my life in the hands of a 
Tagal doctor, nor to purchase an estate on the faith of a Tagal sur- 
veyor’s measurement. 

I do not say that they are all untrustworthy, nor that they can never 
become fit for the higher callings, but they are not fit for them now, 


SOCIAL CONDITIONS 181 


and it will take a long time, and a completely changed system of educa- 
tion, before they can become fit. 

What they want are examples of a high type of honour and morality 
that they could look up to and strive to imitate. There are such men in 
America. Whether they will be sent to the Philippines is best known to 
Mr. McKinley. 


182 


ARCHAOLOGY 


THE BEGINNING OF ARCHAEOLOGY may be said to have been made 
with the decipherment of the Rosetta stone. This was found at Rosetta 
in 4799. It contained three inscriptions, one in hieroglyphic, one in 
demotic and the other in Greek. There was reason to suspect that the 
three inscriptions were identical in meaning and with this clue scholars 
set to work to decipher the hitherto unknown hieroglyphics. Young 
and Gell made a good beginning and by 1832 Champollion had suc- 
ceeded in deciphering all the inscriptions. 

Before this result had been reached Grotefend made a substantial 
start at explaining the cuneiform characters of Mesopotamia by compar- 
ing the known names of Persian kings with cuneiform inscriptions he 
thought might contain the names. This gave the key, and Bournouf and 
Lassen (1836-1844) completed the short Persian alphabet. Next Raw- 
linson, from the trilingual inscription at Behiston in Persian, Assyrian, 
and Vannic worked out the great Assyrian syllable-system of six hun- 
dred signs. 

Since this time Egypt and Mesopotamia have furnished magnificent 
fields for research into times hitherto lost below the horizon of history, 
and the date of the beginnings of civilization has been placed further and 
further back. 

The relics of the Egyptian literature hidden in papyrus rolls be- 
longing to the period from A. D. to 1000 B. C. have been deciphered. 
(The Book of the Dead, showing the worship of Osiris, (see volume I) 
is one of the great finds of this period. Study of the remains of temples, 
tombs and towns has shown before this period and from 1000 to 1600 


+ 


iLLINOIS. 


GF THE 
TY vt 


i) 
oe 
ud 
Be 
Z 
ro) 


ARCH AOLOGY 183 


B. C. the everyday life of a great empire. Anterior to this had come the 
invasion of the Hyksos; prior to the Hyksos the civilization of the 
twelfth dynasty (about 2600 B. C.) ; then back beyond a period of decay, 
the civilization of the Old Kingdom (4500-3500 B. C.) that built the 
grandest of the pyramids and monumental remains. This was preceded 
by the invasion of a people probably from the direction of the Red Sea 
(about 5000 B. C.), who brought with them much of the base of the 
civilization of the Old Kingdom; and dating probably from as early as 
6000-5000 B. C. are found relics of a primitive Egyptian race that built 
towns of brick, used linen, leather, pottery, wood, ivory, copper, and 
polished flint. 

The remains in Chaldea seem to be even more ancient. The re- 
ligious literature given in the first volume dates further back than any 
literature of Egypt. Libraries of clay tablets seem to have been in 
existence before 3000 B. C. Researches have not been as extensive in 
the sites of towns as in Egypt and the.oldest civilization is not as well 
known. We give below a summary of the facts of the Babylonian 
period. 

In Greece, archzology has discovered the remains of high civiliza- 
tions existing in the Mycenian age before the Doric invasion of about 
1000 B. C. The earliest relics of civilization seem to go back to about 
3000 B. C. 

But archzology pushes its researches into the study of primitive 
man far back before the eras of even Chaldea or Egypt. The great 
ages of these countries correspond to the ages when men used bronze 
largely for weapons and ornaments (about 3000-1000 B. C.) and even 
to the age of copper (5000-3000 B. C.). The lake dwellers belonged 
to the latter period or even before. Prior to them there were work- 
ers in polished stone. The ages of the cave dwellers, who at the 
last were workers in bone, and at the first were rude shapers of stone, 
carry us back no man knows how many thousand or tens of thousand 
years. 


184 


Pe. REISER 


A SKETCH OF BABYLONIAN SOCIETY 


THE PREPARATION of a history of Babylonian culture is surrounded 
with so many difficulties that only those but slightly acquainted with its 
aspects would dare to undertake the task. In fact, the most necessary 
preliminary studies have been begun only within the last few years. 
Historical works on the subject show a disregard or ignorance of the 
elements of the history of culture, while the preliminary works which 
have appeared lack more or less the bond of interrelationship. It is, 
therefore, not an unimportant work to give for a part of the history of 
culture an outline, or skeleton, about which the scattered and discon- 
nected studies, thus far attempted, may rally, and thus make it pos- 
sible to proceed more methodically in the consideration of individual 
questions. 

For these reasons I have decided to condense several lectures writ- 
ten some years ago into the present publication, which neither claims 
completeness nor to pronounce the final word. On the contrary, I hope 
that sharp criticism will be aroused by this sketch, through which the 
common aim or object may be advanced. As this is really a sketch of 
the subject, I have refrained from citing and collating authorities which 
are to find their place in monographs to follow; and this also explains 
why I have taken up society as a unit, and scarcely more than indicated 
its development. The work is based mainly upon the conditions of 
Babylon in the sixth and seventh centuries before the Christian era. In 
going still farther backward, the task is to unravel the close-meshed 
fabric of Babylonian culture and to study the history of its development 
along the individual strands. 

In the activity of thousands of years the Euphrates and the Tigris 
have built up from alluvial drift the territory between their arms. Sand 
and stones, stripped by the melting snow from the Armenian Moun- 
tain peaks, have formed deposits which pushed the Persian Gulf ever 
farther back toward the south and east. Thus we have in the south 


ARCHAOLOGY 185 


a province with no mountainous formations, but only plains and hills 
of sand, with but few stones. The plain is traversed by the two rivers 
named, which differ in relative level at two points; at one place the water 
of the Euphrates flows over and feeds the Tigris, while 100 miles 
southward an equalization occurs by the reflux of the Tigris into the 
Euphrates. 

If we consider the climate of the country, we find in the south, in 
the whole of Babylonia, the characteristics of the hot desert climate 
modified only by the moisture from the rivers. The desert extends up 
along the Euphrates and spreads far away beyond it over to Mesopo-- 
tamia. Nevertheless we must form no false picture of the Mesopotamian 
desert. After heavy rains it is overgrown by vegetation with wonderful 
rapidity ; and the traveler from the Occident is often amazed when, after 
the rain, the entire desert appears yellow with crocus plants or blue with 
other growths. At such times the Arabian nomads cross the Euphrates 
to pasture their cattle, and thus thousands of years ago strife arose 
between the residents and the invaders, which continued yet further 
during the historical development. 

So far as historical notices accessible up to this time extend, there 
still remains the sole probability that in the south of the country tray- 
ersed by the two. streams, northward, eastward, and westward from the 
Persian Gulf, originally dwelt people of a race who used an agglutina- 
tive language, were characterized by a compact bodily frame, and were 
of a Mongoloid type. I do not wish to enter deeply into several much 
too radical theories concerning the Sumerians and their racial affinities ; 
I would merely like to refer to the fact that I have already in my book, 
Hittite Inscriptions, called attention to the possibility of a connection 
between the so-called Hittites, non-Aryan proto-Armenians, and Su- 
merians, and that the ancient population of Elam might easily be 
included with these. But even in the earliest times Semites appear to 
the north of the district bordering on the Persian Gulf. As in the his- 
torical development between 2000 and 600 B. C., two invasions and set- 
tlements of Semitic nomads can be recorded, in which connection the 
theory advanced by Winckler concerning the Aramezans and the Chal- 
deans is especially to be noticed, it is very natural to assume also for 
these most ancient Semites a nomadic period, which had already ended 
when history begins to raise the curtain before our searching eyes. 

The political supremacy of these oldest Semites introduced racial 
variations. We may look upon the invading Kassites from the Kas- 


186 ARCHAOLOGY 


san mountains as a third element, which also for a time furnished the 
acknowledged rulers of Babylonia. The second wave of Semitic immi- 
gration, the Aramaic tribes, had begun in the time of the Kassu rule, 
and for centuries furnished the nomadic population of the steppes, 
against whom the population of the cities were engaged in struggle. The 
advances of the tribes and the retreats of the agricultural population 
were accompanied by ruins of dikes and canals until a strong hand 
again forced the nomads back and restored the water courses. These 
tribes became gradually settled and constituted the fourth racial element, 
as appears from several historical notices and from Assyrian contracts. 

Finally, we must notice the pushing forward of the Semitic Kaldi 
tribes from the south, and the contemporaneous efforts of the Assyrians 
from the north to obtain the supremacy in Babylonia. But while the 
preceding four elements composed the basis or foundation out of and 
upon which ruling classes developed, these two latter parties formed 
external factors which influenced the social and political life of Babylon. 

If we also mention as a potent external factor the Elamite mon- 
archy, which endeavored to play off the Kaldi and the Assyrians against . 
each other in their struggle for Babylon, we have briefly sketched the 
picture of the inhabitants, their origin, and those of their neighbors who 
come into consideration. 

From these elements and their sediment was formed what we are 
accustomed to regard as the Babylonian state. We must not imagine 
an oriental state, however, as being any such firmly welded whole as 
are our modern European states. Race feeling operated in a manner 
altogether different from among us. There the whole life of the State 
was concentrated about great cult centers. Surface configuration, 
intercourse relations, and the coincident power of single provinces 
welded a greater political unit about a cult center. Thus was formed 
a political organization that perhaps soon after was merged into a larger 
unit, and left nothing but a name behind it in proof of its former exist- 
ence. Among these political units we know of Sumer and Akkad, that 
is, the power once connected with Ur, the Kingdom of Babylon; also 
smaller ones in the north, such as the kingdom of “the four regions” 
and the Kingdom of Kisshat, of which the cult center is not yet pre- 
cisely determined, but probably to be sought in northern Mesopo- 
tamia. Farther away from the proper center lies Elam, which had 
attained the rank of a State since primeval times. We see Assyria and 
farther to the north, the proto-Armenian tribes. 


ARCHZOLOGY > 187 


The political history of Babylon, even in the earliest times, presents 
an alternating picture of centralization and disintegration of the empires 
embodying the centralization. The question presents itself, what could 
have been the cause which in so remote a period again and again led 
to the consolidation of a great district, while as yet, in all neighboring 
provinces, with few exceptions, only a more or less feeble tribal bond 
could be formed. The answer may be inferred from the following cir- 
cumstances : 

(1) As soon as an individual by reason of the domination of one 
of the smaller commonwealths had succeeded in restoring the central- 
ization after a period of its decay, his main efforts were especially 
directed toward the restoration of the neglected canals. 

(2) During a decline of the central authority the canals became 
choked with sand. 

(3) The Babylonians imagined the period of such political weak- 
ness to be a time of anger of the gods, who were deserting the country 
and giving the supremacy over to its enemies. 

(4) The hydrographic conditions of the country of the two rivers 
were of such nature as in themselves to call for regulation and utiliza- 
tion. For, while the bed of the Tigris in its northern portion is lower 
than the Euphrates, so that the latter seeks an outlet toward the former 
during inundations, farther on, at the second confluence of the rivers, 
it is higher. This peculiarity, which apparently contradicts the fact 
that the Tigris in that part flows much more swiftly than the Euphrates, 
is explained by the fact that the former flows in a straight course, and 
thus has a much shorter distance to traverse than the Euphrates, which 
describes a large loop. And while the swifter course of the Tigris pre- 
vents it from choking its channel, the Euphrates at once covers its 
domain, its bed, and channels with its alluvial drift whenever a sys- 
tematic regulation is not kept in continuous operation. It repeatedly 
fills its own channel, tears away the banks, and reduces the painfully 
acquired agricultural land to swamp and waste again. 

In reply, then, to the inquiry as to the cause of this ever-reappearing 
centralization, it may be answered that the nomads who first settled in 
the country of the two rivers were compelled by the hydrographic con- 
ditions to regulate the river system ; this regulation demanded and devel- 
oped an administrative center ; these conditions gave as a result the idea 
that the country belonged to the gods; and this idea had force to bring 
about a real centralization. Ideas continue in activity thousands of 
years after the conditions out of which they arose have altered. We 
must not be surprised, therefore, at finding this idea operative under 
later conditions; we may even use it as a clue to the complicated life of 
New Babylon. 

If, now, we consider the State—I speak, of course, of the individual 
States in their inward and outward design—we have to regard two 


188 ARCH XOLOGY 


factors: (1) The State centers about one focus of cult. For the Orient 
this cult center is of the greatest importance, since the development of 
the State is most closely connected with it. (2) The other point of view 
is the political-economic. The citizens of each one of these States 
became landowners soon after they had settled in Mesopotamia. They 
did not cultivate the land themselves, however, but the work was done 
by serfs or semi-serfs, obtained by military expeditions and by pur- 
chase. We have private contracts from which we see how boat expedi- 
tions were undertaken up the Euphrates against the northern provinces, 
where the less civilized tribes lived, and in which the contractors, who in 
this case were merchants and freebooters, undertook to procure slaves. 

Among the Assyrians, in contrast to Babylonia, the idea of the 
State was one of somewhat firmer consolidation. This was caused by 
the situation of Assyria, wedged between Babylonia and northern Meso- 
potamia, and by the institution of a mercenary army since Tiglath- 
Pileser I, which was likewise an efficient factor in the formation of a 
stronger government than in Babylonia. Nevertheless, the political insti- 
tutions of the two States are somewhat similar. 

The officials were grouped in three orders—those who were occu- 
pied with the internal administration ; those who watched over the neigh- 
boring and tributary States, and the military service that guarded the 
interests of the State against enemies, and were frequently employed as 
governors of subjugated States and tribes. The old nobility had, more- 
‘over, a direct interest in the State, inasmuch as they pre-eminently 
shared the offices among themselves. 

The remaining subjects of the king were partly direct and partly 
indirect, and the latter certainly, in so far as they were, first of all, sub- 
ordinate to the hierarchy of a temple. 

The interest that the individual citizens had in the State lay, apart 
from the especial interests of the nobles, in the defense against outward 
attack and in the maintenance of law and justice; and we find, in fact, 
that the Babylonian State was characterized by a highly developed jurid- 
ical life. As against the nomadic tribes the domestic militia and the 
mercenaries had to suffice more or less, while against the neighboring 
powers the tribes themselves were now and again impressed into service. 

Of the constitution of the Babylonian State we know very little 
indeed, and the little we do know is of a negative character, only as the 
documents give us information of the abrogation of this or that priv- 
ilege, etc. Besides that, there are preserved to us several charters from 
Babylonian provinces, which grant certain prerogatives to one family or 


ARCH AOLOGY 189 


another. Thus it was legally established that officials of the State should 
not enter a free territory of this kind; that its inhabitants should not be 
arrested by the State police nor be constrained to the performance of a 
number of various villein services owed to the State. We may probably 
assume that certain cities obtained charters or franchises, but we have 
only proofs for the investure of foreigners with civic rights first in the 
time of the Persians, when very soon resounds the cry “Civis Susanus 
sum” (I am a citizen of Susa), which is important for our appreciation 
of Cyrus’s statesmanship. 

From all accounts we must conclude that the Babylonian kingdom 
was divided into provinces, which were subdivided into administrative 
districts, within which lay the free family estates. Everywhere but in 
the free estates or territories the central authority had the right to com- 
mand arrests, to construct roads, bridges, etc., and to collect stallions for 
the breeding studs of the government, or to make arrangements for the 
maintenance of the studs. The contrast thus made apparent between 
the rights of the general government and those of the free estates indi- 
cates a period of transition from the feudal to the centralized system. 
The former is, of course, the earlier and bears witness to a time when 
the families were absolutely independent. With the growth of the cen- 
tral power, however, the importance and influence of the old families 
diminished, and only now and then occurred a relapse into the feudal 
system, such as, for instance, we learn from the charters. Such priv- 
ileged territories were generally held in the possession of the old noble 
families. These also furnished the State with the entire force of its 
dignitaries, and the high political offices very often descended from 
father to son. 

The citizens were, indeed, as explained above, very different as 
regards race and legal status, but soon became amalgamated under the 
influence of the higher civilization. 

The Babylonians appear to us enterprising and rather vindictive 
and litigious, as shown by the numerous lawsuits. In their relations with 
the gods they assumed the position of equals, and yet at the same time 
displayed the deepest submission. They made offerings to the gods, 
but also demanded favors in return. If a person had once committed 
an offense, however, he could not lament sufficiently before the higher 
powers. 

The family formed the focus of the whole life of the Babylonians, 
and presented a united and unbroken front. Thus we often find the 
interests of the State and those of the family in conflict. The sharp sep- 


— - ) oF. 


190 ARCHAOLOGY 


aration of the families from one another is easily explained by the for- 
mer nomadic life of these peoples. 

Since, moreover, the individuals of a clan were dependent upon one 
another, the legal conception was gradually developed that the property 
of an individual belonged not to himself, but to his whole family. We 
may thus explain the fact that real estate could be sold only on con- 
dition that the other members of the family gave their assent or signified 
their willingness by their presence while the bill of sale was being 
drawn up. A further important factor in the development of the 
family life is ancestor worship and the conceptions resulting from it, 
which have had the greatest influence in the religious development of 
the Semites. 

The families are, then, as we have seen, the actual units out of 
which the State is composed. The individual members of the family 
stand, therefore, in a somewhat freer position as regards the State; they 
feel that they are first of all members of their own family, from which 
their connection with the State results secondarily. 

The relation of the king to the subject was a double one. (1) The 
king was the highest representative of the family, which implies the 
conception of the whole State as one family. Under this conception he 
was the representative of his subjects in their relations with the gods, 
and had as such a great authority. (2) The king, however, did not 
belong to the particular families to which the individual subjects 
belonged. Therefore family interests in this regard often overbalanced 
the duty owed to the king. 

The individual families in Babylon were often at enmity with one 
another, and this antagonism had close relations with external politics. 
All the powers round about Babylon, as the Elamites, Assyrians, and 
Kaldi, had their partisans in the city. The partisans, however, belonged 
respectively to the different families. According as the influence of this 
or that external power predominated in Babylon, one family was played 
off against another, and their relative possessions were thus shifted 
accordingly. The two boundary stones belonging to this period—one 
dated from Sargon, the other from Merodach-Baladan—are very good 
illustrations of this condition. 

The relation of children to their parents was at first a rather patri- 
archal one, traces of which are found down to the latest times. We 
have a document from which appears the father’s right of protest on 
the occasion of his son’s intended marriage. The son might, indeed, 
marry against his father’s will, but in that case the marriage was not 


ARCH AOLOGY 191 


of full validity. On the other hand, we find phenomena which result 
from the further development of the family under the influence of pri- 
vate property rights. Documents dated from about 2300 B. C. refer to 
adoption to gain laborers. Another kind of adoption was one for the 
purpose of the fulfillment of obligations imposed by ancestor worship; 
that is to say, if there were no sons, a slave might be adopted, who 
should, after the father’s death, bring him the customary offerings. We 
often see that elderly Babylonians intrusted themselves to a child or 
adopted slave for care and shelter, and made over their property to the 
child on condition of being supported by him. This custom is to be 
regarded already as a result of the evolution from collective to indi- 
vidual property rights. 

We do not know much about Babylonian education. We can only 
draw inferences from what Assurbanipal relates concerning his educa- 
tion in the bit riduti (nursery). He states that he was trained in feats 
of bodily dexterity, and in reading and writing as well. We may prob- 
ably assume that the well-to-do families had their children taught in a 
writing school (bi¢ dupsaruti). We have fragments of tablets in which 
mention is made of a writing house, and there are still extant copies of 
historical and epic works prepared by writing pupils and then presented 
to a library. 

Trades were diligently practiced, and children and slaves were 
bound apprentices to master craftsmen. The period of apprenticeship 
lasted several months or several years, according to the difficulty of the 
trade. This may have been the case among business men as well, for we 
find slaves who carried on business for their masters. If the slave 
proved to be true and clever, he might even be manumitted, but he still 
retained a connection with the family. Although then, in this case, the 
idea of the family did not rest upon blood relationship, it nevertheless 
appeared strong in all directions. 

If, now, we compare the inference from the particulars gathered 
concerning the family with that drawn from the.inscriptions, it is shown 
that what is apparent from the documents was also legally established. 
For example, sons-in-law could pass over into the family of the wife and 
become legally associated to the ancestor worship of this family. 

As regards the relation of the family to the temple, we must make a 
distinction between the oldest cults existing within the domains of the 
individual families and the cults of entire cities. No especial imposts 
were necessary for the former, since these cults were cared for solely 
by the members of the respective families. For the latter, on the con- 


192 “ARCHAOLOGY 


trary, special taxes were raised by the king. Occasionally, however, it 
happened, also, that the king assigned to a temple a whole family, who 
then had to provide for its maintenance. This probably occurred for 
the most part after insurrections had been quelled. 

In the deportations so often practiced by the Assyrians, the question 
is always of the noble families, who were thereby placed in a trying 
situation. They might, indeed, carry on their religious observances 
even at their place of exile, but were yet obliged to feel themselves in 
banishment, since, according to its idea, ancestor worship was attached 
to the graves of their forefathers. Upon the latter point we have but 
little material; nevertheless, this much is evident from it—that it was 
not necessary that the graves should be separate. We find, on the con- 
trary, in Babylonia, great sepulchers, whither the dead from whole dis- 
tricts were brought. These sepulchers were naturally the centers for 
the surrounding district, and individual families connected themselves, 
respectively, with such a temple and such a sepulcher. To understand 
the development of the family upon the religious basis of ancestor wor- 
ship is extremely important in the historical consideration of the Semitic 
nations, and without this understanding a number of facts cannot be 
explained. 

The attempt has been made to prove the existence of a matriarchate 
also among the Semites, and it has been thought possible to adduce evi- 
dence for this view from the oldest inscriptions. This theory depends 
upon the arrangement of the names of the gods and goddesses and of the 
ideograms for man and woman. Nevertheless, the fact that in the 
Sumerian texts the feminine element precedes the masculine is capable 
of explanation on other grounds. 

It appears, however, from the Old Babylonian documents that the 
wife could conclude independent private contracts; and that she had a 
legal standing in the family circle as well as before a court of law; that 
is, she was capable of being her own representative in regard to her 
own affairs. She had her private property and retained the right to 
dispose of it. Between the thirtieth and the twentieth centuries B. C. 
marriage had already developed in Babylonia upon the basis of indi- 
vidual property rights. Of course there existed at the same time 
remnants of more ancient modes of marriage, especially when the con- 
tracting parties were not of equal caste. Thus we have in the time of 
the New Babylonian Kingdom—that is, about the seventh century B. C. 
—a case where a man married a singer. In the marriage contract the 
death penalty was laid upon the eventual unfaithfulness of the wife; the 


ARCH AOLOGY 193 


husband, on the other hand, could put his wife away forthwith on the 
payment to her of a specified sum of money. In ordinary cases the wife 
obtained her dowry back if she was repudiated. The children remained’ 
in the husband’s family. There are, however, remnants of a system 
where, upon a separation, the daughters followed the mother. The 
material does not suffice to furnish answers to all questions relative to 
this subject. 

We find women active in trade, industry, and agriculture, and 
although here, as elsewhere, men were in preponderance, we see them 
as priestesses in public worship. In the more ancient time they had 
not only the religious ceremonials to perform, but authority to manage 
the property of the deity. Women were also much esteemed as prohpet- 
esses. , Thus there was in Arbela a temple which harbored a great num- 
ber of prophetesses who were, for example, much consulted by Asar- 
haddon. ° 

After all that I have said about the position of woman there is ne 
occasion for surprise if we find her in an influential position as queen. 
An indication of this is the short notice in the synchronistic history 
that an Assyrian princess ascended the Babylonian throne, and, vice 
versa, we find in the ninth century the Babylonian princess Samuram- 
mat upon the Assyrian throne. The latter had an important sovereign 
position. We find that she exercised influence upon the internal life of 
the State whose king she had married, and that she doubled Babylonian 
influence in Assyria. It is very probable that the legend of the Greeks 
concerning Semiramis can be traced back to the important position of 
Samurammat, to whose name, however, whole myths of the goddess 
Istar have been transferred. Reliefs from the time of Assurbanipal show 
that the position of the queen was an important one in this time, as well, 
and a similar conclusion concerning the position of the middle-class 
woman can be drawn from the documents. * * * 

Among the slaves we must distinguish between (1) those that were 
in the private possession of an individual; (2) the glebae adscripiz, 
villeins, who in part had arisen from the condition of slaves, in part 
had been reduced from the condition of freemen into serfdom; (3) the 
temple slaves, some of whom were purchased and some presented to the 
temple by pious citizens or by kings; (4) those belonging to the State, 
captives of war, of whom the greater part passed into the possession of 
individuals or of the temple. The first and third classes were employed 
in industries and about houses, the second in the cultivation of land. 


We must consider industry in Babylon as highly developed. A 
SE 


1) Ce aa ARCH HOLOGY 


large number of certificates of delivery have come down to us, from 
which it appears (1) that private individuals in Babylonia possessed 
industrial establishments of the nature of factories, and (2) that the 
temples were great factories. The slaves were let out to work by their 
masters, and the hire either given to the slave, in case he himself deliv- 
ered to his master the profit due from him as slave and maintained him- 
self, or, on the other hand, given to the master if the latter provided for 
the slave’s maintenance. Finally, the employer might give the slave his 
maintenance and the surplus earnings of the slave to the master. In this 
case the slave also received something for his labors. Thus the slave 
might accumulate a little capital. Besides, slavery was not as harsh in 
the Orient as in the Occident. The slave might buy his own freedom, 
and could be adopted and become a member of the family and rise to the 
highest places. 

If one compares the employer’s expenses when slaves were hired 
with the cost of free laborers, the latter are in most cases considerably 
more expensive. This appears to contradict an economic law that work 
under like conditions should receive equal compensation. I believe that 
I am able to solve the riddle in the following manner: If a free man 
entered into service, he had no claim for compensation if he became 
sick or disabled by his work. The slave, on the contrary, must be 
maintained by his master, and there were laws according to which who- 
ever hired a slave was required to pay an indemnity to his master during 
the continuance.of any disability incurred by the slave while a servant. 
Slaves were well protected by these. exceedingly humane laws. Every- 
one who hired slaves belonging to others took good care not to disable 
them by overburdening their strength. As a consequence, the wages for 
a slave were smaller than those of a free man, who was obliged to forego 
indemnity if he received an injury from his work. 

As for the glebae adscripti, they correspond to our tenants by villein 
service; they had to perform a kind of corvée, that is, they were obliged 
to work for the landowner on certain days. In most cases these slaves 
belonged to a temple, and on this account the temple had also jurisdic- 
tion over the slaves belonging to it. Fugitive and refractory slaves were 
put in chains, but might be released upon the guaranty of a comrade. 
Documents referring to such cases are extant. 

Upon military matters in Babylon little has been handed down to 
us. The foreign rulers of the successive periods had their own national 
troops, and probably seldom drafted the Babylonians themselves into 


ARCH AOLOGY 196 


military service. These troops gradually became property owners and 
Babylonians, which explains the clinging to the most ancient custom, 
namely, that the possession of landed property implied the obligation to 
furnish soldiers. 

From the manner of the origin of the central powers, as sketched 
above, as well as from the idea that the country was subject to the gods, 
on the one side, and from the repeated political revolutions on the other, 
it results, as a matter of course, that out of the tribal possession of the 
land three forms of ownership must have developed: (1) Temple own- 
ership; (2) State ownership, and (3) only secondarily, private owner- 
ship. All three forms are met in the New Babylonian documents, 
naturally with many variations. 

Temple ownership developed out of the proprietary claim upon the 
whole territory comprised in the district about the temple. Originally 
a share of the products was yielded on this account to the deity and, 
therefore, to his temple. Naturally, in the evolution of things, conflicts 
of rights must have arisen, and thus, even in the oldest documents as 
yet in the Sumerian language, we see the kings engaged in regulating 
the temple revenues. Although gradually a partial conversion of the 
payments in kind into monetary payments took place, the former 
remained by far the most prevalent, even in the Babylon of Nebuchad- 
nezzar and the Persians, as the contract tablets show. Since, especially 
in years of bad harvests and in times of war, the revenues established by 
the kings yielded but little, a fixed income was early provided, inasmuch 
as certain pieces of land were conveyed not merely into the theoretical 
proprietorship, but into the actual possession of the temple, in order 
that from them the expenses of the temple and the priests might be met. 

For the form of State ownership we have only slight indications. 
If the Assyrian kings restored their possessions to the nobles exiled or 
imprisoned by the Kaldi, and, vice versa, the Kaldi kings did the same 
with regard to those exiled by the Assyrians, this restitution might have 
taken either the form of enfeoffment, of which we have an example in 
the Merodachbaladan stone of the Berlin Museum, or the form of res- 
titutio in integrum, while it is yet impossible to determine certainly 
whether State or private ownership was really the form in question. So, 
in the case of a number of revenues, the question is still open whether 
we have before us taxes upon private property or rents on account of 
original State ownership. On the other hand a considerable number of 
documents in proof of genuine private ownership are extant. 


196 ARCH AOLOGY 


If we consider the three forms of proprietorship from the point of 
view of revenues, it appears that the temples played a double role. If 
they only took a revenue from certain pieces of ground, they were upon 
the same footing as the State, which received revenues from the feudal 
estates, but if they held the estates in actual possession they were analo- 
gous to private individuals, who could manage these properties them- 
selves or lease them. 

We thus come to the subject of husbandry, which we may now 
divide into the two principal classes, management by the owner and 
farming on lease. I premise that this refers only to the property-holding 
classes. The agricultural laborers, that is, the real producers, were 
either slaves or peasants, who in their village community had gradu- 
ally come to a certain condition of servitude, either to the temple or to 
the State or to the nobles. We have, then, to distinguish between the 
property-holding classes and the agricultural laborers. Naturally, a 
large number of modifications of condition arose which bridged over the 
transactions. But, in the rough, for the time which extends from the 
ascendancy of Assyria over Babylon to the downfall of the former 
power, that is, from goo B. C. to about 600 B. C., one may assume as 
the greatest difference between the two neighboring States—a differ- 
ence which was also characteristic of the different relation of power— 
the existence in Assyria of a free peasant class, in distinction to the 
existence in Babylonia of an unfree peasant class. 

That the development of Assyria from a political point of view was 
much influenced by its social constitution is to be assumed as a matter 
of course. If, now, we can logically represent this development, we 
shall be able to judge of the social background, concerning which little 
documentary evidence remains. The test will be if the little furnished 
by the inscriptions agrees with the conception previously gained by us. 

Now, it is quite easy to trace how the Assyrian kings gradually 
formed for themselves a military force suitable for rapid movements, 
and how the latter, originally, indeed, consisting of natives, became 
more and more a mercenary force recruited from the free lances of all 
Asia Minor. It is, moreover, clear from the history of Assur from the 
time of Asurnacirpal on, that the internal tranquility was greater or less 
in proportion to the exhibition of power with regard to outside coun- 
tries. This is explained by the fact that, so long as the surrounding 
peoples could be forced to pay tribute, the standing army was main- 
tained by this tribute, but when from any cause tribute was less freely 


ARCHAOLOGY 197 


given, the public burden fell more and more heavily upon the producing 
classes. When, under the kings of the eighth century, the north and east 
became less productive because of the pressing forward of Aryan tribes, 
circumstances must have come to such a pass that a complete revolution 
resulted, which brought Tiglath-Pileser III, and after him, Salman- 
assar IV, to the throne. Since this revolution took place in opposition to 
the ruling dynasty, and since neither king gave himself any trouble to 
establish his legitimacy by artificial pedigrees showing relationship to 
ancient legendary dynasties, it is probably to be assumed that they 
effected their usurpation in the face of the hitherto ruling classes of the 
military and priests by the help of a third factor. This, then, will also 
explain the fact that after the counter revolution of Sargon, he and his 
successors seized upon the old broken threads and relied chiefly upon the 
soldiery and priesthood. If, then, we inquire concerning this third fac- 
tor, the only answer is that it is to be sought in the ranks of the towns- 
people and peasants. It is thus made possible to see in the revolution of 
745 B. C. the victory of a revolt of peasants. And this, again, is only to 
be imagined on the hypothesis that in Assyria a strong peasant class 
unspoiled by servitude had survived. Always presupposing that devel- 
opment had taken place thus, the ascendancy of Assyria over the sur- 
rounding powers may be accounted for as the result of the liberated 
strength of the nation; and, moreover, the easy victory of Sargon, who 
accomplished the restoration with the aid of the priests, may be ex- 
plained on the assumption that many years of warfare had shattered the 
social condition of the peasants. 

There are two factors which make possible a verification of these 
facts. In the first place, the fact that Sargon, after he had seized the 
power, regulated property rights in favor of the temples, and, conse- 
quently, to the prejudice of the townsmen and peasants, who were prob- 
ably reduced to yet more oppressive dependence. Thence it follows that, 
before the restoration, temple ownership had been restricted and rela- 
tions with the temple relaxed, a fact which accordingly supports my 
representation of the development. And, secondly, the course of Sargon 
in the foundation of the city Dur-Sharrukin, inasmuch as he boasts that 
he has accomplished the expropriation of the landowners in a just man- 
ner, seems to indicate that a free peasant class had survived even after 
the restoration. Under the descendants of Sargon, the evolution of 
conditions probably tended more and more toward the extinction of this 
class, and thus formed the social groundwork which, after the downfall 


198 ARCHEOLOGY 


of the dynasty, allowed Assyria as well as Babylon to become a Median 
and Persian province. 

Farming on the owner’s own account, as we know it from the temple 
records, was practiced in this manner: Peasants brought their products 
to the temple storehouses and received for these products receipts from 
officials appointed for this purpose. It was the same in the case of pri- 
vate owners. It seems, however, as if this kind of management was not 
very prevalent, or, at any rate, fell into disuse more and more in New 
Babylon. It was replaced by a system of leasing, which was highly per- 
fected and formed the transition from domestic to commercial manage- 
ment. 

I have already stated that the temples farmed out the collection of 
their revenues; likewise, as with private owners, they rented great 
tracts of land to contractors. These contractors made a business of rent- 
ing, inasmuch as they either had the land cultivated on their own 
account by free or unfree laborers, or leased single pieces again. This 
sublease was concluded either after exactly the same form as between 
the first. renter and the proprietor or else it was a share rent, so that 
the property did not give a fixed rent, but a proportionate return, which 
brought a larger or smaller sum according to the result of the harvest. 
Such farming’ on shares was also practiced where renters took property 
directly under their own management from proprietors. The picture of 
the economic relations of Babylon which we can thus sketch by the help 
of the contracts, resembles throughout that of Italy in recent centuries, 
whose political development, indeed, presents besides many striking 
analogies to that of Babylon. Fully to show this in detail, however, 
would lead me far beyond the limits of my essay. 

Production was directed primarily toward the gaining of the neces- 
saries of life. If the accounts of the Greeks had not already taught us 
this, the indigenous inscriptions would, immediately upon their decipher- 
ment, have shown that the main stress of social activity in Babylonia 
was placed upon a quite extraordinarily intensive cultivation of the soil. 
Innumerable are the receipts for the delivery of grain, of dates, of date 
litter, date wine, sesame, and garlic, which are found cited here, just as 
in the accounts of the Egyptian pyramids. And on this subject the 
accounts of the temples, of which the storehouses appeared to have ruled 
the market, speak more clearly than anything else. At the same time, 
the arrangement is especially peculiar, according to which live stock 
appears not to have been pastured upon the owner’s land nor under the 


ARCH AOLOGY 199 


owner’s direction, but to have been given into the charge of contractors, - 
who undertook to pasture the herds of various owners, engaged to guard 
and care for them, and were paid for their services. Here the influx of 
nomad tribes, with property consisting mainly of herds, and the result- 
ing forms of collective ownership of large tracts of arable land, appears 
to have led very early to certain compromises with the perfected private 
ownership of real estate. 

The consumption of these products, so far as they were not claimed 
by the producers themselves, must have taken place in the cities; and 
since exportation could probably have taken place only on a limited 
scale—for as far as Arabia the neighboring provinces seem to have pro- 
duced their own grain—a conclusion as tothe size of these cities is 
thereby justified. But then it is unavoidable to assume a highly flourish- 
ing condition of industry in these cities; and, indeed, the textile fabrics 
of Babylon must have been known and celebrated throughout the whole 
world of that time. The smith’s and carver’s arts had likewise attained 
a high degree of perfection. While, however, the materials for these 
arts—as metals, stone, and ivory—were not produced in the country, 
but entered it as objects of exchange for the products of Babylon, the 
material for weaving was in part obtained in the country. There are 
yet preserved for us many copies of orders by warrant, of which the 
temple workers received wool from the temple warehouses in order to 
make cloth of it; and this wool came not only from the possessions of 
‘the Babylonians themselves, but doubtless also from the flocks of the 
nomadic Aramzans, who became, by reason of having a market for 
their products, ever more firmly attached to the regions of the Euphrates 
and the Tigris through which they roamed. It is clear how there may 
and must have arisen through this development conditions which led to 
antagonism between plain and city, between pasture and agricultural 
country, and which were then reflected in the political intrigues accord- 
ing as individual parties represented one or the other interest. And it is 
clear, further, that with the peculiar growth of temple ownership—as I 
have developed it above out of the idea of proprietary claim upon the 
soil—antagonisms must have grown up between the priests or repre- 
sentatives of the interests of the temples and the kings as representatives 
of the interests of the State. Only by means of this insight into its 
material condition does the history of Babylon, at the time of the dynasty 
of Sargon, for instance, become intelligible. 

I have already, above, emphasized the fact that the cultivation of 


200 ARCHAOLOGY 


the land must have been a very intensive one. We see this from pic- 
tures which show how water was raised from canals onto the land by 
means of hydraulic machines; and we can draw this conclusion from 
the syllabaries published in the second volume of the London work of 
inscriptions, which deal with the various phases of agriculture. Finally 
we gather the same knowledge from the data of the lists which, drawn 
up by the temple officials, show what amount was to be raised in taxes 
alone from the several tracts of ground. These tracts themselves were 
distinguished according to the kind of cultivation ; those where the clods 
were broken with the hoe were from this called aggullattu—that is, a 
tool which Tiglath-Pileser I, for example, had used on the construction 
of roadways in the Armenian highlands. Another kind of tool after 
which tracts of land were named was the marru, written gish mar— 
that is, the ideogram for wood, plus the ideogram mar, which is applied 
to a kind of wagon. Unfortunately the meaning of the word cannot yet 
be ascertained with precision. While marru, in the architectural inscrip- 
tion, is taken by some to mean scoop or bucket, others find in it the 
meaning wagon tongue. In some of the contracts marru certainly 
means a kind of vessel. It might not be impossible that there were two 
meanings in the word: (1) that of the vessel, which would then be 
referred to in the contracts, as well as in the architectural inscriptions; 
(2) also that of an implement which might perhaps find employment in 
transportation as well as in agriculture. I imagine it as a primitive 
kind of cart or dray, and consider it not impossible that by putting in a 
plowshare a plow might also have been made from it. Further, lands 
were designated as zagpu to be derived from zagqaf, if they were planted 
with date palms, as pi shulpi, if bordering on water and swampy, as 
ipinnu, if watered with the water wheel, and as taptu, of which the 
exact signification as yet eludes definition. Especially in Babylonia the 
idea of fallow land appears to be lacking, which occurs quite frequently 
in the Assyrian contracts. Whether here the land actually was or could 
have been continuously cultivated, without fixed rotation and without 
pause, I leave undecided. 

The individual tracts of land were not computed according to meas- 
urements of pure plane geometry, like building plots, but according to 
measures that had been evolved similar to the German joch, morgen, 
etc.—that is, according to the gur, or the real unit of capacity, which 
about corresponds to the German wispel (24 Berlin bushels). Accord- 
ing to this, a piece of land was designated by the amount which could 


ARCHASOLOGY 201 


be sowed upon it. Naturally, the ancient method must have been per- 
fected under advanced conditions into a fixed measure of extent; it 
appears that generally a subdivision of the gur—namely, one-tenth of a 
ga (that is, one eighteen-hundredth of the gur), with the ideographic 
denotation sha. hi. a, of which I do not know the pronunciation—was 
fixed as a certain extent of land, which then passed as a unit of measure. 
It is not yet possible to say anything quite definite as to the size of this 
unit of measure; Oppert’s calculation rests upon false premises. The 
celebrated assyriologist begins with the unit of linear measure, the ell, 
and is naturally compelled to construct besides the usual ell a much © 
longer one for land measurement. I believe that I am able to come 
nearer the truth by a conjecture. If the ground area of a house is 
measured, it is done by the construction from the linear measure 
gi==gqanu, (reed, 1. e., rod)==7 u (u—=ammatu=an ell) of a unit of sur- 
face measure, namely, gi. u, that is, a surface of which one side was 7 
ells, the other, 1 ell long. This construction was carried to such an 
extent that, if there were subdivisions, these were computed according to 
the surface unit gt. shu. si, ganu, uban (bohen) (mehri haben)=inch; 
the unit of measure was accordingly divided into parts, of which one 
side, equal to 7 ells, remained invariable, while the other side was one or 
more inches in length. It seems to me now, that the procedure was 
of like nature in the construction of the surface unit for agricultural 
land. Since u (—ammatu) is to be taken as a fundamental unit, accord- 
ing to the accounts of several documents, this ell of land will denote a 
piece of land, of which the short side was equal to 1 ell, while the long 
side, however, extended as far as was necessary in order that one sha. /11. 
a might be sowed upon it. 

We do not learn very much about the real activity of the peasants. 
The ground was broken, watered after the sowing, guarded against 
injury from birds or herds, and the fences around the tracts kept in 
order. The duty of watching and putting the ditches in order is many 
times emphasized in the documents of lease. About the harvests and 
the manner of gathering them there is almost nothing to be gained from 
the inscriptions. 

In the Babylon of Nebuchadnezzar II, the main harvest of grain 
was in Airu (the Hebrew Iyyar) ; for dates, in Arah-samma (the He- 
brew Marheshwan). It is many times stipulated in the contracts that 
the grain or the dates to be delivered should be brought to the city by 
boat, and then delivered either into storehouses or granaries on the quay, 


202 ARCHAOLOGY 


or in the house of the purchaser or of the lessor, respectively. That the 
waterways, which received careful attention, were used for this trans- 
portation, need not excite surprise. Since ship asses are many times 
mentioned, it might seem as though the boats had been drawn from the 
bank by asses, but that is probably not correct. According to the repre- 
sentations, rafts of the Assyrians were made of wooden frames, under 
which were fastened skins of rams, closed and water-tight, and filled 
with air. Navigation is practiced in similar manner down the river 
even to-day on the Tigris. At the place of destination the wood is sold 
along with the cargo, and the skins are piled up and transported back 
upon asses. Such asses might well be meant in the passages mentioned ; 
nothing, however, is learned from this as to the manner of navigation on 
the canals. | 

The laborers had, as a remnant of the ancient domestic manage- 
ment, their full maintenance upon the land, and wages beside. If they 
were free peasants, these wages came from a share in the produce of the 
harvest. Slaves received their food and clothing from their masters, 
and if they were hired, the employers might give them wages as he did 
to free laborers; from this they paid to their owner the profit due him 
from a slave, but might, however, claim clothing from him. Therefore, 
there are also contracts of hire in which the employer pledged himself to 
furnish the clothing. It happened, besides, that the employer paid the 
slave’s dues to the master, and guaranteed food and clothing, originally 
without paying the slave himself anything at all. This would seem to 
have been the earlier, the other the later form; yet nothing conclusive 
can as yet be established concerning these important questions. 

From the part of the crop which now remained over, therefore, as 
follows from the conditions detailed above, the contractor’s rent was to 
be paid, the owner’s income, and the incumbent taxes and imposts. The 
rent was either a fixed rent or a share rent. In the first case there was 
fixed the amount of produce or money to be delivered to the owner. We 
have several such records, but unfortunately the particulars as to the 
amount of the rent permit of no inference as to its relation to the returns 
from the harvests. It was otherwise in the case of the share rents. 
There it was provided that, after deduction of costs, the proceeds were 
to be divided equally between tenant and owner. There are several 
statements in which, moreover, it was agreed who should pay the taxes. 

The income of the owners of landed property, among whom the 
temples also are, of course, to be reckoned, came to them, according to 


ARCH AOLOGY 203 


what was said above, in the shape of money or in that of produce. If 
the latter case prevailed, and this was the rule, there was, naturally, 
often a hardship for the owner in being compelled to meet his monetary 
obligations during a period of low prices for grain. On this account, 
we find an exceedingly large number of texts in which proprietors were 
forced to mortgage their lands in order to procure money. Nay, more, 
there even exists a document by which a Babylonian in straits mort- 
gaged his harvest on the stalk. 

The necessity of obtaining ready money arose not, perhaps, from 
private needs alone. The public institutions must many times have . 
co-operated in this respect, as in Rome at the time of the Republic. For, 
although as already recounted at the outset, the temple imposts and 
even the direct State taxes were still usually delivered in the form of 
produce, and accordingly little was at first converted into fixed sums of 
money, there was another consideration which compelled the use of 
money. And this was the obligation which rested upon the individual 
estates to furnish soldiers and their equipment, and likewise to provide 
for their maintenance. This obligation was probably derived from con- 
ditions in which the landowner, as yet a peasant himself, held himself in 
readiness for service in arms in defense of the country. But, indeed, a 
mercenary soldiery must have developed in Babylon very early, especi- 
ally because of the changing foreign rule. 

Thus we find documents in which money is appropriated directly to 
serve for the equipment or maintenance of soldiers. Moreover, this 
explains the occurrence of the designation of gashtu for certain pieces 
of property ; these were just such as had to furnish archers. 

Other exactions, to mention these also which, indeed, did not 
demand a direct expenditure of money, resulted from the public works. 
For this the organs of administration could constrain the laborers of the 
temple estates as well as those of private ownership to a kind of corvée, 
in which their maintenance was furnished by the possessors of the 
estate. 

In Babylon a very important industrial life had developed very 
early. Of raw products for this, the country had only clay, asphalt and 
reed in the best quality. All else, for instance, skins of animals, wool, so 
far as this was not furnished by the tribes which roamed through the 
country, had to be imported. On this account the kings were very often 
led to undertake military expeditions toward the Amanus, both in order 
to keep the way open for traffic and to obtain as tribute what they could 


204 ARCHAOLOGY 


not buy. Babylon must, indeed, have been a gigantic thoroughfare for 
the trade between the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean. About this 
we can learn nothing directly from the cuneiform inscriptions, though 
we can learn it indirectly, by inferences, and, moreover, from the Greek 
authors. One thing is nevertheless clear, that great amounts of raw 
products lay in the storehouses of Babylon. 

Production was divided into the work of trades and that of fac- 
tories. I call trades the activity of free or unfree laborers, because they 
were entitled to take apprentices and teach them their trade, an institu- 
tion which fully corresponds to that of our modern trades. We have to 
look upon the temple and the industrial establishments of the rich citi- 
zens as factories. We have a number of certificates of delivery which 
show how the raw materials were delivered into the industrial establish- 
ments and how the finished products were delivered from them. These 
indicate how long the laborers worked and what amount of wages they 
received. As soon as the products of the trades came into demand as 
objects of luxury, craftsmanship touched the boundaries of art. The 
conditions in question are similar to those which existed in ancient 
Egypt. Artisanship is a refinement of what is commonly called trade 
work, which yet cannot attain individuality. 

The fine arts were mainly employed upon the royal edifices. Almost 
every kind of technique was practiced there—metal work (especially 
embossed work), metal casting, ivory and wood carving, and stone and 
tile mosaic. The technical perfection of the last was especially remark- 
able. One is with reason astonished at the blues, partly metallic colors, 
partly lapis laguli, which were burnt in upon the tiles for mosaics. The 
bronze doors of Balawat are a splendid relic of the artistic skill of for- 
mer times. In considering the stone carving it is striking in how mas- 
terly a way the hardest stones were subdued in the most remote times, 
and that, too, with tools with which modern artists cannot work at all. 
At that time there was as yet no steel. Even the hard basalt was worked 
with chisels of tempered bronze. Among the minor arts, that of the 
lapidary is especially to be noticed. We find quite delightful engravings 
upon the hardest gems. Here, again, is such a technical perfection as 
could be developed only by the practice of centuries, and which later 
became lost, so that similar noticeable works could first be produced 
again only in Italian workshops. Wood carving was employed in the 
construction of thrones and of little Venus figures in wood. A similar 
highly developed art appears also in ivory work. Ivory was a much 


ARCH AOLOGY 205 


prized article, for the sake of which the kings often undertook military 
expeditions, since the elephants were already exterminated on the 
Euphrates and the Tigris toward the beginning of the tenth century 
B. C. The ceramics, for which the most excellent raw material was 
present in all Babylonia, were also remarkable. The clay, which was 
already washed smooth by the rivers, was ground up so fine that clay 
writing tablets, for instance, were made of such superlative quality that 
they could be covered with writing so small as hardly to be read without 
a microscope. 

The Babylonians are our predecessors in the art of printing. We 
have matrices in clay and in wood. The writing to be multiplied was 
first carved in wood, then cast in clay, and could then be imprinted upon 
any number of clay tablets. 

A highly developed branch of industry was the art of weaving and 
embroidery, although we have no specimen of the material. We can 
form an idea of this art from the representations of the Egyptians and 
the Babylonians. The Babylonians understood how to weave very thin 
fabrics as well as the thickest. I myself have seen a clay tablet in Lon- 
don which had been laid upon a piece of linen, so that even now the 
position of the threads and the excellence of the fabric to which they 
belonged can be estimated. 

The tanner’s trade, moreover, was highly developed. This, too, can 
be judged of only through pictorial representations. According to 
these, shoes and the harness and saddles of horses were elaborately 
worked. ; 

Those who carried on industry were partly free, partly slaves; the 
former received wages, the latter were hired or rented. The owners of 
the slaves received from the latter, if they were skilled laborers, a fixed 
income. This must be clearly recognized in the picture of the social 
relations in Babylon. It is a matter of course, that here the interests of 
the owners and those of the laborers must have been diverse, and that, 
in spite of the immense population of Babylon, its political conditions 
must have been very unstable, because only the rich—that is, the dwind- 
ling minority—had an interest in the maintenance of order. Babylon 
had never been able to attain the position of Rome, where the Plebs 
constantly obtained more rights. 

As for the instruments of labor in Old Babylon, they were not 
highly developed. On the other hand, a high degree of technical perfec- 
tion was wrought out with these poor instruments. Among us the 


206 ARCHAOLOGY 


reverse is the case. The tools are very good, but the skill of the human 
hand has greatly diminished. Whether a division of labor in the modern 
sense existed in Babylon cannot be yet made clear. There are, never- 
theless, a number of facts which would point to it. 

According to the representations in the reliefs, the citizens attended 
public gatherings on state occasions and temple ceremonies, richly 
adorned and with the insignia which distinguished them as citizens; that 
is, in flowing garments, with large and artistically made head-dresses, 
with a seal ring upon the finger, with staff in hand, with girdle and 
beautifully embroidered leather shoes. In everyday work, on the con- 
trary, we see the same citizens carrying on their business in shirt and 
apron. Unfortunately, the remains which are at hand come mostly 
from temples and palaces, and therefore we can form a clear picture 
only of great state functions. 

Several scholars maintain that in Babylon only the temples and 
palaces are to be considered as great buildings, while the inhabitants 
lived in primitive huts. This is an untenable view. Portions of founda- 
tion walls which belonged to private houses have been discovered, and 
we are justified in the assumption that Babylon, so long as it existed, 
made, with its houses, the impression of a great city. One must not 
forget, withal, that it was an oriental city which required another kind 
of architecture than that of our great cities. Upon the main streets, 
which were paved with stone, little outbuildings, such as we still see in 
oriental cities, which must have served as booths or bazaars, were 
erected before the houses. There, as in the gates of the temples and 
palaces, handiwork and traffic were briskly carried on. 

Money, the medium of exchange, received its first and best im- 
provement there. It had passed from the conception of barter to the 
refined conception of value. In even earlier times gold and silver money, 
and also as subsidiary coinage, copper, bronze, and iron were used. 
The further the development went the more need there must have been 
of having the metals in a fixed form and in certain proportions of weight 
in order that there might be no necessity for weighing the metals each 
time. It was therefore molded into bars and rings. Unfortunately, no 
such coins have been preserved, but we have written references to them. 
The unit of value was the mine. This contained 60 shegels, and the 
latter had again subdivisions, but these varied. From the two first 
developments of money arises the third; the use of money as capital; 
that is, interest-bearing capital. We have, in about 2300 B. C., the 


ARCH AZOLOGY 207 


transition, as people pledged themselves to work a certain length of 
time for a sum of money which they must return later. 

Exchange was known in Babylon, and there are statements of the 
changes in value of money. Moreover, the ratio of value between gold 
and silver was fixed. 

This fine development of the relations of value was accompanied by 
another—the relation of the purchasing power of money to livelihood. 
A number of documents exist which show that the living expenses of 
the laborers cannot have been very high, and this agrees with what we 
know of the Orient from other sources. The soil furnishes the neces-: 
saries of life without man’s having to take much trouble. Consequently, 
idleness and beggary are nowhere more widespread than in the Orient. 
Nowhere is industry urged forward in a more brutal way. There are 
many reliefs from Babylon and Egypt which show laborers constantly 
driven by blows from a stick; during the transportation of colossal 
_ weights an overseer with a club stands behind every three or four 
laborers. 


CONCLUSION 


During the correction of the preceding sketch, which the editor of 
the Mittheilungen has sent to the press half against my will, but which 
I will not now withdraw, since otherwise I should be obliged to let it lie 
for many years to come without finding the time to work it over thor- 
oughly, two gaps came to my special notice, the filling up of which, 
however, is subsequently to take place elsewhere. The professional 
_ position of the priests will probably be described by Zimmern in his 
contributions to the knowledge of the Babylonian religion; that of the 
judges will be treated by Kohler in the fourth part of the work pub- 
lished by Kohler and myself upon Babylonian juridical life. 


Translated from Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 
Berlin, 1896. 


208 


PHYSICS 


THE MOST IMPORTANT ADVANCES in theoretical Physics during the 
last thirty years have been connected with the consideration of waves 
in the ether. In 1873 and even before, J. Clerk Maxwell developed his 
theory that electricity like light is a wave in the ether. The main 
proof of this theory rested upon the fact that it could be made to 
account for electrical phenomena and that the speed of light and elec- 
tricity seemed to be approximately the same. In 1888 Hertz of Germany 
succeeded in actually detecting waves in electricity by the method de- 
scribed below. The gradually acquired knowledge of their production 
and control have resulted in the wireless telegraph, the details of which 
are given under this head. 

The discovery of Crookes’ rays and of the X-rays by Réntgen 
points the way to a knowledge of new forms of radiation. 


JAMES CLERK MAXWELL 


James CLERK MAXWELL was born in 1831.. He attended Edin- 
burgh from 1847 to 1850, then entered Cambridge and was graduated 
in 1854, taking the honor of second wrangler. 

From 1856 to 1860 he taught in Marichal College, Aberdeen, and 
from 1860 to 1868 in King’s College, London. 


PHYSICS 209 


He was a mathematician at fifteen, and several of his papers were 
tread before the Royal Society of Edinburgh before he was nineteen. 
In 1867 he took up the question of electricity and strove to find a theory 
of it which would not include such a conception as action from a dis- 
tance. This developed into the theory that electricity is a condition of 
stress or strain in the ether, in other words, that it is a wave in the 
same medium as light and travels at the same rate of speed. Hertz’s 
experiments in 1888 have done much to confirm this theory, and such 
inventions as wireless telegraphy are a direct result. 

Maxwell died in 1879. 


ELECTRICITY A WAVE IN THE ETHER 


In several parts of this treatise an attempt has been made to explain 
electromagnetic phenomena by means of mechanical action transmitted 
from one body to another by means of a medium occupying the space 
between them. The undulatory theory of light also assumes the exist- 
ence of a medium. We have now to show that the properties of the 
electromagnetic medium are identical with those of the luminiferous 
medium. 

To fill all space with a new medium whenever any new phenomenon 
is to be explained is by no means philosophical, but if the study of two 
different branches of science has independently suggested the idea of a 
medium, and if the properties which must be attributed to the medium 
in order to account for electromagnetic phenomena are of the same kind 
_as those which we attribute to the luminiferous medium in order to 
account for the phenomena of light, the evidence for the physical exist- 
ence of the medium will be considerably strengthened. 

But the properties of bodies are capable of quantitative measure- 
ment. We therefore obtain the numerical value of some property of the 
medium, such as the velocity with which a disturbance is propagated 
through it, which can be calculated from electromagnetic experiments, 
and also observed directly in the case of light. If it should be found 
that the velocity of propagation of electromagnetic disturbances is the 
same as the velocity of light, and this not only in air, but in other trans- 
parent media, we shall have strong reasons for believing that light is an 
electromagnetic phenomenon, and the combination of the optical with 


the electrical evidence will produce a conviction of the reality of the 
X. 14. ! 


210 PHYSICS 


medium similar to that which we obtain, in the case of other kinds of 
matter, from the combined evidence of the senses. 

When light is emitted, a certain amount of energy is expended 
by the luminous body, and if the light is absorbed by another body, 
this body becomes heated, showing that it has received energy from 
without. During the interval of time after the light left the first body 
and before it reached the second, it must have existed as energy in the 
intervening space. 

According to the theory of emission, the transmission of energy is 
effected by the actual transference of light-corpuscules from the lumin- 
ous to the illuminated body, carrying with them their kinetic energy, 
together with any other kind of energy of which they may be the recep- 
tacles. 

According to the theory of undulation, there is a material medium 
which fills the space between the two bodies, and it is by the action of 
contiguous parts of this medium that the energy is passed on, from one 
portion to the next, until it reaches the illuminated body. 

The luminiferous medium is therefore, during the passage of light 
through it, a receptacle of energy. In the undulatory theory, as devel- 
oped by Huygens, Fresnel, Young, Green, etc., this energy is supposed 
to be partly potential and partly kinetic. The potential energy is sup- 
posed to be due to the distortion of the elementary portions of the 
medium. We must therefore regard the medium as elastic. The kinetic 
energy is supposed to be due to the vibratory motion of the medium. 
We must therefore regard the medium as having a finite density. 

In the theory of electricity and magnetism adopted in this treatise, 
two forms of energy are recognised, the electrostatic and the electro- 
kinetic, and these are supposed to have their seat, not merely in the 
electrified or magnetized bodies, but in every part of the surrounding 
space, where electric or magnetic force is observed to act. Hence our 
theory agrees with the undulatory theory in assuming the existence of a 
medium which is capable of becoming a receptacle of two forms of 
energy. 

Let us next determine the conditions of the propagation of an . 
electromagnetic disturbance through a uniform medium, which we shall 
suppose to be at rest, that is, to have no motion except that which may 
be involved in electromagnetic disturbances. 

Let C be the specific conductivity of the medium, K its specific 
capacity for electrostatic induction, and u its magnetic “permeability.” 


PHYSICS 211 


The quantity V, in Art. 784, which expresses the velocity of 
propagation of electromagnetic disturbances in a non-conducting me- 
dium is, by equation (10), equal to wlio 
V Ku. 

If the medium is air, and if we adopt the electrostatic system of 


J es 
measurement, K==1I and u==—, so that =v, or the velocity of propa- 
v 


gation is numerically equal to the number of electrostatic units of elec- 
tricity in one electromagnetic unit. If we adopt the electromagnetic 


I j ATAOL 
system, K=3 and u=1, so that the equation V=v is still true. 


On the theory that light is an electromagnetic disturbance, propa- 
gated in the same medium through which other electromagnetic actions 
are transmitted, V must be the velocity of light, a quantity the value of 
which has been estimated by several methods. On the other hand, w is 
the number of electrostatic units of electricity in one electromagnetic 
unit, and the methods of determining this quantity have been described 
in the last chapter. [Here inserted.] 

Comparison of Units of Electricity 

[Since the ratio of the electromagnetic to the electrostatic unit of 
electricity is represented by a velocity, we shall in future denote it by the 
symbol v. The first numerical determination of this velocity was made 
by Weber and Kohlrausch. 

Their method was founded on the measurement of the same quan- 
tity of electricity, first in electrostatic and then in electromagnetic 
measure. 

The quantity of electricity measured was the charge of a Leyden 
jar. It was measured in electrostatic measure as the product of the 
capacity of the jar into the difference of potential of its coatings. The 
capacity of the jar was determined by comparison with that of a sphere 
suspended in an open space at a distance from other bodies. The capac- 
ity of such a sphere is expressed in electrostatic measure by its radius. 
Thus the capacity of the jar may be found and expressed as a certain 
length. See Art. 227. 

The difference of the potentials of the coatings of the jar was meas- 
ured by connecting the coatings with the electrodes of an electrometer, 


. 212 PHYSICS 


the constants of which were carefully determined, so that the difference 
of the potentials, E, became known in electrostatic measure. 

By multiplying this by c, the capacity of the jar, the charge of the 
jar was expressed in electrostatic measure. 

To determine the value of the charge in electromagnetic measure, 
the jar was discharged through the coil of a galvanometer. The effect 
of the transient current on the magnet of the galvanometer communi- 
cated to the magnet a certain angular velocity. The magnet then swung 
round to a certain deviation, at which its velocity was entirely destroyed 
by the opposing action of the earth’s magnetism. 

By observing the extreme deviation of the magnet the quantity of 
electricity in the discharge may be determined in electromagnetic meas- 
ure, as in Art. 748, by the formula 


la hig 
O= Gz 2 sin $0, 


where Q is the quantity of electricity in electromagnetic measure. We 
have therefore to determine the following quantities: 

H, the intensity of the horizontal component of terrestrial mag- 
netism ; see Art. 456. 

G, the principal constant of the galvanometer; see Art. 700. 

T, the time of a single vibration of the magnet; and 

O, the deviation due to the transient current. 

The value of wv obtained by MM. Weber and Kohlrausch was 

U===310740000 metres per second. 

The property of solid dielectrics, to which the name of Electric 
Absorption has been given, renders it difficult to estimate correctly the 
capacity of a Leyden jar. The apparent capacity varies according to the 
time which elapses between the charging or discharging of the jar and 
the measurement of the potential, and the longer the time the greater is 
the value obtained for the capacity of the jar. 

Hence, since the time occupied in obtaining a reading of the electro- 
meter is large in comparison with the time during which the discharge 
through the galvanometer takes place, it is probable that the estimate of 
the discharge in electrostatic measure is too high, and the value of v, 
derived from it, is probably also too high. ] 

They are quite independent of the methods of finding the velocity 
of light. Hence the agreement or disagreement of the values of V and 
of uv furnishes a test of the electromagnetic theory of light. 


PHYSICS 213 


In the following table, the principal results of direct observation 
of the velocity of light, either through the air or through the planetary 
spaces, are compared with the principal results of the comparison of the 
electric units :— 


Velocity of Light (metres per second), Ratio of Electric Units (metres per second), 
UL Zoe) IE BO aad a 314000000 | Weber ..... aN Aa . » «310740000 
Aberration, etc, and 
Sun’s Parallax .....308000000 
MOUCAMIty ite nen 208260000") p Uhomisomy. ate y. 3.2), 282000000 


It is manifest that the velocity of light and the ratio of the units are 
quantities of the same order of magnitude. Neither of them can be said 


Maxwell ............-288000000 


to be determined as yet with such a degree of accuracy as to enable us to 
assert that the one is greater or less than the other. It is to be hoped 
that, by further experiment, the relation between the magnitudes of the 
two quantities may be more accurately determined. 

In the meantime our theory, which asserts that these two quantities 
are equal, and assigns a physical reason for this equality, is certainly 
not contradicted by the comparisons of these results such as they are. 

In the following table, taken from a paper by E. B, Rosa, Phil. Mag. 28, p. 
315, 1889, the determinations of ‘v’ corrected for the error in the B, A, unit are 


given :— 
1856 Weber and Kohlrausch e .» 3.107X1019 (cm, per second) 


1868 Maxwell 2.842 1010 
1869 W. Thomson and King 2.808 X 1010 
1872 McKichan ‘ 2.896 X 1010 
1879 Ayrton and ate 2 960X 1010 
1880 Shida : 2.955 X1010 
1883 J. J. Thomson — , es ». 2.963X1010 
1884 Klemencic Al as ve »» 3,019X1010 
1888 Himstedt we au ee «« 3,009X1010 
1889 W. Thomson .. Ne oe .s 3.004X 1010 
1889 HE. B. Rosa és .. 2.9993 X 101° 
1890 J. J. Thomson and Searle .. .» 2.9955X 1019 
VELOCITY OF LIGHT IN AIR, 
Cornu (1878) Mi, “ .. 3.003X 1010 
Michelson (1879) .. a ». 2.9982 X 1010 
Michelson (1882) .. a .. 2.9976X 1010 
2.99615 
Newcomb (1885) 2.99682 X 1010 
2.99766 


In other media than air, the velocity V is inversely proportional to 
the square root of the product of the dielectric and the magnetic induc- 
tive capacities. According to the undulatory theory, the velocity of 
light in different media is inversely proportional to their indices of 
refraction. 

There are no transparent media for which the magnetic capacity 
differs from that of air more than by a very small fraction. Hence the 
principal part of the difference between these media must depend on 


214 PHYSICS 


their dielectric capacity. According to our theory, therefore, the dielec- 
tric capacity of a transparent medium should be equal to the square of 
its index of refraction. 

But the value of the index of refraction is different for light of 
different kinds, being greater for light of more rapid vibrations. We 
must therefore select the index of refraction which corresponds'to waves 
of the longest periods, because these are the only waves whose motion 
can be compared with the slow processes by which we determine the 
capacity of the dielectric. 

The only dielectric of which the capacity has been hitherto deter- 
mined with sufficient accuracy is paraffin, for which in the solid form 
MM. Gibson and Barclay found. 

I tO. 

Dr. Gladstone has found the following values of the index of re- 

fraction of melted paraffin, sp. g. 0.779, for the lines A, D and H:— 


Temperature A D ye 6 
54°C 1.4306 1.4357 1.4499 
57°C 1.4204 1.4343 1.4493 
from which I find that the index of refraction for waves of infinite 
length would be about 1.422. 
The square root of K is 1.405. 


The difference between these numbers is greater than can be accounted 
for by errors of observation, and shows that our theories of the struc- 
ture of bodies must be much improved before we can deduce their 
optical from their electrical properties. At the same time, I think that 
the agreement of the numbers is such that if no greater discrepancy 
were found between the numbers derived from the optical and the elec- 
trical properties of a considerable number of substances, we should be 
warranted in concluding that the square root of K, though it may not 
be the complete expression for the index of refraction, is at least the 
most important term in it. 


215 


M. HENRI POINCARE 


THE MAXWELL AND HERTZ 
THEORY OF ELECTRICITY AND LIGHT 


It was at the moment when the experiments of Fresnel were forc- 
ing the scientific world to admit that light consists of the vibrations of a 
highly attentuated fluid filling interplanetary spaces that the researches 
of Ampére were making known the laws of the mutual action of cur- 
rents and were so enunciating the fundamental principles of electro- 
dynamics, 

It needed but one step to the supposition that that same fluid, the 
ether, which is the medium of luminous phenomena, is at the same time 
the vehicle of electrical action. In imagination Ampére made this 
stride; but the illustrious physicist could not foresee that the seducing 
hypothesis with which he was toying, a mere dream for him, was ere 
long to take a precise form and become one of the vital concerns of 
exact science. 

A dream it remained for many years, till one day, after electrical 
measurements had become extremely exact, some physicist, turning 
_ over the numerical data, much as a resting pedestrian might idly turn 
over a stone, brought to light an odd coincidence. It was that the 
factor of transformation between the system of electro-statical units 
and the system of electro-dynamical units was equal to the velocity 
of light. Soon the observations directed to this strange coincidence 
became so exact that no sane head could longer hold it a mere coinci- 
dence. No longer could it be doubted that some occult affinity existed 
between optical and electrical phenomena. Perhaps, however, we might 
be wondering to this day what this affinity could be were it not for the 
genius of Clerk Maxwell. 

Displacement Currents 

The reader is aware that solid bodies are divided into two classes, 
conductors through which electricity can move in the form of a galvanic 
current, and nonconductors, or dielectrics. The electricians of former 


216 PHYSICS 


days regarded dielectrics as quite inert, having no part to play but that 
of obstinately refusing passage to electricity. Had that been so, any 
one nonconductor might be replaced by any other without making any 
difference in the phenomena; but Faraday found that that was not the 
case. Two condensers of the same form and dimensions put into con- 
nection with the same source of electricity do not take the same charge, 
though the thickness of the isolating plate be the same, unless the mat- 
ter of that plate be chemically the same. Now Clerk Maxwell had too 
deeply studied the researches of Faraday not to comprehend the import- 
ance of dielectrics and the imperative obligation to recognize their active 
part. 

Besides, if light is but an electric phenomenon, when it traverses a 
thickness of glass electrical events must take place in that glass. And 
what can be the nature of those events Maxwell boldly answers, they 
are, and must be, currents. 

All the experience of his day seemed to contradict this. Never had 
currents been observed except in conductors. How was Maxwell to 
reconcile his audacious hypothesis with a fact so well established as 
that? Why is it that under certain circumstances those supposed cur- 
rents produce manifest effects, while under ordinary conditions they can 
not be observed at all. 

The answer was that dielectrics resist the passage of electricity not 
so much more than conductors do, but in a different manner. Maxwell’s 
idea will best be understood by a comparison. 

If we bend a spring, we meet a resistance which increases the more 
the spring is bended. So, if we can only dispose of a finite force, a 
moment will come when the motion will cease, equilibrium being 
reached. Finally, when the force ceases the spring will in flying back 
restore the whole of the energy which has been expended in bending it. 

Suppose, on the other hand, that we wish to displace a body plunged 
into water. Here again a resistance will be experienced, but it will not 
go on increasing in proportion as the body advances, supposing it to be 
maintained at a constant velocity. So long as the motive force acts, 
equilibrium will never, then, be attained ; nor when the force is removed 
will the body in the least tend to return, nor can any portion of the 
energy expended be restored. It will, in fact, have been converted into 
heat by the viscosity of the water. 

The contrast is plain; and we ought to distinguish elastic resistance 
from viscous resistance. Using these terms, we may express Maxwell’s 


PHYSICS 217 


idea by saying that dielectrics offer an elastic resistance, conductors a 
viscous resistance, to the movements of electricity. Hence, there are two 
kinds of currents; currents of displacement which traverse dielectrics 
and ordinary currents of conduction which circulate in conductors. 

Currents of the first kind, having to overcome an elastic resistance 
which continually increases, naturally can last but a very short time, 
since a state of equilibrium will quickly be reached. 

Currents of conduction, on the other hand, having only a viscous 
resistance to overcome, must continue so long as there is any electro- 
motive force. 

Let us return to the simile used by M. Cornu in his notice in the 
Annuaire du Bureau des Longitudes for 1893. Suppose we have in a 
reservoir water under pressure. Lead a tube plumb downward into the 
reservoir. The water will rise in the tube, but the rise will stop when 
hydrostatic equilibrium is attained—that is, when the downward pres- 
sure of the water in the tube above the point of application of the first 
pressure on the reservoir, and due to the weight of the water, balances 
that first pressure. If the pipe is large, there will be no friction or loss 
of head, and the water so raised can be used to do work. That repre- 
sents a current of displacement. 

If, on the other hand, the water flows out of the reservoir by a hori- 
zontal pipe, the motion will go on till the reservoir is emptied; but if 
the tube is small and long there will be a great loss of energy and con- 
siderable production of heat by friction. That represents a current of | 
conduction. 

Though it would be vain, not to say idle, to attempt to represent all 
details, it may be said that everything happens just as if the currents 
of displacement were acting to bend a multitude of little springs. When 
the currents cease, electrostatic equilibrium is established, and the 
springs are bent the more, the more intense is the electric field. The 
accumulated work of the springs—that is, the electrostatic energy—can 
be entirely restored as soon as they can unbend, and so it is that we 
obtain mechanical work when we leave the conductors to obey the elec- 
trostatic attractions. Those attractions must be due to the pressure 
exercised on the conductors by the bent springs. Finally, to pursue the 
image to the death, the disruptive discharge may be compared to the 
breaking of the springs when they are bent too much. 

On the other hand, the energy employed to produce conduction cur- 
rents is lost, being wholly converted into heat, like that spent in over- 


218 PHYSICS 


coming the viscosity of fluids. Hence it is that the conducting wires 
become heated. 

From Maxwell’s point of view it seems that all currents are in closed 
circuits. The older electricians did not so opine. They regarded the 
current circulating in a wire joining the two poles of a pile as closed; 
but if in place of directly uniting the two poles we place them in com- 
munication with the two armatures of a condenser, the momentary cur- 
rent which lasts while the condenser is getting charged was not 
considered as a current round a closed circuit. It went, they thought, 
from one armature through the wire, the battery, the other wire, to the 
other armature, and there it stopped. Maxwell, on the contrary, sup- 
posed that in the form of a current of displacement it passes through 
the nonconducting plate of the condenser, and that precisely what brings 
it to cessation is the opposite electromotive force set up by the displace- 
ment of electricity in this dielectric. 

Currents become sensible in three ways—by their heating effects, 
by their actions on other currents and on magnets, and by the induced 
currents to which they give rise. We have seen why currents of con- 
duction develop heat and why currents of displacement do not. But 
Maxwell’s hypothetical currents ought at any rate to produce electro- 
magnetic and inductive effects. Why do these effects not appear? The 
answer is, that it is because a current of displacement can not last long 
enough. That is to say, they can not last long in one direction. Conse- 
quently in a dielectric no current can long exist without alternation. 
But the effects ought to and will become observable if the current is 
continually reversed at sufficiently short intervals. 

The Nature of Light 

Such, according to Maxwell, is the origin of light. A luminiferous 
wave is a series of alternating currents produced in dielectrics, in air, 
or even in the interplanetary void, and reversed in direction a million 
of million of times per second. The enormous induction due to these 
frequent alternations sets up other currents in the neighboring parts of 
the dielectric, and so the waves are propagated. 

Calculation shows that the velocity of propagation would be equal 
to the ratio of the units, which we know is the velocity of light. 

Those alternative currents are a sort of electrical oscillation. Are 
they longitudinal, like those of sound, or are they transversal, like those 
of Fresnel’s ether? In the case of sound the air undergoes alternative 
condensations and rarefactions. The ether of Fresnel, on the other 


\ 


PHYSICS Hag 219 


hand, behaves as if it were composed of incompressible layers capable 
only of slipping over one another. Were these currents in open paths, 
the electricity carried from one end to the other would become accu- 
mulated at one extremity. It would thus be condensed and rarefied 
like air, and its vibrations would be longitudinal. But Maxwell only 
admits currents in closed circuits ; accumulation is impossible, and elec- 
tricity behaves like the incompressible ether of Fresnel, with its trans- 
versal vibrations. : 
Experimental Verification 

We thus obtain all the results of the theory of waves. Yet this 
was not enough to decide the physicists to adopt the ideas of Maxwell. 
It was a seductive hypothesis ; but physicists consider hypotheses which 
lead to no distinct observational consequences as beyond the borders of 
their province. That province, so defined, no experimental confirmation 
of Maxwell’s theory invaded for twenty-five years. 

What was wanted was some issue between the two theories not too 
delicate for our coarse methods of observation to decide. There was 
but one line of research along which any experimentum crucis was to be 
met with. 

The old electro-dynamics makes electro-magnetic induction take 
place instantaneously; but according to Maxwell’s doctrine it propa- 
gates itself with the velocity of light. 

The point was then to measure, or at least to make certain, a 
velocity of propagation of inductive effects. This is what the illustri- 
ous German physicist Hertz has done by the method of interferences. 

The method is well known in its application to optical ‘phenom- 
ena. Two luminous rays from one identical center interfere when they 
reach the same point after pursuing paths of different lengths. If the 
difference is one, two, or any whole number of wave lengths, the two 
lights re-enforce one another so that if their intensities are equal, that 
of their combination is four times as great. But if the difference is 
an odd number of half wave lengths, the two lights extinguish one 
another. 

Luminiferous waves are not peculiar in showing this phenome- 
non; it belongs to every periodic change which is propagated with 
definite velocity. Sound interferes just as light does, and so must 
electro-dynamic induction if it is strictly periodic and has a definite 
velocity of propagation. But if the propagation is instantaneous there 
can be no interference, since in that case there is no finite wave length. 


220 PHYSICS 


The phenomenon, however, could not be observed were the wave 
length greater than the distance within which induction is sensible. 
It is therefore requisite to make the period of alternation as short as 
possible. 

Electrical Exciters 

We can obtain such currents by means of an apparatus which con- 
stitutes a veritable electrical pendulum. Let two conductors be united 
by a wire. If they have not the same electric potential the electrical 
equilibrium is disturbed and tends to restore itself, just as the molar 
equilibrium is disturbed when a pendulum is carried away from the 
position of repose. 

A current is set up in the wire, tending to equalize the potential, 
just as the pendulum begins to move so as to be carried back to the 
position of repose. But the pendulum does not stop when it reaches 
that position. Its inertia carries it farther. Nor, when the two elec- 
trical conductors reach the same potential, does the current in the wire 
cease. The equilibrium instantaneously existing is at once destroyed by 
a cause analogous to inertia, namely self-induction. We know that 
when a current is interrupted it gives rise in parallel wires to an 
induced current in the same direction. The same effect is produced in 
the circuit itself, if that is not broken. In other words, a current will 
persist after the cessation of its causes, just as a moving body does not 
stop the instant it is no longer driven forward. 

When, then, the two potentials become equal, the current will go 
on and give the two conductors relative charges opposite to those they 
had at first. In this case, as in that of the pendulum, the position of 
equilibrium is passed, and a return motion is inevitable. Equilibrium, 
again instantaneously attained, is at once again broken for the same 
reason; and so the oscillations pursue one another ynceasingly. 

Calculation shows that the period depends on the capacity of the 
conductors in such a way that it is only necessary to diminish that 
capacity sufficiently (which is easily done) to have an electric pendu- 
lum capable of producing an alternating current of extremely short 
period. 

All that was well enough known by the theoretical researches of 
Lord Kelvin and by the experimentation of Federson on the oscillatory 
discharge of the Leyden jar. It was not that which constituted the 
originality of Hertz. 


PHYSICS 221 


But it is not enough to construct a pendulum; it is further requisite 
to set it into oscillation. For that, it is necessary to carry it off from 
equilibrium and to let it go suddenly, that is to say, to release it in a 
time short as compared to the period of its oscillation. 

For if, having pulled a pendulum to one side by a string, we were 
to let go of the string more slowly that the pendulum would have 
descended of itself, it would reach the vertical without momentum, and 
no oscillation would be set up. 

In like manner, with an electric pendulum whose natural period is, 
say, a hundred-millionth of a second, no mechanical mode of release ° 
would answer the purpose at all, sudden as it might seem to us with 
our more than sluggish conceptions of promptitude. How, then, did 
Hertz solve the problem? 


A 


Fie@.1. The Hertz Exciter. 


To return to our electric pendulum, a gap of a few millimeters is 
made in the wire which joins the two conductors. This gap divides our 
apparatus into two symmetrical parts, which are connected to the two 
poles of a Ruhmkorff coil. The induced current begins to charge the 
two conductors, and the difference of their potential increases with 
relative slowness. 

At first the gap prevents a discharge from the conductors; the air 
in it plays the réle of insulator and maintains our pendulum in a posi- 
tion diverted from that of equilibrium. 

But when the difference of potential becomes great enough, a spark 
will jump across. If the self-induction is great enough and the capacity 
and resistance small enough, there will be an oscillatory discharge 
whose period can be brought down to a hundred-millionth of a second, 


222 PHYSICS 


The oscillatory discharge would not, it is true, last long by itself; but 
it is kept up by the Ruhmkorff coil, whose current is itself oscillatory 
with a period of about a hundred-thousandth of a second, and thus 
the pendulum gets a new impulse as often as that. 

The instrument just described is called a resonance exciter. It 
produces oscillations which are reversed from a hundred million to a 
thousand million times per second. Thanks to this extreme frequency, 
they can produce inductive effects at great distances. To make these 
effects sensible another electric pendulum is used, called a resonator. 
In this the coil is suppressed. It consists simply of two little metallic 
spheres very near to one another, with a long wire connecting them in 
a roundabout way. 

The induction due to the exciter will set the reasonator in vibration 
the more intensely the more nearly the natural periods of vibration are 
the same. At certain phases of the vibration the difference of potential 
of the two spheres will be just great enough to cause the sparks to leap 
across. 

Production of the Interferences 

Thus we have an instrument which reveals the inductive waves 
which radiate from the exciter. We can study them in two ways. We 
may either expose the resonator to the direct induction of the exciter 
at a great distance, or else make this induction act at a small distance 
on a long conducting wire which the electric wave will follow and which 
in its turn will act at a small distance on the resonator. 

Whether the wave is propagated along a wire or across the air, 
interferences can be produced by reflection. In the first case it will be 
reflected at the extremity of the wire, which it will again pass through 
in the opposite direction. In the second case it can be reflected on a 
metallic leaf which will act as a mirror. In either case the reflected 
ray will interfere with the direct ray, and positions will be found in 
which the spark of the resonator will be extinguished. 

Experiments with a long wire are the easier and furnish much 
valuable information, but they cannot furnish an erperimentum crucis, 
since in the old theory, as in the new, the velocity of the electric wave 
in a wire should be equal to that of light. But experiments on direct 
induction at great distances are decisive. They not only show that the 
velocity of propagation of induction across air is finite, but also that it 
is equal to the velocity of the wave propagated along a wire, conform- 
ably to the ideas of Maxwell. 


PHYSICS 223 


Synthesis of Light 

I shall insist less on other experiments of Hertz, more brilliant but 
less instructive. Concentrating with a parabolic mirror the wave of 
induction that emanates from the exciter, the German physicist obtained 
a true pencil of rays of electric force, susceptible of regular reflection 
and refraction. These rays, were the period but one-millionth of what 
it is, would not differ from rays of light. We know that the sun sends 
us several varieties of radiations, some luminiferous, since they act on 
the retina, others dark, infra-red, or ultra-violet, which reveal them- 
selves in chemical and calorific effects. The first owe the qualities which | 
render them sensible to us to a physiological chance. For the physicist, 
the infra-red differs from red only as red differs from green; it simply 
has a greater wave length. That of the Hertzian radiations is far 
greater still, but they are mere differences of degree, and if the ideas of 
Clerk Maxwell are true, the illustrious professor of Bonn has effected a 
genuine synthesis of light. 

Conclusion 

Nevertheless, our admiration for such unhoped-for successes must 
not let us forget what remains to be accomplished. Let us endeavor to 
take exact account of the results definitely acquired. 

In the first place, the velocity of direct induction through air is 
finite; for otherwise interferences could not exist. Thus the old electro- 
dynamics is condemned. But what is to be set up in its place? Is it to 
be the doctrine of Maxwell, or rather some approximation to that, for it 
would be too much to suppose that he had foreseen the truth in all its 
details? Though the probabilities are accumulating, no complete dem- 
onstration of that doctrine has ever attained. 

We can measure the wave length of the Hertzian oscillations. That 
length is the product of the period into the velocity of propagation. 
We should know the velocity if we knew the period; but this last is so 
minute that we cannot measure it; we can only calculate it by a for- 
mula due to Lord Kelvin. That calculation leads to figures agreeable 
to the theory of Maxwell; but the last doubts will only be dissipated 
when the velocity of propagation has been directly measured. (See 
Note [.) 

But this is not all. Matters are far from being as simple as this 
brief account of the matter would lead one to think. There are various 
complications. 

In the first place, there is around the exciter a true radiation of 


224 PHYSICS 


induction. The energy of the apparatus radiates abroad, and if so 
source feeds it, it quickly dissipates itself and the oscillations are rapidly 
extinguished. Hence arises the phenomenon of multiple resonance, 
discovered by Messrs. Sarasin and De la Rive, which at first seemed 
irreconcilable with the theory. 

On the other hand, we know that light does not exactly follow the 
laws of geometrical optics, and the discrepancy, due to diffraction, 
increases proportionately to the wave length. With the great waves 
of the Hertzian undulations these phenomena must assume enormous 
importance and derange everything. It is doubtless fortunate, for the 
moment at least, that our means of observation are as coarse as they 
are, for otherwise the simplicity which struck us would give place to a 
dedalian complexity in which we should lose our way. No doubt a 
good many perplexing anomalies have been due to this. For the same 
reason the experiments to prove a refraction of the electrical waves 
can hardly be considered as demonstrative. 

It remains to speak of a difficulty still more grave, though doubt- 
less not insurmountable. According to Maxwell, the coefficient of elec- 
trostatic induction of a transparent body ought to be equal to the square 
of its index of refraction. Now this is not so. The few bodies which 
follow Maxwell’s law are exceptions. The phenomena are plainly far 
more complex than was at first thought. But we have not yet been 
able to make out how matters stand, and the experiments conflict with 
one another. 

Much, then, remains to be done. The identity of light with a vibra- 
tory motion in electricity is henceforth something more than a seductive 
hypothesis; it is a probable truth. But it is not yet quite proved. 

Norte I.—Since the above was written another great step has been 
taken. M. Blondlot has virtually succeeded, by ingenious experimental 
contrivances, in directly measuring the velocity of a disturbance along 
a wire. The number found differs little from the ratio of the units; 
that is, from the velocity of light, which is 300,000 kilometers per 
second. Since the interference experiments made at Geneva by Messrs. 
Sarasin and De la Rive have shown, as I said above, that induction is 
propagated in air with the same velocity as an electric disturbance 
which follows a conducting wire, we must conclude that the velocity of 
the induction is the same as that of light, which is a confirmation of 
the ideas of Maxwell. 


M. Fizeau had formerly found for the velocity of electricity a 


PHYSICS 225 


number far smaller, about 180,000 kilometers. But there is no contra- 
diction. The currents used by M. Fizeau, though intermittent, were of 
small frequency and penetrated to the axis of the wire, while the cur- 
rents of M. Blondlot, oscillatory and ‘of very short period, remained 
superficial and were confined to a layer of less than a hundredth of a 
millimeter in thickness. One may readily suppose the laws of propa- 
gation are not the same in the two cases. 

Norte II.—I have endeavored above to render the explanation of 
the electrostatic attractions:and of the phenomena of induction com- 
prehensible by means of a simile. Now let us see what Maxwell’s idea 
is of the cause which produces the mutual attractions of currents. 

While the electrostatic attractions are taken to be due to a multi- 
tude of little springs—that is to say, to the elasticity of the ether—it is 
supposed to be the living force and inertia of the same fluid which pro- 
duce the phenomena of induction and electrodynamical effects. 

The complete calculation is far too extended for these pages, and 
I shall again content myself with a simile. I shall borrow it from a 
well known instrument—the centrifugal governor. 

The living force of this apparatus is proportional to the square of 
the angular velocity and to the square of the distance of the balls. 

According to the hypothesis of Maxwell, the ether is in motion in 
galvanic currents, and its living force is proportional to the square of 
the intensity of the current, which thus correspond, in the parallel I am 
endeavoring to establish, to the angular velocity of rotation. 

If we consider two currents in the same direction, the living force, 
with equal intensity, will be greater the nearer the currents are to one 
another. If the currents have opposite directions, the living force will 
be greater the farther they are apart. 

In order to increase the angular velocity of the regulator and con- 
sequently its living force, it is necessary to supply it with energy and 
consequently to overcome a resistance which we call its inertia. 

In the same way, in order to increase the intensity of a current, we 
must augment the living force of the ether, and it will be necessary to 
supply it with energy and to overcome a resistance which is nothing but 
the inertia of the ether and which we call the induction. 

The living force will be greater if the currents are in the same 
direction and near together. The energy to be furnished the counter 
electromotive force of induction will be greater. This is what we ex- 


press when we say that the mutual action of two currents is to be added 
Sis, 


226 PHYSICS 


to their self-induction. The contrary is the case when their directions 
are opposite. 

If we separate the balls of the regulator, it will be necessary, in 
order to maintain the angular velocity, to furnish energy, because with 
equal angular velocity the living force is greater the more the balls are 
separated. 

In the same way, if two currents have the same direction and are 
brought toward one another, it will be necessary, in order to maintain 
the intensity to supply energy, because the living force will be aug- 
mented. We shall, therefore, have to overcome an electromotive force 
of induction which will tend to diminish the intensity of the currents. 
It would tend on the contrary to augment it, if the currents had the 
same direction and were carried apart, or if they had opposite direc- 
tions and were brought together. | 

Finally, the centrifugal force tends to increase the distance between 
the balls, which would augment the living force were the angular ve- 
locity to be maintained. 

In like manner, when the currents have the same direction, they 
attract each other—that is to say, they tend to approach each other, 
which would increase the living force if the intensity were maintained. 
If their directions are opposed they repel one another and tend to sep- 
arate, which would again tend to increase the living force were the 
intensity kept constant. 

Thus the electrostatic effects would be due to the elasticity of the 
ether and the electrodynamical phenomena to the living force. Now, 
ought this elasticity itself to be explained, as Lord Kelvin thinks, by 
rotations of small parts of the fluid? Different reasons may render this 
hypothesis attractive; but it plays no essential part in the theory of 
Maxwell, which is quite independent of it. 

In the same way, I have made comparisons with divers mechan- 
isms. But they are only similes, and pretty rough ones. A complete 
mechanical explanation of electrical phenomena is not to be sought in 
the volumes of Maxwell, but only a statement of the conditions which 
any such explanation has to satisfy. Precisely what will confer long 
life on the work of Maxwell is its being unentangled with any special 
mechanical hypothesis. 


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ROENTGEN. 


227 


W. K. RONTGEN 


WILHELM KoNRAD VON ROENTGEN was born at Lennep, Prussia, 
in 1845. He was educated at Zurich, and became professor of physics 
at Strasburg, and in 1885 at Wiirzburg. His discovery of the so-called 
X-rays was made in 1895. 


THE X-RAYS 


I.—-UPON A NEW KIND OF RAYS 


1. If the discharge of a great Ruhmkorff induction coil be passed 
through a Hittorf vacuum tube, or a Lenard’s, Crookes’, or similar ap- 
paratus containing a sufficiently high vacuum, then, the tube being cov- 
ered with a close layer of thin black pasteboard and the room darkened, 
a paper screen covered on one side with barium-platinum cyanide and 
brought near the apparatus will be seen to glow brightly and fluoresce 
at each discharge whichever side of the screen is toward the vacuum 
tube. The fluorescence is visible even when the screen is removed to a 
distance of 2 meters from the apparatus. 

The observer may easily satisfy himself that the cause of the fluo- 
rescence is to be found at the vacuum tube and at no other part of the 
electrical circuit. 

2. It is thus apparent that there is here an agency which is able to 
pass through the black pasteboard impenetrable to visible or ultra 
violet rays from the sun or the electric arc, and having passed through 
is capable of exciting a lively fluorescence, and it is natural to inquire 
whether other substances can be thus penetrated. 

It is found that all substances transmit this agency, but in very dif- 
ferent degree. I will mention some examples. Paper is very trans- 
missible. 

I observed fluorescence very distinctly behind a bound book of 
about 1,000 pages. The ink presented no appreciable obstacle. Sim- 
ilarly fluorescence was seen behind a double whist pack. A single card 


228 PHYSICS 


held between the fluorescent screen and the apparatus produced no vis- 
ible effect. A single sheet of tin foil, too, produces hardly any obstacle, 
and it is only when several sheets are superposed that their shadow 
appears distinctly on the screen. Thick wooden blocks are transmissible. 
Slabs of pine 2 or 3 centimeters thick absorb only very little. A plate of 
aluminum about 15 millimeters thick diminished the effect very con- 
siderably, but did not cause the fluorescence to entirely disappear. 
Blocks of hard rubber several centimeters thick still transmitted the 
rays. 

Glass plates of equal thickness behave very differently according to 
whether they contain lead (flint glass) or not. The first class are much 
less transmissible than the second. | 

If the hand is held between the vacuum tube and the screen, the 
dark shadow of the bones is seen upon the much lighter shadow out- 
line of the hand. Water, carbon, bisulphide, and various other liquids 
investigated proved very transmissible. I could not find that hydrogen 
was more transmissible than air. The fluorescence was visible behind 
plates of copper, silver, lead, gold, and platinum, when the thickness of 
the plate was not too great. Platinum o.2 millimeter thick is still 
transmissible, and silver and copper plates may be still thicker. Lead 
1.5 millimeters thick is practically impenetrable, and advantage was 
frequently taken of this characteristic. A wooden stick of 20 milli- 
meters square cross section, having one side covered with white lead, 
behaved differently when interposed between the vacuum tube and the 
screen according as the X-rays traversed the block parallel to the painted 
side or were compelled to pass through it. In the first case there was 
no effect appreciable, while in the second a dark shadow was thrown on 
the screen. Salts of the metals, whether solid or in solution, are to be 
ranged in almost the same order as the metals themselves for trans- 
missibility. 

3. These observations and others lead to the conclusion that the 
transmissibility of equal thicknesses of different substances depends on 
their density. At least no other characteristic exerts so marked an 
influence as this. 

The following experiment shows, however, that the density is not 
the sole factor. I compared the transmissibility of nearly equally thick 
plates of glass, aluminum, calcspar, and quartz. The density of these 
substances is substantially the same, and yet it was quite evident that 
the calcspar was considerably less transmissible than the others, which 
are about alike in this respect. 


PHYSICS 229 


4. All bodies became less transmissible with increasing thickness. 
For the purpose of finding a relation between transmissibility and thick- 
ness I have made photographic exposures, in which the photographic 
plate was partly covered with a layer of tin foil consisting of a pro- 
gressively increasing number of sheets. I shall make a photometric 
measurement when I am in possession of a suitable photometer. 

5. oheets were rolled from platinum, lead, zinc, and aluminum of 
such thickness that all appeared to be equally transmissible. The fol- 
lowing table gives the measured thickness in millimeters, the relative 
thickness compared with platinum, and the specific gravity: 


$ Relative Specific 
Thickness. Thickness! 


Gravity. 
PlAtiMitreen cee yene scl s sista ces aw clecinie oe he ie teteleve swe sels stento atale 0,018 I ZU 
TORO Ptetccwck oe dalieeh ee Asie elie alets,aie'elih: Re lara. sialereinie tie ete'etriaeisiatey 6's) c’e 0.05 3 11.3 
TATTLE Vit ine He eee ane oe tec laftatae eheisie cla bata ohm sto Mawatele eles 0.10 6 ey 
ATU TINETL UIE ey toere Caeteleteciele tie thei! aie meaias cnc a cinceie Meee bie. eeets a5 200 2.6 


From these values it may be seen that the transmissibility of plates 
of different metals so chosen that the product of the thickness and 
density is constant would not be equal. The transmissibility increases 
much faster than this product falls off. 

6. The fluorescence of barium-platinum-cyanide is not the only 
action by which X-rays may be recognized. It should be remarked that 
they cause other substances to fluoresce, as for example the photophores- 
cent calcium compounds, uranium glass, common glass, calespar, rock 
salt, etc. 

_ It is of particular importance from many points of view that photo- 
graphic dry plates are sensitive to X-rays. It thus becomes possible to 
fix many phenomena so that deceptions are more easily avoided; and 
I have where practicable checked all important observations made with 
a fluorescent screen by photographic exposures. 

It appears questionable whether the chemical action upon the silver 
salts of the photographic plate is produced directly by the X-rays. It 
is possible that this action depends upon the fluorescent light which, as 
is mentioned above, may be excited in the glass plate, or perhaps in the 
gelatine film. ‘Films’? may indeed be made use of as well as glass 
plates. 

I have not as yet obtained experimental evidence that the X-rays are 
capable of giving heat. This characteristic might, however, be assumed 
as present, since in the excitation of fluorescent phenomena the capacity 


230 PHYSICS 


of the energy of the X-rays for transformation is proved, and since it 
is certain that of the X-rays falling upon a body not all are given up. 

The retina of the eye is not sensitive to these rays. Nothing is to be 
noticed by bringing the eye near the vacuum tube, although according 
to the preceding observations the media of the eye must be sufficiently 
transmissible to the rays in question. 

7. After I had discovered the transmissibility of various bodies of 
relatively great thickness I hastened to investigate whether or not the 
X-rays were refracted in passing through a prism. Experiments with 
water and carbon bisulphide in mica prisms of 30 degrees refracting 
angle showed no deviation either when observations were made with the 
fluorescent screen or with the photographic plate. For comparison, the 
deviation of light rays was observed under the same conditions. The 
refracted portion lay from 10 to 20 centimeters distant from that not 
refracted. With prisms of hard rubber and aluminum of about 30 
degrees refracting angle I obtained exposures on a photographic plate 
which perhaps indicated a slight refraction. This is, however, very 
doubtful and the deviation is, if present, so small that the index of 
refraction for X-rays in these substances can not exceed 1.05. I could 
not observe with the fluorescent screen any deviation in these cases. 
Experiments with prisms of the denser metals have so far yielded no 
certain results on account of the slight transmissibility and the conse- 
quent decrease of the intensity of the transmitted ray. 

In consideration of these results on the one hand, and on the other 
of the importance of the question whether or not the X-rays in passing 
from one medium to another undergo refraction, it is very gratifying 
that this question may be investigated by other means than by the help 
of prisms. Finely pulverized bodies in suitable layers allow but little 
light to pass, in consequence of refraction and reflection. If now the 
X-rays are transmitted equally well through powder as through the 
coherent substance, equal masses being presupposed, it is proved that 
neither refraction nor regular reflection is present in any marked degree. 
This experiment was performed using finely pulverized rock-salt, finely 
divided silver, obtained by electrolysis, and the zinc dust so frequently 
utilized in chemical processes. In no case was any difference in trans- 
missibility between the powder and the coherent substance detected 
either by the use of the fluorescent screen or the photographic plate. 

It follows of course from the results thus obtained that the X-rays 


can not be concentrated by the use of lenses; and, indeed, a great hard 


PHYSICS 231 


rubber lens and a glass lens actually proved without effect. The shadow 
of a round rod is darker in the middle than at the edges, while that of a 
tube which is filled with some substance more transmissible than the 
material of which the tube is composed is darker at the edges than at 
the center. ) 

8. The question as to the reflection of X-rays is so far settled by 
the experiments already described that no marked regular reflection 
was to be found with any of the substances examined. Other experi- 
ments which I will here pass over lead to the same results. 

Nevertheless an observation should be mentioned which indicated 
at first glance an opposite result. A photographic plate shielded from 
the action of light rays by a black paper was exposed to X-rays so that 
the glass side was toward the discharge tube. The sensitive film was 
partially covered with bright plates of platinum, lead, zinc, and alu- 
minum, arranged in a star-shaped figure. Upon development it was 
observed that the darkening of the film under the platinum, the lead, 
and especially the zinc was distinctly greater than in the other parts. 
No such effect was produced by the aluminum. Thus it seemed as if 
the three metals mentioned reflected. However, there were other causes 
to be conceived which might have produced the increased darkening, and 
in order to be sure I performed a second experiment, interposing a thin 
sheet of aluminum foil (very transmissible to X-rays, but not to those 
of the ultraviolet) between the metals and the sensitive film. Since in 
this case again practically the same result was obtained, the fact of 
reflection of X-rays by the metals above mentioned is established. 

Taking this result together with the observation that powder is as 
transmissible as coherent substance, and further, that bodies with rough 
surfaces behave in the transmission of X-rays and also in the experi- 
ments just described exactly like polished bodies, the conclusion is 
reached that there is, as before remarked, no regular reflection, but that 
the bodies behave toward X-rays in the same manner as a turbid medium 
with reference to light. 

As I have not been able to discover any refraction in the passage 
from one medium to another, it appears as if the X-rays travel with 
equal velocity in all bodies, and hence in a medium which is everywhere 
present and in which the particles of the bodies are embedded. These 
latter act as a hindrance to the propagation of the X-rays, which is in 
general greater the greater the density of the body in question. 

9. In accordance with this supposition it might be possible that the 


252 PHYSICS 


arrangement of the molecules of the body would exert an influence on 
its transmissibility, and that, for example, a piece of calcspar would be 
unequally transmissible for equal thicknesses when the rays passed along 
or at right angles to the axis. Experiments with calcspar and quartz 
gave, however, a negative result. 

10. It will be recalled that Lenard, in his beautiful experiments on 
the transmission of the Hittorf cathode rays through thin aluminum 
foil, obtained the result that these rays are disturbances in the ether, 
and that they diffuse themselves in all bodies. We may make a similar 
statement with regard to our rays. 

In his last research Lenard has determined the relative absorption 
of different substances for the cathode rays, and in determining the 
same for air at atmospheric pressure has given the values 4.10, 3.40, 3.10: 
as referred to 1 centimeter thickness according to the density of the gas 
in the discharge tube. Judging from the length of spark observed, I 
have, in my researches, generally employed tubes of about equal exhaus- 
tion and only seldom those of much greater or less density. Using the 
photometer of L. Weber, the best at my command, I compared the 
intensity of fluorescence on the screen in two positions distant Ioo and 
200 millimeters, respectively, from the discharge tube. From the results. 
of these experiments, agreeing well with each other, it appeared that 
the intensity varies inversely as the square of the distance. Hence the. 
air absorbs a much smaller portion of the X-rays passing through it 
than of cathode rays. This result is in accord with the observation 
above mentioned, that it is possible to distinguish fluorescence at 2 
meters distance from the discharge tube. 

Most other substances are, like the air, more transmissible for 
X-rays than for the cathode rays. 

11. Another very noteworthy difference between the behavior of 
the cathode rays and the X-rays was exhibited in that I was unable to 
produce any deviation of the latter by the action of the most powerful 
magnetic fields. The property of being subject to deviation by mag- 
nets is, on the other hand, very characteristic of the cathode rays. Hertz 
and Lenard have observed various kinds of cathode rays which “are to 
be distinguished by their differences in their capacities for exciting phos- 
phorescence in their absorbability and in thei1 deviation by the magnet,” 
but a considerable magnetic deviation was to be observed with all of 
them, and I do not believe that this characteristic would be given up 
except for the most urgent reasons. 


PHYSICS 233 


12. According to the results of experiments particularly directed 
to discover the source of the X-rays, it is certain that the part of the 
wall of the discharge tube which most strongly fluoresces is the principal 
starting point. The X-rays therefore radiate from the place where, 
according to various observers, the cathode rays meet the glass wall. If 
one diverts the cathode rays within the tube by a magnet, the source of 
the X-ray is also seen to change its position so that these radiations still 
proceed from the end points of the cathode rays. The X-rays being 
undeviated by magnets cannot, however, be simply cathode rays passing 
unchanged through the glass wall. The greater density of the gas out- — 
side of the discharge tube cannot, according to Lenard, be made answer- 
able for the great difference of the deviation. 

I come therefore to the results that the X-rays are not identical 
with the cathode rays, but that they are excited by the cathode rays in 
the glass wall of the vacuum tube. 

13. This generating action takes place not only in glass, but as I 
observed it in apparatus with aluminum walls 2 millimeters thick, exists 
also for this metal. Other substances will be investigated. 

14. The warrant for giving the title “rays” to the agent which 
proceeds from the wall of the discharge tube arose in part from the quite 
regular formation of shadows appearing when more or less transmissible 
substances are interposed between the generating apparatus and a phos- 

phorescent screen or photographic plate. I have many times observed 
and sometimes photographed such shadow forms, in whose production 
there lies a particular charm. I have, for example, photographs of the 
_shadow of the profile of a door which separates the two rooms, in one of 
which was the discharge apparatus, in the other the photographic plate; 
of the shadow of the hand bones; of the shadow of a wooden spool 
wound with wire; of a set of weights in a box; of a compass in which 
the magnetic needle is quite inclosed in-metal ; of a piece of metal which 
is shown to lack homogeneity by the use of X-rays, etc. 

The propagation of the X-rays in right lines is shown by pin-hole 
photography, which I have been able to do with the discharge apparatus 
covered with black paper. The picture is weak, but unmistakably cor- 
rect. 

15. I have much sought to obtain interference phenomena with 
X-rays, but unfortunately—perhaps on account of their slight intensity 
—without result. 

16. Experiments have been begun to see if electrostatic forces can 
in any way influence X-rays, but these are not yet finished. 


234 PHYSICS 


17. If the question is asked what the X-rays—which certainly are 
not cathode rays—really are, one might at first, on account of their 
lively fluorescent and chemical action, compare them to ultra-violet light. 
But here one falls upon serious difficulties. Thus, if the X-rays were 
ultra-violet light, then this light must possess the following character- 
istics : 

(a) That in passing from air into water, carbon bisulphide, alu- 
minum, rock salt, glass, zinc, etc., it experiences no notable refraction. 

(b) That it is not regularly reflected by these substances. 

(c) That it cannot be polarized by the usual materials. 

(d) ‘That its absorption by substances is influenced by nothing so 
much as by their density. 

In other words, one must assume that these ultra-violet radiations 
comport themselves quite differently from all previously known in- 
fra red, visible, and ultra-violet rays. 

I have not been able to admit this, and have sought some other 
explanations. 

A kind of relation seems to subsist between the new radiation and 
light radiation, or at least the shadow formation, the fluorescence, and 
the chemical action, which are common phenomena of these two kinds 
of radiation, point in this direction. It has been long known that longi- 
tudinal as well as transverse vibrations are possible in the ether, and 
according to various physicists must exist. To be sure, their existence 
has not, up to the present time, been proved, and hence their character- 
istics have not thus far been experimentally investigated. 

Should not the new radiations be ascribed to longitudinal vibrations 
in the ether? I may say that in the course of the investigation this 
hypothesis has impressed itself more and more favorably with me, and I 
venture to propose it, although well aware that it requires much further 
examination. 


WUuERzBURG, Puysix. INstiTuT pv. Univ., December, 1895. 
IIL. UPON A NEW KIND OF RAYS (ABSTRACT. ) 


As my work must be interrupted for several weeks, I take the 
opportunity of presenting in the following some new results: 

18. At the time of my first publication I was aware that the X-rays 
have the property of discharging electrified bodies, and I intimated that 
it was the X-rays and not the cathode rays passing unchanged through 
the aluminum window of his apparatus which produced. the effect 


PHYSICS 239 


described by Lenard on electrified bodies at a distance. I have, how- 
ever, delayed publication of my experiments until I could present con- 
clusive results. 

These can be obtained only when the observations are carried on in 
a room which is not only completely insulated from the electrostatic 
forces emanating from the vacuum tube, the conducting wires, the 
induction apparatus, etc., but is also closed to the air which comes in 
the neighborhood of the discharge apparatus. 

For this purpose I had a box constructed by soldering together zinc 
sheets, and this box was large enough to contain me and the necessary 
apparatus, and was air-tight with the exception of an opening which 
could be closed by a zinc door. The side opposite to the door was mostly 
lined with lead, and immediately adjacent to the discharge tube an open- 
ing 4 centimeters wide was cut in the lead and zinc wall, and its place 
filled up air-tight with aluminum foil. Through this window passed 
the X-rays to be investigated. I have with this apparatus verified the 
following results: 

(a) Positively or negatively electrified bodies placed in air are dis- 
charged when immersed in X-rays, and the action is the more rapid the 
more intense the radiations. The intensity of the rays is determined by 
their action upon a fluorescent screen or a photographic plate. 

It is in general immaterial whether the electrified substance is a 
conductor or non-conductor. Thus far I have discovered no difference 
in the behavior of different bodies relative to the rapidity of their dis- 
charge, or between positive or negative charges. These points are, how- 
ever, open to further investigation. 

(b) When an electrified conductor is surrounded by a solid insu- 
lator, as for example, paraffine, the radiation produces the same effect 
as would the flashing of the insulating shell by a flame placed in contact 
with the ground. 

(c) If this insulator be in its turn closely surrounded by a 
grounded conductor and both itself and this outer conductor be trans- 
missible to X-rays, the action of the X-radiations upon the inner con- 
ductor is unnoticeable with the apparatus at my command. 

(d) The observations recorded under (a), (0), and (c) indicate 
that the air through which X-rays pass possesses the property of dis- 
charging any electrified bodies with which it comes in contact. 

(e) If this be indeed the case, and if the air retains for some con- 
siderable time this property imparted to it by the X-rays, it must be pos- 


236 PHYSICS 


sible to discharge electrified bodies not themselves under the influence of 
X-rays by bringing to them air which has been subject to these radia- 
tions. 

One may satisfy himself in various ways that this is the case. The 
following, though perhaps not the simplest method, may be mentioned: 

I employed a brass tube 3 centimeters wide and 45 centimeters long. 
At I centimeter’s distance from one end a portion of the tube was cut 
away and replaced by a thin sheet of aluminum. At the other end there 
was introduced a brass ball, which was supported by a metal support, 
and this end was closed air-tight. Between the brass ball and the closed 
end of the tube a side tube was soldered in, which was connected with 
an air-pump. By this means a current of air was made to flow by the 
brass ball, after having passed the aluminum window. The distance 
from the ball to the window was 20 centimeters. 

I mounted this tube in the zinc box in such a manner that the X-rays 
entered the tube at right angles to its axis, and the insulated ball lay 
outside the reach of these rays, in the shadow. The tube and zinc box 
were placed in contact and the ball was connected with a Hankel electro- 
scope. 

It was shown that a charge on the ball, whether positive or nega- 
tive, was not influenced by X-rays so long as the air remained quiet in 
the tube, but that a marked diminution of the charge was produced by 
sucking a strong current of air through. If the ball was kept at con- 
stant potential by connecting it with accumulators, and a continuous 
current of air was kept flowing in the tube, an electrical current was set 
up just as if the ball was connected with the walls of the tube by a con- 
ductor of high resistance.) ) Fa) * 

20. In section 13 of my first article it was stated that the X-rays 
may be generated not only in glass but in aluminum. In conducting 
experiments in this direction no solid bodies were found which were not 
capable of producing X-rays when under the influence of cathode rays. 
I know no reason to suppose that liquids and gases also do not act 
similarly. 

Different substances, however, possess this property in different 
degrees. For example, if cathode rays are caused to fall upon a plate 
of which one-half is composed of platinum foil 0.3 millimeter thick and 
the other half of aluminum 1 millimeter thick, one may observe in the 
photographic image taken with the pinhole camera that the platinum 
foil sends out many more X-rays from the side bombarded by the 


PHYSICS 237 


cathode rays than does the aluminum on the same side. But from the 
back side of the plate there go out almost no X-rays from the platinum, 
while the aluminum sends out a relatively large number. These latter 
rays are generated at the front layers of the aluminum and pass through 
the plate. 
It should be remarked that these observations have a practical sig- 
nificance. For the generation of X-rays of the greatest possible inten- 
sity my experience recommends the employment of platinum. I have 
used for some weeks with advantage a discharge apparatus having a 
concave mirror of aluminum as cathode, and as annode a platinum plate 
placed in the center of curvature, and at an angle of 45 degrees with 
the axis. | 

21. The X-rays proceed from the annode with this apparatus. As 
I have concluded from experiments with apparatus of various forms, 
it is immaterial with regard to the intensity of the X-rays whether they 
proceed from the annode or not. * * * 
(Wvuerzpurc, Puysix. Instirur p. Universiraet, March 9, 1896.) 


II1I.—FURTHER OBSERVATIONS ON THE PROPERTIES OF X-RAYS (EXTRACT). 


With reference to practical applications, the observation of the dis- 
tribution of intensity of the rays proceeding from the platinum plate has 
some value in connection with the formation of shadow pictures by 
means of X-rays. In accordance with the observations above recorded 
it is to be recommended that the discharge tube be so arranged that the 
rays employed for formation of pictures be those making a large angle, 
though not much exceeding 80 degrees, with the platinum plate. In this 
way the sharpest possible delineation will be obtained, and if the plat- 
inum plate is flat and the construction of the tube such that the rays pro- 
ceeding obliquely pass through not much greater thickness of glass than 
those going out at right angles to the platinum plate, then no material 
loss in intensity will be experienced in this arrangement. 


5. If two plates of different substances are equally transmissible 
this equality will not in general be retained for another pair of plates of 
the same substances with thicknesses altered in the same ratio. This 
fact may be shown very easily by the use of thin sheets, as, for example, 
of platinum and aluminum. I used for this purpose platinum foil 0.0026 
millimeter thick and aluminum foil 0.0299 millimeter thick. I found in 


one instance that one sheet of platinum was equally transmissible with 


238 PHYSICS 


six sheets of aluminum; but the transmissibility of two sheets of plat- 
inum was less than that of twelve sheets of aluminum and about equal 
to that of sixteen sheets of the latter metal. Using another discharge 
tube, I found 1 platinum equal 8 aluminum, but 8 platinum equal go 
aluminum. From these experiments it follow's that the ratio of thick- 
nesses of platinum and aluminum of equal transmissibility is less the 
thicker the sheets under examination. 

6. The ratio of the thicknesses of two equally transmissible plates 
of different material is dependent on the thickness and the material of 
the body, as, for instance, the glass wall of the discharge tube, through 
which the rays have to pass before they reach the plates investigated. 
* *K OX 

7. The experiments described in sections 4, 5, and 6 relate to the 
alterations which the X-rays proceeding from a discharge tube experi- 
ence in their transmission through different substances. It will now be 
shown that one and the same body may for the same thickness be une- 
qually transmissible for rays emitted from different discharge tubes. 

In the following table are given the values of the transmissibility of 
an aluminum plate 2 millimeters thick for the rays given out by differ- 


ent tubes: 
Tube 
I 2 3 4 2 5 
Transmissibility for vertically incident rays of 
a 2-millimeter thick aluminum plate,.......... 0.0044 | 0,22 0.30 0.39 0.50 0.59 


The discharge tubes were not materially different in their construc- 
tion or in the thickness of their glass wall, but varied in the density of 
the gas within them, and hence in the potential required to produce dis- 
charge. Tube 1 required the least and tube 5 the greatest potential, or, 
as we may say for short, the tube 1 is the “softest” and tube 5 the 
“hardest.” The same Ruhmkorff in direct connection with the tubes, 
the same circuit breaker, and the same current strength in the primary 
circuit were used in all cases. 

Various other substances which I have investigated behaved simi- 
larly to aluminum. All are more transmissible to rays from harder tubes. 
This fact seemed to me particularly worthy of attention. 

The relative transmissibility of plates of different substances proved 
‘also to be dependent on the hardness of the discharge tube employed. 
The ratio of the thickness of platinum and aluminum plates of equal 


PHYSICS 239 


transmissibility becomes less the harder the tubes from which the rays 
proceed, or, referring to the results just given, the less the rays are 
absorbed. 

The different behavior of rays excited in tubes of different hardness 
is also made apparent in the well known shadow picturing of hands, etc. 
With a soft tube a dark shadow is obtained, in which the bones are little 
prominent; when a harder tube is used the bones are very distinct and 
visible in all their details, whereas the softer portions are less marked, 
and with very hard tubes even the bones themselves become only weak 
shadows. From these considerations it appears that the choice of the - 
tube must be governed by the character of the objects which it is desired 
to portray. 

It remains to remark that the quality of rays proceeding from one 
and the same tube depends on various conditions. Of these the most 
important are the following: (1) The action of the interrupter, or, in 
other words, the course of the primary current. In this connection 
should be mentioned the phenomena frequently observed that particular 
ones of the rapidly succeeding discharges excite X-rays which are not 
only more intense, but which also differ from the others in their absorp- 
tion. (2) The character of the sparks which appear in the secondary 
circuit of the apparatus. (3) The employment of a Tesla transformer. 
(4) The degree of evacuation of the discharge tube (as already stated). 
(5) The varying, but as yet not satisfactorily known, procedure within 
the discharge tube. Separate ones among these conditions require fur- 
Her. comments esi hums ie 

The hardness of a tube had been considered to be brought about 
solely by the continuation of the evacuation by means of the pump; but 
this characteristic is affected in other ways. Thus a sealed tube of 
medium hardness becomes gradually harder by itselfi—unfortunately to 
the shortening of the period of its usefulness when used in a suitable 
manner for the production of X-rays, that is to say, when discharges 
which do not cause the platinum to glow or at least to glow only weakly 
are passed through. A gradual self-evacuation is thus effected. 

With a tube thus become very hard I took a very fine photograph of 
a double-barreled gun with inserted cartridges, which showed all the 
details of the cartridges, the inner faults of the Damascus barrels, etc., 
very sharply and distinctly. The distance from the platinum plate of the 
discharge tube to the photographic plate was 15 centimeters and the 
exposure twelve minutes—comparatively long in consequence of the 
small photographic action of the very slightly absorbable rays (see 


240 PHYSICS 


below). The Duprez interrupter had to be replaced by the Foucault 
form. It would be of interest to construct tubes which would make it 
possible to use still higher potentials than before. 

Self-evacuation has been above assigned as the cause of the grow- 
ing hardness of sealed tubes, but this is not the only cause. There are 
changes in the electrodes which produce this effect. I do not know the 
nature of these changes. * * * 

The observations recorded in these paragraphs and others not given 
have led me to the view that the composition of the rays proceeding 
from a platinum anode of a discharge tube depends upon the frequency 
and form of the discharge current. The degree of tenuity, the hard- 
ness, is important only because the form of the discharge is thereby 
influenced. If it were possible to produce the proper form of discharge 
for the generation of X-rays in any other way, the X-rays might be 
obtained with relatively high pressures. 

9. The results appearing in the five preceding paragraphs have 
been those most evidently to be derived from the accompanying experi- 
ments. Summing up these separate results, and being guided in part by 
and X-rays, one arrives at the following conclusions: 

(a) The radiations emitted by a discharge tube consist of a mix- 
ture of rays of different absorbability and intensity. 

(b) The composition of this mixture is in a marked degree 
dependent on the frequency and form of the discharge current. 

(c) The rays receiving preference in absorption vary with differ- 
ent bodies. 

(d) Since the X-rays are generated by the cathode rays and have 
in common with them various characteristics—as the exciting of fluores- 
cence, photographic and electrical actions, an absorbability depending in 
a marked degree on the density of the medium traversed, etc.—the con- 
jecturé is prompted that both phenomena are processes of the same 
nature. Without committing myself unconditionally to this view, I may 
remark that the results of the last paragraphs are calculated to raise a 
difficulty in the way of this hypothesis. This difficulty consists in the 
great difference between the absorption of the cathode rays investigated 
by Lenard and the X-rays, and second, that the transmissibility of bodies 
for the cathode rays is related to their density by other laws than those 
which govern their transmissibility for X-rays. 

With regard to the first point, considerations present themselves 
under two heads: (1) As we have seen in section 7, there are X-rays of 


PHYSICS 241 


different absorbability, and the investigations of Hertz and Lenard show 
that the cathode rays are similarly to be discriminated. While the “soft- 
est” tubes investigated generated rays much less subject to absorption 
than any cathode rays investigated by Lenard, yet there is no reason to 
doubt the possibility of X-rays of greater absorbability, and cathode 
rays of less. It therefore appears probable that in future investigations 
rays will be found bridging over the gap between X-rays and cathode 
rays, so far as their absorption is concerned. (2) We found in section 4 
that the specific transmissibility of a body becomes less the thinner the 
plate passed through. Consequently, had we made use in our experi- 
ments of plates as thin as those employed by Lenard it would have been 
found that the X-rays were more nearly like those of Lenard in their 
absorbability. 

10. Besides the fluorescent phenomena, there may be excited by 
X-rays photographic, electric, and other actions, and it is of interest to 
know how far these various manifestations vary in similar ratio when 
the source of the rays is altered. I must restrict myself to a comparison 
of the first two phenomena. * * * 

A hard and a soft tube were so adjusted as to give equally bright 
fluorescence as compared by means of the photometer described in sec- 
tion 2. Upon substituting a photographic plate in the place of the 
fluorescent screen it was found, on development, that the portion subject 
to the rays from the hard tube was blackened to a less degree than the 
other. The rays, though producing equal fluorescence, were thus for 
photographic purposes unequally active. * * * 

The great sensitiveness of a photographic plate even for rays from 
tubes of medium hardness is illustrated by an experiment in which 96 
films were superposed, placed at a distance of 25 centimeters from the 
discharge tube, and exposed five minutes with due precautions to protect 
the films from the radiations of the air. A photographic action was 
apparent on the last film, although the first was scarcely over-exposed. 
kk * 

If the intensity of the radiations is augmented by increasing the 
strength of the primary current, the photographic action increases in 
the same measure as the intensity of the fluorescence. In this case, as 
in the case where the intensity of the radiation was increased by an 
alteration of the distance of the fluorescent screen, the brightness of 
the fluorescence is at least approximately proportional to the intensity 
of the radiation. This rule should not, however, be too generally 
applied. 

X. 16. 


242 PHYSICS 


11. Inconclusion, mention should be made of the following par- 
ticulars: 

With a discharge tube of proper construction, and not too soft, the 
X-rays are chiefly generated in a spot of not more than I or 2 milli- 
meters diameter where the cathode rays meet the platinum plate. This, 
however, is not the sole source. The whole plate and a part of the tube 
walls emit X-rays, though in less intensity. Cathode rays proceed in all 
directions, but their intensity is considerable only near the axis of the 
concave cathode mirror, and, consequently, the X-rays are strongly 
emitted only near the point where this axis meets the platinum plate. 
When the tube is very hard and the platinum thin, many rays proceed 
also from the rear surface of the platinum plate, but, as may be shown 
by the pinhole camera, chiefly from the spot lying on the axis of the 
MUIPTOr iy eee 

I can confirm the observation of G. Brandes that the X-rays are able 
to produce a sensation of light upon the retina of the eye. In my record 
book appears a notice entered in the early part of November, 1895, to 
the effect that when in a darkened chamber, near a wooden door, I per- 
ceived a weak appearance of light when a Hittorf tube upon the other 
side of the door was put in operation. Since this appearance was only 
once observed, I regarded it as a subjective, and the reason that it was 
not then repeatedly observed lay in the fact that other tubes were substi- 
tuted for the Hittorf tube which were less completely evacuated and 
not provided with platinum anodes. The Hittorf tube furnishes rays 
of slight absorbability on account of its high vacuum, and, at the same 
time, of great intensity on account of the employment of a platinum 
anode for the reception of the cathode rays. * * * 

With the tubes now in use I can easily repeat the Brandes experi- 
Ment en 

Since the beginning of my investigation of X-rays I have repeat- 
edly endeavored to produce diffraction phenomena with them. I ob- 
tained at various times, when using narrow slits, appearances similar to 
diffraction effects, but when modifications were made in the conditions 
for the purpose of thoroughly proving the accuracy of this explanation 
of the phenomena it was found in each case that the appearances were 
produced in other ways than by diffraction. I know of no experiment 
which gives satisfactory evidence of the existence of diffraction with 
the X-rays. 


W. H. PREECE 


WILLIAM MARCONI was born near Bologna, Italy, in 1875. He 
became an electrical engineer and early gave his attention to the trans- 
mission of the Hertz electric waves without wires. The description 
given below is by W. H. Preece, who invented a system which proved 
successful over short distances some years before Marconi. 


WIRELESS TELEGRAPHY: THE PREECE AND MARCONI 
Si DEMS 


Science has conferred one great benefit on mankind. It has sup- 
plied us with a new sense. We can now see the invisible, hear the inau- 
dible, and feel the intangible. We know that the universe is filled with 
a homogeneous continuous elastic medium which transmits heat, light, 
electricity and other forms of energy from one point of space to another 
without loss. The discovery of the real existence of this “ether” is one 
of the great scientific events of the Victorian era. Its character and 
mechanism are not yet known to us. All attempts to “invent” a perfect 
ether have proved beyond the mental powers of the highest intellects. 
We can only say with Lord Salisbury that the ether is the nominative 
case of the verb “to undulate.’’ We must be content with a knowledge of 
the fact that it was created in the beginning for the transmission of 
energy in all its forms, that it transmits these energies in definite waves 
and with a known velocity, that it is perfect of its kind, but that it still 
remains as inscrutable as gravity or light itself. 

Any disturbance of the ether must originate with some disturbance 
of matter. An explosion, cyclone, or vibratory motion may occur in the 
photosphere of the sun. A disturbance or wave is impressed on the 
ether. It is propagated in straight lines through space. It falls on 
Jupiter, Venus, the Earth, and every other planet met with in its course, 
and any machine, human or mechanical, capable of responding to its 
undulations indicates its presence. Thus the eye supplies the sensation 


244 PHYSICS 


of light, the skin is sensitive to heat, the galvanometer indicates elec- 
tricity, the magnetometer indicates disturbances in the earth’s magnetic 
field. One of the greatest scientific achievements of our generation is 
the magnificent generalization of Clerk-Maxwell that all these disturb- 
ances are of precisely the same kind, and that they differ only in degree. 
Light is an electromagnetic phenomenon, and electricity in its progress 
through space follows the laws of optics. Hertz proved this experi- 
mentally, and few of us who heard it will forget the admirable lecture 
on “The Work of Hertz” given in this hall by Prof. Oliver Lodge three 
years ago. 

By the kindness of Prof. Silvanus Thompson I am able to illustrate 
wave transmission by a very beautiful apparatus devised by him. At 
one end we have the transmitter or oscillator, which is a heavy sus- 
pended mass to which a blow or impulse is given, and which, in con- 
sequence, vibrates a given number of times per minute. At the other 
end is the receiver or resonator, timed to vibrate to the same period. 
Connecting the two together is a row of leaden balls suspended so that 
each ball gives a portion of its energy at each oscillation to the next in 
the series. Each ball vibrates at right angles to or athwart the line of 
propagation of the wave, and as they vibrate in different phases you 
will see that a wave is transmitted from the transmitter to the receiver. 
The receiver takes up these vibrations and responds in sympathy with 
the transmitter. Here we have a visible illustration of that which is 
absolutely invisible. The wave you see differs from a wave of light or 
of electricity only in its length or in its frequency. Electric waves vary 
from units per second in long submarine cables to millions per second 
when excited by Hertz’s method. Light waves vary per second between 
400 billions in the red to 800 billions in the violet, and electric waves 
differ from them in no other respect. They are reflected, refracted and 
polarized, they are subject to interference, and they move through the 
ether in straight lines with the same velocity, viz, 186,400 miles per 
second—a number easily recalled when we remember that it was in the 
year 1864 that Maxwell made his famous discovery of the identity of 
light and electric waves. 

Electric waves, however, differ from light waves in this, that we 
have also to regard the direction at right angles to the line of propaga- 
tion of the wave. The model gives an illustration of that which happens 
along a line of electric force; the other line of motion I speak of is a 
circle around the point of disturbance, and these lines are called lines 


PHYSICS 245 


of magnetic force. The animal eye is tuned to one series of wave; the 
“electric eye,’ as Lord Kelvin called Hertz’s resonator, to another. If 
electric waves could be reduced in length to the forty-thousandth of an 
inch we should see them as colors. 

One more definition, and our ground is cleared. When electricity is 
found stored up in a potential state in the molecules of a dielectric like 
air, glass, or gutta-percha the molecules are strained, it is called a 
charge, and it establishes in its neighborhood an electric field. When 
it is active, or in its kinetic state in a circuit, it is called a current. It is 
found in both states—kinetic and potential—when a current is main- 
tained in a conductor. The surrounding neighborhood is then found 
in a state of stress, forming what is called a magnetic field. 

In the first case the charges can be made to rise and fall, and to 
surge to and fro with rhythmic regularity, exciting electric waves along 
each line of electric force at very high frequencies, and in the second 
case the currents can rise or alternate in direction with the same regu- 
larity, but with very different frequencies, and originate electromag- 
netic waves whose wave fronts are propagated in the same direction. 

The first is the method of Hertz, which has recently been turned to 
practical account by Mr. Marconi, and the second is the method which 
I have been applying, and which, for historical reasons, I will describe 
to you first. 

In 1884 messages sent through insulated wires buried in iron pipes 

in the streets of London were read upon telephone circuits erected on 
poles above the house tops, 80 feet away. Ordinary telegraph circuits 
were found in 1885 to produce disturbances 2,000 feet away. Distinct 
speech by telephone was carried on through one-quarter of a mile, a 
distance that was increased to 14 miles at a later date. Careful experi- 
ments were made in 1886 and 1887 to prove that these effects were due 
to pure electromagnetic waves, and were entirely free from any earth- 
conduction. In 1892 distinct messages were sent across a portion of the 
Bristol Channel, between Penarth and Flat Holm, a distance of 3.3 
miles. 

Early in 1895 the cable between Oban and the Isle of Mull broke 
down, and as no ship was available for repairing and restoring com- 
munication, communication was established by utilizing parallel wires on 
each side of the channel and transmitting signals across the space by 
these electromagnetic waves. 


246 PHYSICS 


The apparatus (fig. 1) connected to each wire consists of— 

(a) A rheotome or make and break wheel, causing about 260 
undulations per second in the primary wire. 

(b) An ordinary battery of about 100 Leclanché cells, of the so- 
called dry and portable form. 

(c) <A Morse telegraph key. 

(d) <A telephone to act as receiver. 

(e) A switch to start and stop the rheotome. 


CURRENT BREAKER 


eo __e 
ADJUSTAELE 
RESISTANCE 


(——|fraceiven 
$ 
ORIVING NOTOR | 


Fic. 1. Diagram of connections of Mr. Preece’s system. 


Good signals depend more on the rapid rise and fall of the primary 
current than on the amount of energy thrown into vibration. Leclanché 
cells gave as good signals at 3.3 miles distant as 24 horse-power trans- 
formed into alternating currents by an alternator, owing to the smooth 
sinusoidal curves of the latter. Two hundred and sixty vibrations per 
second give a pleasant note to the ear, easily read when broken up by 
the key into dots and dashes. 

In my electromagnetic system two parallel circuits are established, 
one on each side of a channel or bank of a river, each circuit becoming 
successively the primary and secondary of an induction system, accord- 
ing to the direction in which the signals are being sent. Strong alter- 
nating or vibrating currents of electricity are transmitted in the first 
circuit so as to form signals, letters, and words in Morse character. The 


effects of the rise and fall of these currents are transmitted as electro- 


PHYSICS 247 


magnetic waves through the intervening space, and if the secondary 
circuit is so situated as to be washed by these ethereal waves, their 
energy is transformed into secondary currents in the second circuit, 
which can be made to affect a telephone and thus to reproduce the sig- 
nals. Of course their intensity is much reduced, but still their presence 
has been detected, though five miles of clear space have separated the 
two circuits. 

Such effects have been known scientifically in the laboratory since 
the days of Faraday and of Henry, but it is only within the last few 
years that I have been able to utilize them practically through consid- 
erable distances. This has been rendered possible through the intro- 
duction of the telephone. 

Last year (August, 1896) an effort was made to establish com- 
munication with the North Sandhead (Goodwin) lightship. The appar- 
atus used was designed and manufactured by Messrs. Evershed and 
Vignoles, and a most ingenious relay to establish a call invented by Mr. 
Evershed. One extremity of the cable was coiled in a ring on the bottom 
of the sea, embracing the whole area over which the lightship swept 
while swinging to the tide, and the other end was connected with the 
shore. The ship was surrounded above the water line with another 
coil. The two coils were separated by a mean distance of about 200 
fathoms, but communication was found to be impracticable. The screen- 
ing effect of the sea water and the effect of the iron hull of the ship 
absorbed practically all the energy of the currents in the coiled cable, 
and the effects on board, though perceptible, were very trifling—too 
minute for signaling. Previous experiments had failed to show the 
extremely rapid rate at which energy is absorbed with the depth or 
thickness of sea water. The energy is absorbed in forming eddy cur- 
rents. There is no difficulty whatever in signaling through 15 fathoms. 
Speech by telephone has been maintained through 6 fathoms. Although 
this experiment has failed through water, it is thoroughly practical 
through air to considerable distances where it is possible to erect wires 
of similar length to the distance to be crossed on each side of the chan- 
nel. It is not always possible, however, to do this, nor to get the requi- 
site height to secure the best effect. It is impossible on a lightship and 
on rock lighthouses. There are many small islands—Sark, for example 


—where it cannot be done. 


248 PHYSICS 


In July last Mr. Marconi brought to England a new plan. My plan 
is based entirely on utilizing electromagnetic waves of very low fre- 
quency. It depends essentially on the 
rise and fall of currents in the primary 
wire. Mr. Marconi utilizes electric or 
Hertzian waves of very high frequency, 
and they depend upon the rise and fall 
of electric force in a sphere or spheres. 
He has invented a new relay which, for 
sensitiveness and delicacy, exceeds all 
known electric apparatus. 

The peculiarity of Mr. Marconi’s 
system is that, apart from the ordinary 
connecting wires of the apparatus, con- 


ductors of very moderate length only 
are needed, and even these can be dis- 
pensed with if reflectors are used. BA LAN 

The transmitter.—His transmitter is ===) 
Professor Righi’s form of Hertz radia- 
tor) fig). 

Two spheres of solid brass, 4 inches 
in diameter (A and B), are fixed in an 


oil-tight case D of insulating material, F¢-2. Nieabertie awe 


so that a hemisphere of each is exposed, 

the other hemisphere being immersed 

in a bath of vaseline oil. The use of oil has several advantages. It 
maintains the surfaces of the spheres electrically clean, avoiding the 
frequent polishing required by Hertz’s exposed balls. It impresses on 
the waves excited by these spheres a uniform and constant form. It 
tends to reduce the wave lengths—Righi’s waves are measured in centi- 
meters, while Hertz’s were measured in meters. For these reasons the 
distance at which effects are produced is increased. Mr. Marconi uses 
generally waves of about 120 centimeters long. Two small spheres, a 
and b, are fixed close to the large spheres, and connected each to one 
end of the secondary circuit of the “induction coil’ C, the primary cir- 
cuit of which is excited by a battery E, thrown in and out of circuit by 
the Morse key K. Now, whenever the key K is depressed sparks pass 
between I, 2, and 3, and since the system A B contains capacity and 


electric inertia, oscillations are set up in it of extreme rapidity. The line 


PHYSICS 249 


of propagation is D d, and the frequency of oscillation is probably about 
250 millions per second. 

The distance at which effects are produced with such rapid oscilla- 
tions depends chiefly on the energy in the discharge that passes. A 
6-inch spark coil has sufficed through 1, 2, 3, up to 4 miles, but for 
greater distances we have used a more powerful coil—one emitting 
sparks 20 inches long. It may also be pointed out that this distance 
increases with the diameter of the spheres A and B, and it is nearly 
doubled by making the spheres solid instead of hollow. 

The receiver.—Marconi’s relay (fig. 2) consists of a small glass 
tube 4 centimeters long, into which two silver pole pieces are tightly 
fitted, separated from each other by about half a millimeter—a thin 
space which is filled up by a mixture of fine nickel and silver filings, 
mixed with a trace of mercury. The tube is exhausted to a vacuum of 
4 millimeters, and sealed. It forms part of a circuit containing a local 
cell and a sensitive telegraph relay. In its normal condition the metallic 
powder is virtually an insulator. The particles lie higgledy-piggledy, 
anyhow, in disorder. They lightly touch each other in an irregular 
method, but when electric waves fall upon them they are “polarized,” 
order is installed. They are marshaled in serried ranks, they are sub- 
ject to pressure—in fact, as Prof. Oliver Lodge expresses it, they 
“cohere”—electrical contact ensues and a current passes. The resist- 
ance of such a space falls from infinity to about 5 ohms. The electric 
resistance of Marconi’s relay—that is, the resistance of the thin disc of 
loose powder—is practically infinite when it is in its normal or dis- 
_ ordered condition. It is then, in fact, an insulator. This resistance 
drops sometimes to 5 ohms, when the absorption of the electric waves 
by it is intense. It therefore becomes a conductor. It may be, as sug- 
gested by Professor Lodge, that we have in the measurement of the 
variable resistance of this instrument a means of determining the inten- 
sity of the energy falling upon it. This variation is being investigated 
both as regards the magnitude of the energy and the frequency of the 
incident waves. Now such electrical effects are well known. In 1866 
Mr. S. A. Varley introduced a lightning protector constructed like the 
above tube, but made of boxwood and containing powdered carbon. It 
was fixed as a shunt to the instrument to be protected. It acted well, 
but it was subject to this coherence, which rendered the cure more 
troublesome than the disease, and its use had to be abandoned. The 
same action is very common in granulated carbon microphones like 


250 PHYSICS 


Hunning’s, and shaking has to be resorted to to decohere the carbon 
particles to their normal state. M. E. Branly (1890) showed the effect 
with copper, aluminum, and iron filings. Prof. Oliver Lodge, who 
has done more than anyone else in England to illustrate and popularize 
the work of Hertz and his followers, has given the name “coherer” to 
this form of apparatus. Marconi “decoheres” by making the local cur- 
rent very rapidly vibrate a small hammer head against the glass tube, 
which it does effectually, and in doing so makes such a sound that read- 
ing Morse characters is easy. The same current that decoheres can 
also record Morse signals on paper by ink. The exhausted tube has 
two wings which, by their size, tune the receiver to the transmitter by 


STEEPHOLM 


@ Marcon! Experiments 
ques Electro-Magnetia Induction Experimenta 


Fic. 3. Map of locality where the experiments were carried out. 


varying the capacity of the apparatus. Choking coils prevent the energy 
escaping. The analogy to Prof. Silvanus Thompson’s wave apparatus 
is evident. Oscillations set up in the transmitter fall upon the receiver 
tuned in sympathy with it, coherence follows, currents are excited, and 
signals made. 

In open clear spaces within sight of each other nothing more is 
wanted, but when obstacles intervene and great distances are in ques- 
tion, height is needed—tall masts, kites, and balloons have been used. 
Excellent signals have been transmitted between Penarth and Brean 
Down, near Weston-super-Mare, across the Bristol Channel, a distance 


PHYSICS b 251 


of nearly 9 miles (fig. 3). (The system was here shown in operation. ) 
Mirrors also assist and intensify the effects. They were used in the 
earlier experiments, but they have been laid aside for the present, for 


they are not only expensive to make, but they occupy much time in 
manufacture. 


It is curious that hills and apparent obstructions fail to obstruct. 
The reason is probably the fact that the lines of force escape these 
hills. When the ether is entangled in matter of different degrees of 
inductivity, the lines are curved, as in fact they are in light. Figure 4 
shows how a hill is virtually bridged over by these lines, and con- 


quently some electric 

waves fall on the relay. 
44 Ra . Weather seems to have 
: } no influence; rain, fogs, 
} snow, and wind avail 
’ nothing. 

The wings shown in 
figure 2 may be re- 
moved. One pole can 
be connected with earth, 
and the other extended 
up to the top of the mast, or fastened to a balloon by means of a wire. 
The wire and balloon or kite, covered with tin foil, becomes the wing. 
In this case one pole of the transmitter must also be connected with 

earth. This is shown in 
figure 5. 

There are some appar- 
ent anomalies that have de- 
veloped themselves during 
the experiments. Mr. Mar- 
coni finds that his relay acts 
even when it is placed in a 
perfectly closed metallic 
box. This is the fact that 
has given rise to the rumor 
that he can blow up an iron- 
clad ship. This might be 
true if he could plant his 
properly tuned receiver in 
the magazine of an enemy’s 
ship. Many other funny 
things could be done if this i= POTN LOT pg 
were possible. I remember pj : << 
in my childhood that Cap- yy., 5 
tain Warner blew up a ship pole or kite, 


"“*Seseneoe® ooo? 


Becca 


aS CE ae STG be 


Fic. 4. Diagram illustrating the way in which hills are 
bridged by the electric waves. 


. Diagram of Marconi connections when using 


202 PHYSICS 


at a great distance off Brighton. How this was done was never known, 
for his secret died shortly afterwards with him. It certainly was not 
by means of Marconi’s relay. 

The distance to which signals have been sent is remarkable. On 
Salisbury Plain Mr. Marconi covered a distance of 4 miles. In the 
Bristol Channel this has been extended to over 8 miles, and we have 
by no means reached the limit. It is interesting to read the surmises 
of others. Half a mile was the wildest dream. 

It is easy to transmit many messages in any direction at the same 
time. It is only necessary to tune the transmitters and receivers to the 
same frequency or “‘note.”” I could show this here, but we are bothered 
by reflection from the walls. This does not happen in open space. Tun- 
ing is very easy. It is simply necessary to vary the capacity of the 
receiver, and this is done by increasing the length of the wings W in 
figure 2. The proper length is found experimentally close to the trans- 
mitter. It is practically impossible to do so far away. 

It has been said that Mr. Marconi has done nothing new. He has 
not discovered any new rays; his transmitter is comparatively old; his 
receiver is based on Branly’s coherer. Columbus did not invent the 
egg, but he showed how to make it stand on its end, and Marconi has 
produced from known means a new electric eye, more delicate than any 
known electrical instrument, and a new system of telegraphy that will 
reach places hitherto inaccessible. There are a great many practical 
points connected with this system that require to be threshed out in a 
practical manner before it can be placed on the market, but enough 
has been done to prove its value, and to show that for shipping and 
light-house purposes it will be a great and valuable acquisition. 


CHEMISTRY 


In 1864 Newtanps of London and Lothar Meyer of Germany 
found that if many of the elements were arranged in order of their 
atomic weights, certain resemblances in their qualities were noticeable 
between an element and the eighth from it. This became known as the 
theory of chemical octaves. In 1869 Mendeléef made out a new list, 
reconsidered the resemblances, and left blanks here and there to be 
filled in with elements still to be discovered. Now the most striking 
proof of the theory is that elements have actually been discovered an- 
_ swering the description given them and with the proper atomic weights. 
In his table the elements, arranged in order of their atomic weights, 
fall naturally into families. The great significance of this theory is that 
the elements are not wholly independent, but would seem themselves to 
be compound, with qualities depending on their atomic weights. The 
large number of new elements recently discovered all find a more or less 
satisfactory place in the periodic table. 

Another conception that is having great influence is that of the 
charged atom or “ion.” Putting together the observations of a number 
of chemists, von t’Hoff has announced the law that if a substance is dis- 
solved in a large quantity of the solvent the molecules are so far separ- 
ated as to act as ina gas. Thus they exert pressure on the interior walls 
of the receptacle. Exceptions to this rule he showed to take place when 
the atoms of the molecules are electrically dissociated, that is, become 
charged atoms or “ions.” A solution of potassium nitrate is such a 
charged solution. If an electric current is sent through it, the minus 
atoms of potassium are attracted to the plus pole, the plus atoms of 


254 CHEMISTRY 


nitrate N O3 are drawn to the minus pole. Both sets of atoms are dis- 
charged. They then become free to act on the water of the solution. 
The potassium combines with the oxygen of the water and liberates 
hydrogen; the N O03 groups combine with the hydrogen of the water 
and liberate oxygen. This is in general the best explanation of the 
method of electrolysis. 

Doctor Jaques Loeb has shown that such charged salt atoms cause 
muscular vibrations. A heart will begin beating if placed in such a 
solution. The electric charge contained by such atoms in solution seems 
to be enormous. Their influence on life is still a question of study. Dr. 
Loeb thinks he has been able to start a growth in the unfertilized eggs of 
sea urchins. It may be, however, that a cross is not always needed 
between such eggs. Some poisons are shown to contain strong minus 
ions. Food may even be needed more for its ions than the heat it 
contains. It is conceivable that a nerve impulse is based on the same 
principle. The nerves consist of phosphorized fat in a weak salt solu- 
tion. They are “colloid” substances, that is, they do not crystallize when 
they solidify. The nerve impulse may be some sort of precipitation 
along the nerve, each colloid releasing some minus charged ions which 
precipitate the next colloid. The last minus ions act on and contract the 
muscle. But this is still in the domain of unproved theory. 

Equally unproved is Lord Kelvin’s theory that the atom is a whirl- 
ing ring in the ether, comparable to a ring of smoke in the air. Such 
a ring would account for many qualities of the atoms, such as inde- 
structibility, but, as Lord Kelvin himself has said, the hypothesis is as 
yet only a dream. 


D. I. MENDELEEF 


Daitri IvANovICH MENDELEEF was born at Tobolsk, Russia, in 
1834. He was made professor of chemistry in St. Petersburg in 1866. 
In 1869 he took up the question of Newland’s law of octaves in chem- 
istry and announced his great law of the periodicity of the elements. 
This is in brief that the qualities of the elements bear a close relation 
to their atomic weights. If the elements are arranged in a series 


THE PERIODICITY OF THE ELEMENTS 


The Klements 


E 
BV OLOPEN. oes cs a ekres H 
torte 0). Se eee Li 
BGGVUIUIO.. <1, out een Be 
Boron es oe eee B 
CAL DOT .\s:.\s nate eee (e 
PNTEPOREN...... 0s Coane N 
PMY EU ie kiclge Ceres O 
PUMOLING, x... 0m .c aslo F 
DOCH ss UE, See Na 
Magnesium, «5.1505 see ee Mg 
Aluminiuny. [ooo s eee Al 
Silicon 7.45) fe ee Si 
Phosphorus). apse eee P 
Ul PHRUTES Fy. ae ee S) 
Chlorine. 2 ye Cl 
Potassiiint*.o.7. 2. tee K 
GCalcitnie cua see eee Ca 
SCANCINIME yee eee oa sc 
Titans ee Ti 
MANALI cael ae yc V 
Chromittti7 ste co. eek ee Cr 
MAD WEN ESC 5 aca steny ciaie 0d Mn 
HP EGUR Seterdotre eos teste ee Fe 
Cobalt tice). ait cee cas. Co 
Nickel). A diceatae Ni 
COUPCE Stans susie cee ee Cu 
Yd V5 (begat, gr Ole ee a Zu 
RAISE tle ret. tee cee Cre Ga 
(Seria ini. a). 2 os cae Ge 
USSG Re et, rik, As 
Selenite eae eye. Se 
Bromine. ao... 7 Sore. Br 
PIDIOI OL pee a ees Rb 
SCPONtiM I) ook ceo Sr 
CUPITIE cs oes Bee's ¥ 
PAPCORTIULG es Te Zr 
DVL tlthis en eee ae Nb 
Molybdenum si. :....07) Mo 
TILE TIN Tiki cs on «te os Ru 
Reh oOostiin wlees. aie eka es. Rh 
LEAR UPL te ce elsiia fren c Ws Pd 
PLEve tyes. fete wes nos hee coke Ag 
(Sar it tec ck Cd 
TEC er treet arte ce ra In 
PEt: Sen tqertee os Sane ee Sn 
A NUINGN Yo. ce wae ecto oe Sb 
Telluritin’ sso. Ae. Te 
LOdinGR ec ere tee J 
CStOTIE TT Sas reso Cs 
Bariuriw. Soe wee ee Ba 
Pantnanitineees 5. oe oe. La 
Cerin tenes Alan's dee Ce 
NB AKag pany ee h ae Orin Pens: yr se Di 
Ry teri itl a eens alee s Yb 
mA tB It yes erect eS Ta 
MATOOSLeT a aad set tess ee 0's WwW 
OPN tia chk acd p08 00 «tee Os 
eM teeta 2 8 ky oe ws Ir 
PAVATUISTi this te sere wie sda be Pt 
Ce feta: cast a +. 0 s Au 
MACRCUTY ch cine eer cede: Hg 
mS DRG Gig ee oe ae Ti 
eat OU, eee es ken v's Pb 
PIBTITWEES ee ec yas co bath Bi 
INGE TTT eats es gales ce ats Th 
Vramint, pe vs faa kes U 


Symbols and 
Atomic Weights 


A 


(1) 


*= oxide is acid. 


me a: Oe dearest 
— + — 


Re, 


a 
byrne no | 


PITRE) Pe | 


| 
| | 


pee | 


eat areca We La 


The Composition of the 
Saline Oxides 


H20n 
lL =n tJ 
1} 
aig 
1 — 3*— 5* 


| ote woo 
a ip | 
fon) 


Re ees 
wet wl wo 
—- 

| = | pp bm 

nt 


we) 


t= oxide is basic, 


Small 
Periods or 
Series 


[11] 
1 


De 


ar | 


10 


11 


12 


i ° P 
“LHBRARY)) 7!" 
OF THE Mey sb Rte 
UNIVERSITY of ILLINOIS. 


. 


: fae ene iy, ; 
nae aye 4i% 3 


“ 3 er wpe ne mi 


eA ye Fany Laepes wid, 
eet) ‘xe NE 
. a _mavathie 


% eytrreyTy 
h a . i* 
7 


ees “saver tl uv 
Peas 


+8, a 


Sawn 


ye el esae O08 


PR ue 


ao meee Be 


L ’ 
| 
Gir esaanss Ml Loads & 


oe Repeat wae t 


Deer a 


+8 en ga sift eit 
a. b+ pee ? 

ge Picea Ls 
eat. 7 Brorad 


va 
TyaYy 4 


My ieee yD 

b] os 
£ ae Pv 
* oe 


’ 
>> nic 


i. an J 


{heen oul “e e 


. L Aes 
we 


poe’ 


CHEMISTRY 255 


according to their atomic weights, the list seems naturally to break into 
families of related elements. This enabled Mendeléef to correct many 
of the atomic weights then accepted, and, what is most convincing, to 
describe closely hitherto undiscovered elements needed to fill out certain 
families, which afterward turned up with qualities tallying wonder- 
fully with his descriptions. 


THE PERIODIC VAW, OG THE CHEMICALS: HR Mis Nels 


The high honour bestowed by the Chemical Society in inviting me 
to pay a tribute to the world-famed name of Faraday by delivering this 
lecture has induced me to take for its subject the Periodic Law of the 
Elements—this being a generalization in chemistry which has of late 
attracted much attention. 

While science is pursuing a steady and onward movement, it is con- 
venient from time to time to cast a glance back on the route already 
traversed, and especially to consider the new conceptions which aim at 
discovering the general meaning of the stock of facts accumulated from 
day to day in our laboratories. Owing to the possession of laboratories, 
modern science now bears a new character, quite unknown, not only to 
antiquity, but even to the preceding century. Bacon’s and Descartes’ 
idea of submitting the mechanism of science simultaneously to experi- 
ment and reasoning has been fully realized in the case of chemistry, it 
having not only been possible but always customary to experiment. 

_Under the all-penetrating control of experiment, a new theory, even if 
crude, is quickly strengthened, provided it be founded on a sufficient 
basis; the asperities are removed, it is amended by degrees, and soon 
loses the phantom light of a shadowy form or of one founded on mere 
prejudice; it is able to lead to logical conclusions, and to submit to 
experimental proof. Willingly or not, in science we all must submit not 
to do what seems to us attractive from one point of view or from another, 
but to what represents an agreement between theory and experiment. 
Is it long since many refused to accept the generalizations involved in 
the law of Avogadro and Ampére, so widely extended by Gerhardt? 
We still may hear the voices of its opponents; they enjoy perfect free- 
dom, but vainly will their voices rise so long as they do not use the 
language of demonstrated facts. The striking observations with the 
spectroscope which have permitted us to analyze the chemical constitu- 


256 CHEMISTRY 


tion of distant worlds, seemed at first applicable to the task of deter- 
mining the nature of the atoms themselves; but the working out of the 
idea in the laboratory soon demonstrated that the characters of spectra 
are determined, not directly by the atoms, but by the molecules into 
which the atoms are packed; and so it became evident that more verified 
facts must be collected before it will be possible to formulate new gen- 
eralizations capable of taking their place beside those ordinary ones 
based upon the conception of simple substances and atoms. But as the 
shade of the leaves and roots of living plants, together with the relics 
of a decayed vegetation, favour the growth of the seedling and serve to 
promote its luxurious development, in like manner sound generaliza- 
tions—together with the relics of those which have proved to be unten- 
able—promote scientific productivity, and insure the luxurious growth 
of science under the influence of rays emanating from the centers of sci- 
entific energy. Such centers are scientific associations and societies. 
Before one of the oldest and most powerful of these I am about to take 
the liberty of passing in review the twenty years’ life of a generalization 
which is known under the name of periodic law. It was in March, 
1869, that I ventured to lay before the then youthful Russian Chemical 
Society the ideas upon the same subject which I had expressed in my 
just written “Principles of Chemistry.” 

Without entering into details, I will give the conclusions I then 
arrived at in the very words I used :— 

1. The elements, if arranged according to their atomic weights, 
exhibit an evident periodicity of properties. 

2. Elements which are similar as regards their chemical proper- 
ties have atomic weights which are either of nearly the same value 
(e. g., platinum, iridium, osmium) or which increase regularly (e. g., 
potassium, rubidium, czsium). 

3. The arrangement of the elements, or of groups of elements, in 
the order of their atomic weights, corresponds to their so-called valen- 
cies, as well as, to some extent, to their distinctive chemical properties— 
as is apparent, among other series, in that of lithium, beryllium, barium, 
carbon, nitrogen, oxygen, and iron. 

4. The elements which are the most widely diffused have small 
atomic weights. 

5. The magnitude of the atomic weight determines the character 
of the element, just as the magnitude of the molecule determines the 
character of a compound. 


CHEMISTRY 207 


6. We must expect the discovery of many yet unknown elements 
—for example, elements analogous to aluminum and silicon, whose 
atomic weight would be between 65 and 75. 

7. The atomic weight of an element may sometimes be amended 
by a knowledge of those of the contiguous elements. Thus, the atomic 
weight of tellurium must lie between 123 and 126, and cannot be 128. 

8. Certain characteristic properties of the elements can be fore- 
told from their atomic weights. 

The aim of this communication will be fully attained if I succeed 
in drawing the attention of investigators to those relations which exist 
between the atomic weights of dissimilar elements, which, so far as I 
know, have hitherto been almost completely neglected. I believe that 
the solution of some of the most important problems of our science lies 
in researches of this kind. 

To-day, twenty years after the above conclusions were formulated, 
they may still be considered as expressing the essence of the now well 
known periodic law. 

Reverting to the epoch terminating with the sixties, it is proper to 
indicate three series of data without the knowledge of which the peri- 
odic law could not have been discovered, and which rendered its appear- 
ance natural and intelligible. 

In the first place, it was at that time that the numerical value of 
atomic weights became definitely known. Ten years earlier such 
knowledge did not exist, as may be gathered from the fact that in 1860 
chemists from all parts of the world met at Karlsruhe in order to come 
to some agreements, if not with respect to views relating to atoms, at 
any rate as regards their definite representation. Many of those present 
probably remember how vain were the hopes of coming to an under- 
standing, and how much ground was gained at that congress by the 
followers of the unitary theory so brilliantly represented by Cannizzaro. 
I vividly remember the impression produced by his speeches, which 
admitted of no compromise, and seemed to advocate truth itself, based 
on the conceptions of Avogadro, Gerhardt, and Regnault, which at that 
time were far from being generally recognized. And though no under- 
standing could be arrived at, yet the objects of the meeting were 
attained, for the ideas of Cannizzaro proved, after a few years, to be 
the only ones which could stand criticism, and which represented an 


atom as—‘“‘the smallest portion of an element which enters into a mole- 
x47, 


208 CHEMISTRY > 


cule of its compound.” Only such real atomic weights—not conven- 
tional ones—could afford a basis for generalization. It is sufficient, by 
_ way of example, to indicate the following cases in which the relation is 
seen at once and is perfectly clear: 


30 Rb=85 Uo 33 

Ca==40 teary, Ba-—137 
whereas with the equivalents then in use— 

Ke k6 Rb=85 Cs=133 

ast) OT 4 3.5 Ba=68.5 


the consecutiveness of change in atomic weight, which with the true 
values is so evident, completely disappears. 

Secondly, it had become evident during the period 1860-70, and 
even during the preceding decade, that the relations between the atomic 
weights of analogous elements were governed by some general and 
simple laws. Cooke, Cremers, Gladstone, Gmelin, Lenssen, Petten- 
kofer, and especially Dumas, had already established many facts bear- 
ing on that view. Thus Dumas compared the following groups of anal- 
ogous elements with organic radicles— 


Diff, Diff. Diff. Diff. 
ia a est rie er rk ah ie 
Na— 1-51 J]—3X8 fn tat Coa Aline 
a] —16 Tae |—2X44 ‘OI 3X8 
K =39 Or fips talcive: Bi =207 Se sep) ed? 
Ba —68!~ 3 Te=64!— 3 


and pointed out some really striking relationships, such as the fol- 
lowing | 


B==10, 
Cl==35.5==19T 16.5 
Br=80==19T 2% 16.528 


I==127—=2X 19 F2X 16.5 12X.28, 

A. Strecker, in his work, “Theorten und Experimente zur Be- 
stimmung der Atomgewichte der Elemente’ (Braunschweig, 1859), 
after summarizing the data relating to the subject, and pointing out the 
remarkable series of equivalents— 

Cr26.2 \/Mne=-27.0)\ (Pe 28 Neg NOOR 22 107 

Ze 32.6 
remarks that: It is hardly probable that all the above-mentioned rela- 
tions between the atomic weights (or equivalents) of chemically analo- 
gous elements are merely accidental. We must, however, leave to the 


CHEMISTRY 259 


future the discovery of the Jaw of the relations which appears in these 
figures. 

In such attempts at arrangement and in such views are to be rec- 
ognized the real forerunners of the periodic law; the ground was pre- 
pared for it between 1860 and 1870, and that it was not expressed in a 
determinate form before the end of the decade may, I suppose, be 
ascribed to the fact that only analogous elements had been compared. 
The idea of seeking for a relation between the atomic weights of all the 
elements was foreign to the ideas then current, so that neither the wis 
tellurique of De Chancourtois, nor the law of octaves of Newlands like 
Dumas and Strecker, more than Lenssen and Pettenkofer, had made an 
approach to the periodic law and had discovered its germs. The solu- 
tion of the problem advanced but slowly, because the facts, but not the 
law, stood foremost in all attempts; and the law could not awaken a 
general interest so long as elements, having no apparent connection with 
each other, were included in the same octave, as, for example :— 

1st octave of Newlands, H, F, Cl, Co & Ni, Br, Pd, I, Pt & Ir. 

Win Catton, (ies Se a ae RAL eV Att Cs Ory Lat 

Analogies of the above order seemed quite accidental, and the more 
so as the octave contained occasionally ten elements instead of eight, and 
when two such elements as Ba and V, Co and Ni, or Rh and Ru, occu- 
pied one place in the octave. Nevertheless the fruit was ripening, and I 
now see clearly that Strecker, De Chancourtois, and Newlands stood 
foremost in the way towards the discovery of the periodic law, and that 
they merely wanted the boldness necessary to place the whole question 
at such a height that its reflection on the facts could be clearly seen. 

A third circumstance which revealed the periodicity of chemical ele- 
ments was the accumulation, by the end of the sixties, of new informa- 
tion respecting the rare elements, disclosing their many-sided relations 
to the other elements and to each other. The researches of Marignac 
on niobium, and those of Roscoe on vanadium, were of special moment. 
The striking analogies between vanadium and phosphorus on the one 
hand, and between vanadium and chromium on the other, which are 
so apparent in the investigations connected with that element, naturally 
induced the comparison of V==51 with Cr=52, Nb=94 with Mo=96, 
Ta=192 with W=194; while, on the other hand,P=31 could be com- 
pared with S==32, As=75 with Se—79, and Sb—120 ‘with 'Te==-125- 
From such approximations there remained but one step to the discovery 
of the law of periodicity. | 


260 CHEMISTRY 


The law of periodicity was thus a direct outcome of the stock of 
generalizations and established facts which had accumulated by the end 
of the decade 1860-70: it is an embodiment of those data in a more or 
less systematic expression. Where, then, lies the secret of the special 
importance which has since been attached to the periodic law, and has 
raised it to the position of a generalization which has already given to 
chemistry unexpected aid, and which promises to be far more fruitful in 
the future and to impress upon several branches of chemical research a 
peculiar and original stamp? The remaining part of my communication 
will be an attempt to answer this question. 

In the first place, we have the circumstance that, as soon as the law 
amade its appearance, it demanded a revision of many facts which were 
considered by chemists as fully established by existing experience. I 
shall return later on, briefly to this subject, but I wish now to remind 
you that the periodic law, by insisting on the necessity for a revision of 
supposed facts, exposed itself at once to destruction in its very origin. 
Its first requirements, however, have been almost entirely satisfied dur- 
ing the last twenty years; the supposed facts have yielded to the law, 
thus proving that the law itself was a legitimate induction from the ver- 
ified facts. But our inductions from data have often to do with such 
details of a science so rich in facts, that only generalizations which cover 
a wide range of important phenomena can attract general attention. 
‘What were the regions touched on by the periodic law? This is what 
we shall now consider. 

The most important point to notice is, that periodic functions, used 
for the purpose of expressing changes which are dependent on varia- 
tions of time and space, have been long known. They are familiar to the 
mind when we have to deal with motion in closed cycles, or with any 
kind of deviation from a stable position, such as occurs in pendulum 
‘oscillations. A like periodic function became evident in the case of the 
elements, depending on the mass of the atom. The primary conception 
of the masses of bodies, or of the masses of atoms, belongs to a category 
which the present state of science forbids us to discuss, because as yet 
we have no means of dissecting or analyzing the conception. All that 
was known of functions dependent on masses derived its origin from 
‘Galileo and Newton, and indicated that such functions either increase 
or decrease with the increase of mass, like the attraction of celestial 
bodies. The numerical expression of the phenomena was always found 
to be proportional to the mass, and in no case was an increase of mass 


CHEMISTRY 261 


followed by a recurrence of properties such as is disclosed by the peri- 
odic law of the elements. This constituted such a novelty in the study 
of the phenomena of nature that, although it did not lift the veil which 
conceals the true conception of mass, it nevertheless indicated that the 
explanation of that conception must be searched for in the masses of the 
atoms; the more so, as all masses are nothing but aggregations, or addi- 
tions of chemical atoms which would be best described as chemical indi- 
viduals. Let me remark, by the way, that though the Latin word 
“imdividual” is merely a translation of the Greek word “atom,” neverthe- 
less history and custom have drawn a sharp distinction between the two | 
words, and the present chemical conception of atoms is nearer to that 
defined by the Latin word than by the Greek, although this latter also 
has acquired a special meaning which was unknown to the classics. The 
periodic law has shown that our chemical individuals display a harmonic 
periodicity of properties dependent on their masses. Now natural sci- 
ence has long been accustomed to deal with periodicities observed in 
nature, to seize them with the vise of mathematical analysis, to submit 
them to the rasp of experiment. And these instruments of scientific 
thought would surely long since have mastered the problem connected 
with the chemical elements, were it not for a new feature which was 
brought to light by the periodic law and which gave a peculiar and 
original character to the periodic function. 

If we mark on an axis of abscissz a series of lengths proportional to 
angles, and trace ordinates which are proportional to sines or other 
trigonometrical functions, we get periodic curves of a harmonic charac- 
‘ter. So it might seem, at first sight, that with the increase of atomic 
weights the function of the properties of the elements should also vary 
in the same harmonious way. But in this case there is no such continu- 
ous change as in the curves just referred to, because the periods do not 
contain the infinite number of points constituting a curve, but a finite 
number only of such points. An example will better illustrate this 
view. The atomic weights— 

Af=—108) .Cd==112 Wiehe nar 1S Sb==120 

‘esi 2h te 7 

steadily increase, and their increase is accompanied by a modification of 
many properties, which constitutes the essence of the periodic law. 
Thus, for example, the densities of the above elements decrease steadily, 


being respectively— 


262 CHEMISTRY 


10.5 8.6 ype 7.2 6.7 6.4 4.9 
while their oxides contain an increasing quantity of oxygen— 
A Cd, O, In, O, Sn Og Sb inn en LARS pe 

But to connect by a curve the summits of the ordinates expressing 
any of these properties would involve the rejection of Dalton’s law of 
multiple proportions. Not only are there no intermediate elements 
between silver, which gives AgCl, and cadmium, which gives CdCl,, 
but according to the very essence of the periodic law, there can be none: 
in fact a uniform curve would be inapplicable in such a case, as it would 
lead us to expect elements possessed of special properties at any point 
of the curve. The periods of the elements have thus a character very 
different from those which are so simply represented by geometers. 
They correspond to points, to numbers, to sudden changes destitute of 
intermediate steps or positions, in the absence of elements intermediate 
between, say silver and cadmium, or aluminum and silicon, we must 
recognize a problem to which no direct application of the analysis of the 
infinitely small can be made. Therefore, neither the trigonometrical 
functions proposed by Ridberg and Flavitzky, nor the pendulum oscilla- 
tions suggested by Crookes, nor the cubical curves of the Rev. Mr. 
Haughton, which have been proposed for expressing the periodic law, 
from the nature of the case, can represent the periods of the chemical 
elements. If geometrical analysis is to be applied to this subject, it will 
require to be modified in a special manner. It must find the means of 
representing in a special way, not only such long periods, as that com- 
prising— 

K Ca Sc Ti V Cr Mn Fe Co Ni Cu Zn Ga Ge As Se Br, 
but short periods like the following :-— 

Mano ALN Ss oi iiss Cd 

In the theory of numbers only do we find problems analogous to 
ours, and two attempts at expressing the atomic weights of the elements 
by algebraic formule seem to be deserving of attention, although none 
of them can be considered as a complete theory, nor as promising finally 
to solve the problem of the periodic law. The attempt of E. J. Mills 
(1886) does not even aspire to attain this end. He considers that all 
atomic weights can be expressed by a logarithmic function, 

15 (n—0.9375"), 
in which the variables » and ¢ are whole numbers. Thus, for oxygen, 
au==2, and t=1, whence its atomic weight is ==15.94; in the case of 
chlorine, bromine, and iodine, has respective values of 3, 6, and 9, 


CHEMISTRY 263 


whilst =7, 6, and 9; in the case of potassium, rubidium, and cesium, 
u—4, 6, and 9, and &=14, 18, and 20. 

Another attempt was made in 1888 by B. N. Tchitchérin. Its 
author places the problem of the periodic law in the first rank, but as yet 
he has investigated the alkali metals oniy. Tchitchérin first noticed the 
simple relations existing between the atomic volumes of all alkali metals ; 
they can be expressed, according to his views, by the formula 

A (2—0.00535An), | 
where A is the atomic weight, and 2 is equal to 8 for lithium and 
sodium, to 4 for potassium, to 3 for rubidium, and to 2 for cesium. If - 
m remained equal to 8 during the increase of A, the volume would 
become zero at A=46 2-3, and it would reach its maximum at 
A==23 1-3. The close approximation of the number 46 2-3 to the dif- 
ferences between the atomic weights of analogous elements (such as 
Cs-Rb, I-Br, and so on) ; the close correspondence of the number 23 1-3 
to the atomic weight of sodium; the fact of m being necessarily a whole 
number, and several other aspects of the question, induce Tchitchérin to 
believe that they afford a clue to the understanding of the nature of the 
elements; we must, however, await the full development of his theory 
before pronouncing judgment on it. What we can at present only be 
certain of is this: that attempts like the two above named must be 
repeated and multiplied, because the periodic law has clearly shown that 
the masses of the atoms increase abruptly, by steps, which are clearly 
connected in some way to Dalton’s law of multiple proportions; and 
because the periodicity of the elements finds expression in the transition 
_from RX to RX,, RX,, RX,, and so on till RX,, at which point, the 
energy of the combining forces being exhausted, the series begins anew 
from RX to RX,, and so on. 

While connecting by new bonds the theory of the chemical ele- 
ments with Dalton’s theory of multiple proportions, or atomic structure 
of bodies, the periodic law opened for natural philosophy a new and 
wide field for speculation. Kant said that there are in the world “two 
things which never cease to call for the admiration and reverence of 
man: the moral law within ourselves, and the stellar sky above us. 
But when we turn our thoughts towards the nature of the elements and 
the periodic law, we must add a third subject, namely, “the nature of 
the elementary individuals which we discover everywhere around us.” 
‘Without them the stellar sky itself is inconceivable ; and in the atoms we 
see at once their peculiar individualities, the infinite multiplicity of the 


264 | CHEMISTRY 


individuals, and the submission of their seeming freedom to the general 
harmony of nature. 

Having thus indicated a new mystery of nature, which does not yet 
yield to rational conception, the periodic law, together with the revela- 
tions of spectrum analysis, have contributed to again revive an old but 
remarkably long-lived hope—that of discovering, if not by experiment, 
at least by a mental effort, the primary matter—which had its genesis 
in the minds of the Grecian philosophers, and has been transmitted, 
together with many other ideas of the classic period, to the heirs of 
their civilization. Having grown, during the times of the alchemists up 
to the period when experimental proof was required, the idea has ren- 
dered good service; it induced those careful observations and experi- 
ments which later on called into being the works of Scheele, Lavoisier, 
Priestley, and Cavendish. It then slumbered awhile, but was soon 
awakened by the attempts either to confirm or to refute the ideas of | 
Prout as to the multiple proportion relationship of the atomic weights of 
all the elements. And once again the inductive or experimental method 
of studying Nature gained a direct advantage from the old Pythagorean 
idea: because atomic weights were determined with an accuracy for- 
merly unknown. But again the idea could not stand the ordeal of exper- 
imental test, yet the prejudice remains and has not been uprooted, even 
by Stas ; nay, it has gained new vigor, for we see that all which is imper- 
fectly worked out, new and unexplained, from the still scarcely studied 
rare metals to the hardly perceptible nebulz, have been used to justify it. 
As soon as spectrum analysis appears as a new and powerful weapon of 
chemistry, the idea of a primary matter is immediately attached to it. 
From all sides we see attempts to constitute the imaginary substance 
helium, the so much longed for primary matter. No attention is paid 
to the circumstance that the helium line is only seen in the spectrum of 
the solar protuberances, so that its universality in Nature remains as 
problematic as the primary matter itself; nor to the fact that the helium 
line is wanting amongst the Fraunhofer lines of the solar spectrum, and 
thus does not answer to the brilliant fundamental conception which 
gives its real force to spectrum analysis. 

And finally, no notice is even taken of the indubitable fact that the 
brilliancies of the spectral lines of the simple substances vary under dif- 
ferent temperatures and pressures; so that all probabilities are in favor 
of the helium line simply belonging to some long since known element 
placed under such conditions of temperature, pressure, and gravity as 


CHEMISTRY 265 


have not yet been realized in our experiments. Again, the idea that the 
excellent investigations of Lockyer of the spectrum of iron can be in- 
terpreted in favor of the compound nature of that element, evidently 
must have arisen from some misunderstanding. The spectrum of a 
compound certainly does not appear as a. sum of the spectra of its com- 
ponents; and therefore the observations of Lockyer can be considered 
precisely as a proof that iron undergoes no other changes at the tem- 
perature of the sun than those which it experiences in the voltaic arc— 
provided the spectrum of iron is preserved. As to the shifting of some 
of the lines of the spectrum of iron while the other lines maintain their 
positions, it can be explained, as shown by M. Kleiber (Journal of the 
Russian Chemical and Physical Society, 1885, 147) by the relative 
motion of the various strata of the sun’s atmosphere, and by Zollner’s 
laws of the relative brilliancies of different lines of the spectrum. More- 
over, it ought not to be forgotten that if iron were really proved to con- 
sist of two or more unknown elements, we should have an increase in 
the number of our elements—not a reduction, and still less a reduction 
of all of them to one single primary matter. 

Feeling that spectrum analysis will not yield a support to the 
Pythagorean conception, its modern promoters are so bent upon its 
being confirmed by the periodic law, that the illustrious Berthellot, in 
his work, “Les Origines de l Alchimie,”’ 1885, 313, has simply mixed up 
the fundamental idea of the law of periodicity with the ideas of Prout, 
the alchemists, and Democritus about primary matter. But the periodic 
law, based as it is on the solid and wholesome ground of experimental 
research, has been evolved independently of any conception as to the 
nature of the elements; it does not in the least originate in the idea of a 
unique matter, and it has no historical connection with that relic of the 
torments of classical thought, and therefore it affords no more indica- 
tion of the unity of matter or of the compound character of our ele- 
ments, than the law of Avogadro, or the law of specific heats, or even 
the conclusions of spectrum analysis. None of the advocates of a unique 
matter have ever tried tu explain the law from the standpoint of ideas 
taken from a remote antiquity when it was found convenient to admit 
the existence of many gods—and of a unique matter. 

When we try to explain the origin of the idea of a unique primary 
matter, we easily trace that in the absence of inductions from experiment 
it derives its origin from the scientifically philosophical attempt at dis- 
covering some kind of unity in the immense diversity of individualities 


266 CHEMISTRY 


which we see around. In classical times such a tendency could only be 
satisfied by conceptions about the immaterial world. As to the material 
world, our ancestors were compelled to resort to some hypothesis, and 
they adopted the idea of unity in the formative material, because they 
were not able to evolve the conception of any other possible unity in 
order to connect the multifarious relations of matter. Responding to the 
same legitimate scientific tendency, natural science has discovered 
throughout the universe a unity of plan, a unity of forces, and the con- 
vincing conclusions of modern science compel everyone to admit these 
kinds of unity. But while we admit unity in many things, we none the 
less must also explain the individuality and the apparent diversity which 
we cannot fail to trace everywhere. It has been said of old, “Give us a 
fulcrum, and it will become easy to displace the earth.”’ So also we 
must say, “Give us something that is individualised, and the apparent 
diversity will be easily understood.”’ Otherwise, how could unity result 
in a multitude? 

After a long and painstaking research, natural science has discov- 
ered the individualities of the chemical elements, and therefore it is now 
capable not only of analysing, but also of synthesising: it can under- 
stand and grasp generality and unity, as well as the individualised and 
the multifarious. The general and universal, like time and space, like 
force and motion, vary uniformly; the uniform admit of interpolations, 
revealing every intermediate phase. But the multitudinous, the indi- 
vidualized—such as ourselves, or the chemical elements, or the members 
of a peculiar periodic function of the elements, or Dalton’s multiple 
proportions—is characterized in another way: we see in it, side; by side 
with a connecting general principle, leaps, breaks of continuity, points 
which escape from the analysis of the infinitely small—an absence of 
complete intermediate links. Chemistry has found an answer to the 
question as to the causes of multitudes; and while retaining the con- 
ception of many elements, all submitted to the discipline of a general 
law, it offers an escape from the Indian Nirvana—the absorption in the 
universal, replacing it by the individualised. However, the place for 
individuality is so limited by the all-grasping, all-powerful universal, 
that it is merely a point of support for the understanding of multitude in 
unity. 

Having touched upon the metaphysical bases of the conception of a 
unique matter which is supposed to enter into the composition of all 
bodies, I think it necessary to dwell upon another theory, akin to the 


CHEMISTRY : 287 


above conception-theory of the compound character of the elements 
now admitted by some—and especially upon one particular circumstance 
which, being related to the periodic law, is considered to be an argu- 
ment in favour of that hypothesis. 

Dr. Pelopidas, in 1883, made a communication to the Russian 
Chemical and Physical Society on the periodicity of the hydrocarbon 
radicles, pointing out the remarkable parallelism which was to be noticed 
in the change of properties of hydrocarbon radicles and elements when 
classed in groups. Professor Carnelley, in 1886, developed a similar 
parallelism. The idea of M. Pelopidas will be easily understood if we ) 
consider the series of hydrocarbon radicles which contain, say, 6 atoms 
of carbon :— 

Li II. TIT. TV. Vv. VI. Vil. VIII. 
C.His CoHi, CoHi CoH. C,H, C,H, - C,H, C,H, 

The first of these radicles, like the elements of the first group, com- 
bines with Cl, OH, and so on, and gives the derivatives of hexyl alco- 
hol, C,H,, (OH) ; but, in proportion as the number of hydrogen atoms 
decreases, the capacity of the radicles, of combining with, say, the halo- 
gens, increases. C,H,, already combines with 2 atoms of chlorine; 
C,H,, with 3 atoms, and so on. The last members of the series com- 
prise the radicles of acids: thus C,H,, which belongs to the sixth group, 
gives, like sulphur, a bibasic acid, C,H,O, (OH)., which is homolo- 
gous with oxalic acid. The parallelism can be traced still further, because 
C,H, appears as a monovalent radicle of benzine, and with it begins a 
new series of aromatic derivatives, so analogous to the derivatives of 
‘the fat series. Let me also mention another example from among 
those which have been given by M. Pelopidas. Starting from the alka- 
line radicle of monomethylammonium, N(CH,)H,, or NCH,, which 
presents many analogies with the alkaline metals of the first group, he 
arrives, by successively diminishing the number of atoms of hydrogen, 
at a 7th group which contains cyanogen, Cn, which has long since been 
compared to the halogens of the seventh group. 

The most important consequence which, in my opinion, can be 
drawn from the above comparison is that the periodic law, so apparent 
in the elements, has a wider application than might appear at first sight ; 
it opens up a new vista of chemical evolutions. But, while admitting 
the fullest parallelism between the periodicity of the elements and that of 
the compound radicles, we must not forget that in the periods of the 
hydrocarbon radicles we have a decrease of mass as we pass from the 


268 CHEMISTRY 


representatives of the first group to the next, while in the periods of the 
elements the mass increases during the progression. It thus becomes 
evident that we cannot speak of an identity of periodicity in both cases, 
unless we put aside the ideas of mass and attraction, which are the real 
corner-stones of the whole of natural science, and even enter into those 
very conceptions of simple substances which came to light a full hun- 
dred years later than the immortal principles of Newton. 

From the foregoing, as well as from the failures of so many at- 
tempts at finding in experiment and speculation a proof of the com- 
pound character of the elements and of the existence of primordial 
matter, it is evident, in my opinion, that this theory must be classed 
among mere utopias. But utopias can only be combated by freedom of 
opinion, by experiment, and by new utopias. In the republic of scien- 
tific theories freedom of opinions is guaranteed. It is precisely that 
freedom which permits me to criticise openly the widely-diffused idea 
as to the unity of matter in the elements. Experiments and attempts at 
confirming that idea have been so numerous that it really would be in- 
structive to have them all collected together, if only to serve as a warn- 
ing against the repetition of old failures. And now as to new utopias 
which may be helpful in the struggle against the old ones, I do not think 
it quite useless to mention a phantasy of one of my students who im- 
agined that the weight of bodies does not depend upon their mass, but 
upon the character of the motion of their atoms. The atoms, according 
to this new utopian, may all be homogeneous or heterogeneous, we 
know not which; we know them in motion only, and that motion they 
maintain with the persistence as the stellar bodies maintain theirs. The 
weights of atoms differ only in consequence of their various modes and 
quantity of motion; the heaviest atoms may be much simpler than an 
atom of hydrogen—the manner in which it moves causes it to be heavier. 
My interlocutor even suggested that the view which attributes the 
greater complexity to the lighter elements finds confirmation in the fact 
that the hydrocarbon radicles mentioned by Pelopidas, while becoming 
lighter as they lose hydrogen, change their properties periodically in the 
same manner as the elements change theirs, according as the atoms grow 
heavier. 

The French proverb, La critique est facile, mais l'art est dtficile, 
however, may well be reversed in the case of all such ideal views, as it is 
much easier to formulate than to criticise them. Arising from the 
virgin soil of newly-established facts, the knowledge relating to the 


CHEMISTRY 269 


elements, to their masses, and to the periodic changes of their properties 
has given a motive for the formation of utopian hypotheses, probably 
because they could not be foreseen by the aid of any of the various 
metaphysical systems, and exist, like the idea of gravitation, as an 
independent outcome of natural science, requiring the acknowledgment 
of general laws, when these have been established with the same degree 
of persistency as is indispensable for the acceptance of a thoroughly 
established fact. Two centuries have elapsed since the theory of gravi- 
tation was enunciated, and although we do not understand its cause, we - 
still must regard gravitation as a fundamental conception of natural 
philosophy, a conception which has enabled us to perceive much more 
than the metaphysicians did or could with their seeming omniscience. 
A hundred years later the conception of the elements arose; it made 
chemistry what it now is; and yet we have advanced as little in our 
comprehension of simple substances since the times of Lavoisier and 
Dalton as we have in our understanding of gravitation. The periodic 
law of the elements is only twenty years old; it is not surprising, there- 
fore, that, knowing nothing about the causes of gravitation and mass, 
or about the nature of the elements, we do not comprehend the rationale 
of the periodic law. It is only by collecting established laws—that is, by 
working at the acquirement of truth—that we can hope gradually to lift 
the veil which conceals from us the causes of the mysteries of Nature 
and to discover their mutual dependency. Like the telescope and the 
microscope, laws founded on the basis of experiments are the instru- 
_ments and means of enlarging our mental horizon. 

In the remaining part of my communication I shall endeavour to 
show, and as briefly as possible, in how far the periodic law contributes 
to enlarge our range of vision. Before the promulgation of this law 
the chemical elements were mere fragmentary, incidental facts in Na- 
ture; there was no special reason to expect the discovery of new ele- 
ments, and the new ones which were discovered from time to time 
appeared to be possessed of quite novel properties. The law of period- 
icity first enabled us to perceive undiscovered elements at a distance 
which formerly was inaccessible to chemical vision; and long ere they 
were discovered new elements appeared before our eyes possessed of a 
number of well-defined properties. We now know three cases of ele- 
ments whose existence and properties were foreseen by the instrumen- 
tality of the periodic law. I need but mention the brilliant discovery of 
gallium, which proved to correspond to eka-aluminum of the periodic 


270 CHEMISTRY 


law, by Lecog de Boisbaudran, of scandium, corresponding to ekaboron, 
by Nilson; and of germanium, which proved to correspond in all re- 
spects to ekasilicon, by Winkler. When, in 1871, I described to the 
Russian Chemical Society the properties, clearly defined by the periodic 
law, which such elements ought to possess, I never hoped that I should 
be able to mention their discovery to the Chemical Society of Great 
Britain as a confirmation of the exactitude and the generality of the 
periodic law. Now that I have had the happiness of doing so, I un- 
hesitatingly say that, although greatly enlarging our vision, even now 
the periodic law needs further improvements in order that it may become 
a trustworthy instrument in further discoveries. 


SIR NORMAN LOCKYER 


Sir JosEpH NoRMAN LocKYER was born at Rugby, England, May 
17, 1836. He entered the War Office in 1857. His great scientific edu- 
cation is largely self-acquired. He is one of the originators of the mete- 
oric hypothesis that the earth and other spheres are the result of the 
aggregation of meteorites. In chemistry he is working out the train of 
thought suggested by the periodic law that the atoms which we know 
are themselves compounds. 


THE CHEMISTRY OF THE STARS 


When, on returning from India, I found that you had during my 
absence done me the honor of unanimously electing me your president, 
I began to cast about for a subject on which to address you. Curiously 
enough, shortly afterwards an official inquiry compelled me to make 
myself acquainted with the early doings of the Royal Commission of 
the Exhibition of 1851, on which I have lately been elected to serve, 
and in my reading I found a full account of the establishment of your 
institute ; of the laying of the foundation stone by the late Prince Con- 
sort in 1855, and of his memorable speech on that occasion. Here, I 
thought, was my subject; and when I heard that the admirable work 


CHEMISTRY 271 


done by this and other local institutions had determined the inhabitants 
of this important city and neighborhood to crown the edifice by the 
foundation of a university, I thought the matter settled. 

This idea, however, was nipped in the bud by a letter which in- 
formed me that the hope had been expressed that I should refer to some 
branch of astronomical work. I yielded at once, and because I felt that 
I might thus be able to show cause why the making of knowledge should 
occupy a large place in your new university, and thus distinguish it from 
other universities more or less decadent. 

The importance of practical work, the educational value of the 
seeking after truth by experiment and observation on the part of even 
young students, are now generally recognized. That battle has been 
fought and won. But there is a tendency in the official direction of seats 
of learning to consider what is known to be useful, because it is used, 
in the first place. The fact that the unknown, that is, the unstudied, is 
the mine from which all scientific knowledge with its million applica- 
tions has been won is too often forgotten. 

Bacon, who was the first to point out the importance of experiment 
in the physical sciences, and who predicted the applications to which I 
have referred, warns us that “Jucifera experimenta non fructifera quae- 
renda;’ and surely we should highly prize those results which enlarge 
the domain of human thought and help us to understand the mechanism 
of the wonderful universe in which our lot is cast, as well as those which 
add to the comfort and the convenience of our lives. 

‘ It would be also easy to show by many instances how researches, 
considered ideally useless at the time they were made, have been the 
origin of the most tremendous applications. One instance suffices. 
Faraday’s trifling with wires and magnets has already landed us in one 
of the greatest revolutions which civilization has witnessed; and where 
the triumphs of electrical science will stop no man can say. 

This is a case in which the useless has been rapidly sublimed into 
utility so far as our material wants are concerned. 

I propose to bring to your notice another “useless” observation sug- 
gesting a line of inquiry which I believe sooner or later is destined pro- 
foundly to influence human thought along many lines. 

Fraunhofer at the beginning of this century examined sunlight and 
starlight through a prism. He found that the light received from the 
sun differed from that of the stars. So uselss did his work appear that 
we had to wait for half a century till any considerable advance was 


272 CHEMISTRY 


made. It was found at last that the strange “lines” seen and named by 
Fraunhofer were precious indications of the chemical substances present 
in worlds immeasurably remote. We had, after half a century’s neglect, 
the foundation of solar and stellar chemistry, an advance in knowledge 
equaling any other in its importance. 

In dealing with my subject I shall first refer to the work which has 
been done in more recent years with regard to this chemical conditioning 
of the atmospheres of stars, and afterwards very briefly show how ' this 
work carries us into still other new and wider fields of thought. 

The first important matter which lies on the surface of such a gen- 
eral inquiry as this is that if we deal with the chemical elements as 
judged by the lines in their spectra we know for certain of the existence 
of oxygen, of nitrogen, of argon, representing one class of gases, in no 
celestial body whatever; whereas, representing other gases, we have a 
tremendous demonstration of the existence of all the known lines of 
hydrogen and helium. 

We see, then, that the celestial sorting out of gases is quite differ- 
ent from the terrestrial one. 

Taking the substances classed by the chemist as non-metals, we find 
carbon and silicium—lI prefer, on account of its stellar behavior, to call 
it silicium, though it is old fashioned—present in celestial phenomena. 
We have evidence of this in the fact that we have a considerable develop- 
ment of carbon in some stars and an indication of silicium in others. 
But these are the only non-metals observed. Now, with regard to the 
metallic substances which we find, we deal chiefly with calcium, stron- 
tium, iron, and magnesium. Others are not absolutely absent, but their 
percentage quantity is so small that they are negligible in a general 
statement. 

Now do_ these chemical elements exist indiscriminately in all the 
celestial bodies, so that practically, from a chemical point of view, the 
bodies appear to us of similar chemical constitution? No; it is not so. 

From the spectra of those stars which resemble the sun, in that they 
consist of an interior nucleus surrounded by an atmosphere which 
absorbs the light of the nucleus, and which, therefore, we study by 
means of this absorption, it is to be gathered that the atmospheres of 
some stars are chiefly gaseous—i. e., consisting of elements we recog- 
nize as gases here—of others chiefly metallic, of others again mainly 
composed of carbon or compounds of carbon. 

Here, then, we have spectroscopically revealed the fact that there is 


CHEMISTRY 273 


considerable variation in the chemical constituents which build up the 
stellar atmospheres. 

This, though a general, is still an isolated statement. Can we con- 
nect it with another? One of the laws formulated by Kirchhoff in the 
infancy of spectroscopic inquiry has to do with the kind of radiation 
given out by bodies at different temperatures. A poker placed in a fire 
first becomes red, and, as it gets hotter, white hot. Examined in a 
spectroscope, we find that the red condition comes from the absence of 
blue light; that the white condition comes from the gradual addition of 
blue as the temperature increases. 

The law affirms that the hotter a mass of matter is the farther its 
spectrum extends into the ultraviolet. 

Hence the hotter a star is the farther does its complete or continu- 
ous spectrum lengthen out toward the ultraviolet and the less it is 
absorbed by cooler vapors in its atmosphere. 

Now, to deal with three of the main groups of stars, we find the fol- 
lowing very general result: 


GAseOUsiStArB i cenicde cee sclccwcblicaee seaieeice clos Longest spectrum. 
Metallic stars... 2.05... EA ceiclulesic ee aviaitevians Medium spectrum, 
CArDOl STATS. clsalaciey eins olealslcisiers aleels'eiaices'ea s/s Shortest spectrum 


We have now associated two different series of phenomena, and we 
are enabled to make the following statement : 


GASCONS BEATS My ildiein's a4'a'p scsi cia biud ecnie icc gsc Highest temperature. 
WECERLIVG SEATS Ce cca aislac ame Cuan ele ete dian Medium temperature, 
Garhonistara cco tbc iclgisg eais'sae cies caltin ee Lowest temperature. 


Hence the differences in apparent chemical constitutions are associ- 
ated with differences of temperature. 

Can we associate with the two to which I have already called atten- 
tion still a third class of facts? Laboratory work enables us to do this. 
When I began my inquiries the idea was, one gas or vapor, one spec- 
trum. We now know that this is not true; the systems of bright lines 
given out by radiating substances change with the temperature. 

We can get the spectrum of a well known compound substance— 
say carbonic oxide; it is one special to the compound; we increase the 
temperature so as to break up the compound, and we then get the spectra 
of its constituents, carbon and oxygen. 

But the important thing in the present connection is that the 
spectra of the chemical elements behave exactly in the same way as the 
spectra of known compounds do when we employ temperatures far 


higher than those which break up the compounds; and indeed in some 
X38, 


274 CHEMISTRY 


cases the changes are more marked. For brevity I will take for pur- 
poses of illustration three substances, and deal with one increase of 
temperature only, a considerable one and obtainable by rendering a 
substance incandescent, first by a direct current of electricity, as happens 
in the so-called “arc lamps” employed in electric lighting, and next by 
the employment of a powerful induction coil and battery of Leyden jars. 
In laboratory parlance we pass thus from the arc to the jar-spark. In 
the case of magnesium, iron, and calcium, the changes observed on 
passing from the temperature of the arc to that of the spark have been 
minutely observed. In each, new lines are added or old ones are intensi- 
fied at the higher temperature. Such lines have been termed ‘“‘enhanced 

lines.” : | 

These enhanced lines are not seen alone; outside the region of high 
temperature in which they are produced, the cooling vapors give us the 
cool lines. Still we can conceive the enhanced lines to be seen alone at 
the highest temperature in a space sufficiently shielded from the action 
of all lower temperatures, but such a shielding is beyond our laboratory 
expedients. 

In watching the appearance of these special enhanced lines in stel- 
lar spectra we have a third series of phenomena available, and we find 
that the results are absolutely in harmony with what has gone before. 
Thus: 


Gaseous stars.. Highest temperature.. Strong helium and faint enhanced lines, 
Feeble helium and strong enhanced lines. 
No helium and strong arc lines. 

Carbon stars... Lowest temperature.. Faint arc lines, 


Metallic stars.. Medium temperature.. { 


It is clear now, not only that the spectral changes in stars are associ- 
ated with, or produced by, changes of temperature, but that the study 
of the enhanced spark and the arc lines lands us in the possibility of a 
rigorous stellar thermometry, such lines being more easy to observe than 
the relative lengths of spectrum. 

Accepting this, we can take a long stride forward and, by carefully 
studying the chemical revelations of the spectrum, classify the stars 
along a line of temperature. But which line? Were all the stars in popu- 
lar phraseology created hot? If so, we should simply deal with the run- 
ning down of temperature, and because all the hottest stars are 
chemically alike, all cooler stars would be alike. But there are two very 
distinct groups of coolest stars; and since there are two different kinds 
of coolest stars, and only one kind of hottest stars, it cannot be merely 
a question either of a running up or a running down of temperature. 


CHEMISTRY 275 


Many years of very detailed inquiry have convinced me that all 
stars save the hottest must be sorted out into two series—those getting 
hotter and those, like our sun, getting cooler, and that the hottest stage 
in the history of a star is reached near the middle of its life. 

The method of inquiry adopted has been to compare large-scale 
photographs of the spectra of the different stars taken by my assistants 
at South Kensington; the complete harmony of the results obtained 
along various lines of other work carries conviction with it. 

We find ourselves here in the presence of minute details exhibiting 
the workings of a chemical law, associated distinctly with temperature ; 
and more than this, we are also in the presence of high temperature fur- 
naces, entirely shielded by their vastness from the presence of those 
distracting phenomena which we are never free from in the most perfect 
conditions of experiment we can get here. 

What, then, is the chemical law? It is this: In the very hottest 
stars we deal with the gases hydrogen, helium, and doubtless others 
still unknown, almost exclusively. At the next lowest temperatures 
we find these gases being replaced by metals in the state in which they 
are observed in our laboratories when the most powerful jar-spark is 
employed. At a lower temperature still the gases almost disappear 
entitely, and the metals exist in the state produced by the electric arc. 
Certain typical stars showing these chemical changes may be arranged 
as follows: 


Stars getting hotter, Hottest stars, Stars cooling, 
__—_——_—. Beellatrix  ——————__——______-—. 
¢ Tauri B Persei 
Rigel y Lyra 
@ Cygni Castor 
y Cygni Procyon 
a Orionis Arcturus and Sun, 

This, then, is the result of our first inquiry into the existence of the 
various chemical elements in the atmospheres of stars generally. We 
get a great diversity, and we know that this diversity accompanies 
changes of temperature. We have also found that the sun, which we 
independently know to be a cooling star, and Arcturus are identical 
chemically. 

We have now dealt with the presence of the various chemical ele- 
ments generally in the atmospheres of stars. The next point we have to 
consider is, whether the absorption which the spectrum indicates for us 
takes place from top to bottom of the atmosphere or only in certain 
levels. 


276 CHEMISTRY 


In many of these stars the atmosphere may be millions of miles 
high. In each the chemical substances in the hottest and coldest por- 
tions may be vastly different. The region, therefore, in which this 
absorption takes place, which spectroscopically enables us to discrim- 
inate star from star, must be accurately known before we can obtain the 
greatest amount of information from our inquiries. 

Our next duty then, clearly, is to study the sun—a star so near us 
that we can examine the different parts of its atmosphere, which we 
cannot do in the case of the more distant stars. By doing this we may 
secure facts which will enable us to ascertain in what parts of the atmos- 
phere the absorption takes place which produces the various phenomena ~ 
on which the chemical classification has been based. 

It is obvious that the general spectrum of the sun, like that of stars 
generally, is built up of all the absorptions which can make themselves 
felt in every layer of its atmosphere from bottom to top; that is, from 
the photosphere to the outermost part of the corona. Let me remind you 
that this spectrum is changeless from year to year. 

Now, sun-spots are disturbances produced in the photosphere; and 
the chromosphere, with its disturbances, called prominences, lies directly 
above it. Here, then, we are dealing with the lowest part of the sun’s 
atmosphere. We find first of all that, in opposition to the changeless 
general spectrum, great changes occur with the sun-spot period, both in 
the spots and chromosphere. 

The spot spectrum is indicated, as was found in 1866, by the widen- 
ing of certain lines ; the chromospheric spectrum, as was found in 1868, 
by the appearance at the sun’s limb of certain bright lines. In both cases 
the lines affected, seen at any one time, are relatively few in number. 

In the spot spectrum, at a sun-spot minimum, we find iron lines 
chiefly affected; at a maximum they are chiefly of unknown or unfa- 
miliar origin. At the present moment the affected lines are those 
recorded in the spectra of vanadium and scandium, with others never 
seen in a laboratory. That we are here far away from terrestrial chemi- 
cal conditions is evidenced by the fact that there is not a gram of scan- 
dium available for laboratory use in the world at the present time. 

Then we have the spectrum of the prominences and the chromo- 
sphere. That spectrum we are enabled to observe every day when the 
sun shines as conveniently as we can observe that of sun spots. The 
chromosphere is full of marvels. At first, when our knowledge of 
spectra was very much more restricted than now, almost all the lines 


CHEMISTRY 277 


observed were unknown. In 1868 I saw a line in the yellow, which I 
found behaved very much like hydrogen, though I could prove that it 
was not due to hydrogen; for laboratory use the substance which gave 
rise to it I called helium. Next year I saw a line in the green at 1474 of 
Kirchhoff’s scale. That was an unknown line, but in some subsequent 
researches I traced it to iron. From that day to this we have observed 
a large number of lines. They have gradually been dragged out from 
the region of the unknown, and many are now recognized as enhanced 
lines, to which I have already called attention as appearing in the 
spectra of metals at a very high temperature. 

But useful as the method of observing the chromosphere without an 
eclipse, which enables us 

3 to feel from world to world,” 
as Tennyson has put it, has proved, we want an eclipse to see it face to 
face. 

A tremendous flood of light has been thrown upon it by the use of 
large instruments constructed on a plan devised by Respighi and myself 
in 1871. These give us an image of the chromosphere painted in each 
one of its radiations, so that the exact locus of each chemical layer is 
revealed. One of the instruments employed during the Indian eclipse 
of this year is that used in photographing the spectra of stars, so that it 
is now easy to place photographs of the spectra of the chromosphere 
obtained during a total eclipse and of the various stars side by side. 

T have already pointed out that the chemical classification indicated 
that the stars next above the sun in temperature are represented by y 
Cygni and Procyon, one on the ascending, the other on the descending 
branch of the temperature curve. 

Studying the spectra photographed during the eclipse of this year 
we see that practically the lower part of the sun’s atmosphere, if present 
by itself, would give us the lines which specialize the spectra of y Cygni 
or Procyon. 

I recognize in this result a veritable Rosetta stone, which will enable 
us to read the celestial hieroglyphics presented to us in stellar spectra, 
and help us to study the spectra and to get at results much more dis- 
tinctly and certainly than ever before. 

One of the most important conclusions we draw from the Indian 
eclipse is that, for some reason or other, the lowest, hottest part of the 
sun’s atmosphere does not write its record among the lines which build 
up the general spectrum so effectively as does a higher one. 


278 CHEMISTRY 


There was another point especially important on which we hoped 
for information, and that was this: Up to the employment of the pris- 
matic camera insufficient attention had been directed to the fact that in 
observations made by an ordinary spectroscope no true measure of the 
height to which the vapors or gases extended above the sun could be 
obtained; early observations, in fact, showed the existence of glare 
between the observer and the dark moon; Lence it must exist between 
us and the sun’s surroundings. 

The prismatic camera gets rid of the effects of this glare, and its 
results indicate that the effective absorbing layer—that, namely, which 
gives rise to the Fraunhofer lines—is much more restricted in thickness 
than was to be gathered from the early observations. 

We are justified in extending these general conclusions to all the 
stars that shine in the heavens. 

So much, then, in brief, for solar teachings in relation to the record 
of the absorption of the lower parts of stellar atmospheres. 

Let us next turn to the higher portions of the solar surroundings, 
to see if we can get any effective help from them. 

In this matter we are dependent absolutely upon eclipses, and I 
shall fulfill my task very badly if I do not show you that the phenomena 
then observable when the so-called corona is visible, full of awe and 
grandeur to all, are also full of precious teaching to the student of sci- 
ence. This also varies like the spots and prominences with the sun- 
spot period. 

It happened that I was the only person that saw both the eclipse of 
1871 at the maximum of the sun-spot period and that of 1878 at mini- 
mum; the corona of 1871 was as distinct from the corona of 1878 as 
anything could be. In 1871 we got nothing but bright lines, indicating 
the presence of gases; namely, hydrogen and another, since provision- 
ally called coronium. In 1878 we got no bright lines at all, so I stated 
that probably the changes in the chemistry and appearance of the corona 
would be found to be dependent upon the sun-spot period, and recent 
work has borne out that suggestion. 

I have now specially to refer to the corona as observed and photo- 
graphed this year in India by means of the prismatic camera, remark- 
ing that an important point in the use of the prismatic camera is that 
it enables us to separate the spectrum of the corona from that of the 
prominences. 


One of the chief results obtained is the determination of the position 


CHEMISTRY 279 


of several lines of probably more than one new gas, which, so far, have 
not been recognized as existing on the earth. 

Like the lowest hottest layer, for some reason or other, this upper 
layer does not write its record among the lines which build up the 
general spectrum. 


GENERAL RESULTS REGARDING THE LOCUS OF ABSORPTION IN STELLAR 
ATMOSPHERES 


We learn from the sun, then, that the absorption which defines the 
spectrum of a star is the absorption of a middle region, one shielded 
both from the highest temperature of the lowest reaches of the atmos- 
phere, where most tremendous changes are continually going on and the 
external region where the temperature must be low, and where the 
metallic vapors must condense. 

If this is true for the sun it must be equally true for Arcturus, 
which exactly resembles it. I go further than this, and say that in the 
presence of such definite results as those I have brought before you it 
is not philosophical to assume that the absorption may take place at the 
bottom of the atmosphere of one star or at the top of the atmosphere of 
another. The onus proband: rests upon those who hold such views. 

So far I have only dealt in detail with the hotter stars, but I have 
pointed out that we have two distinct kinds of coolest ones, the evidence 

of their much lower temperature being the shortness of their spectra. 
In one of these groups we deal with absorption alone, as in those already 
considered; we find an important break in the phenomena observed; 
helium, hydrogen, and metals have practically disappeared, and we deal 
with carbon absorption alone. 

But the other group of coolest stars presents us with quite new phe- 
nomena. We no longer deal with absorption alone, but accompanying it 
we have radiation, so that the spectra contain both dark lines and bright 
ones. Now, since such spectra are visible in the case of new stars, the 
ephemera of the skies, which may be said to exist only for an instant 
relatively, and when the disturbance which gives rise to their sudden 
appearance has ceased, we find their places occupied by nebule, we 
cannot be dealing here with stars like the sun, which has already taken 
some millions of years to slowly cool, and requires more millions to 
complete the process into invisibility. 

The bright lines seen in the large number of permanent stars which 
resemble these fleeting ones—new stars, as they are called—are those 
discerned in the once mysterious nebule which, so far from being stars, 


280 CHEMISTRY 


Were supposed not many years ago to represent a special order of cre- 
ated things. | 

Now the nebule differ from stars generally in the fact that in their 
spectra we have practically to deal with radiation alone; we study them 
by their bright lines; the conditions which produce the absorption by 
which we study the chemistry of the hottest stars are absent. 


A NEW VIEW OF STARS 


Here, then, we are driven to the perfectly new idea that some of the 
cooler bodies in the heavens, the temperature of which is increasing and 
which appear to us as stars, are really disturbed nebule. 

What, then, is the chemistry of the nebulze? It is mainly gaseous; 
the lines of helium and hydrogen anc the flutings of carbon, already | 
studied by their absorption in the groups of stars to which I have already 
referred, are present as bright ones. 

The presence of the lines of the metals iron, calcium, and probably 
magnesium, shows us that we are not dealing with gases merely. 

Of the enhanced metallic lines there are none; only the low temper- 
ature lines are present, so far as we yet know. The temperature, then,. 
is low, and lowest of all in those nebulz where carbon flutings are seen 
almost alone. 


A NEW VIEW OF NEBULAE 


Passing over the old views, among them one that the nebulz were 
holes in something dark which enabled us to see something bright 
beyond, and another that they were composed of a fiery fluid, I may 
say that not long ago they were supposed to be masses of gases only, 
existing at a very high temperature. 

Now, since gases may glow at a low temperature as well as at a. 
high one, the temperature evidence must depend upon the presence of 
cool metallic lines and the absence of the enhanced ones. 

The nebule, then, are relatively cool collections of some of the per-. 
manent gases and of some cool metallic vapors, and both gases and 
metals are precisely those I have referred to as writing their records 
most visibly in stellar atmospheres. 

Now, can we get more information concerning this association of 
certain gases and metals? In laboratory work it is abundantly recog- 
nized that all meteorites (and many minerals) when slightly heated 
give out permanent gases, and under certain conditions the spectrum 


CHEMISTRY 281 


of the nebulae may in this way be closely approximated to. I have not 
time to labor this point, but I may say that a discussion of all the avail- 
able observations to my mind demonstrates the truth of the suggestion, 
made many years ago by Professor Tait before any spectroscopic facts 
were available, that the nebule are masses of meteorites rendered hot by 
collisions. 

Surely human knowledge is all the richer for this indication of the 
connection between the nebulz, hitherto the most mysterious bodies in 
the skies, and the “stones that fall from heaven.” 


CELESTIAL EVOLUTION 


But this is, after all, only a stepping stone, important though it be. 
It leads us to a vast generalization. If the nebulz are thus composed, 
they are bound to condense to centers, however vast their initial pro- 
portions, however irregular the first distribution of the cosmic clouds 
which compose them. Each pair of meteorites in collision puts us in 
mental possession of what the final stage must be. We begin with a 
feeble absorption of metallic vapors round each meteorite in collision; 
the space between the meteorites is filled with the permanent gases 
driven out farther afield and having no power to condense. Hence dark 
metallic and bright gas lines. As time goes on the former must pre- 
dominate, for the whole swarm of meteorites will then form a gaseous 
sphere with a strongly heated center, the light of which will be absorbed 
by the exterior vapor. 

The temperature order of the group of stars with bright lines as 
well as dark ones in their spectra has been traced, and typical stars 
indicating the chemical changes have been as carefully studied as those 
in which absorption phenomena are visible alone, so that now there are 
no breaks in the line connecting the nebulz with the stars on the verge 
of extinction. 

Here we are brought to another tremendous outcome—that of the 
evolution of all cosmical bodies from meteorites, the various stages 
recorded by the spectra being brought about by the various conditions 
which follow from the conditions. 

These are, shortly, that at first collisions produce luminosity among 
the colliding particles of the swarm, and the permanent gases are given 
off and fill the interspaces. As condensation goes on, the temperature 
at the center of condensation always increasing, all the meteorites in 
time are driven into a state of gas. The meteoritic bombardment prac- 


282 CHEMISTRY 


tically now ceases for lack of material, and the future history of the 
mass of gas is that of a cooling body, the violent motions in the atmos- 
phere while condensation was going on now being replaced by a relative 
calm. 

The absorption phenomena in stellar spectra are not identical at the 
same mean temperature on the ascending and descending sides of the 
curve, on account of the tremendous difference in the physical con- 
ditions. 

In a condensing swarm, the center of which is undergoing mete- 
oritic bombardment from all sides, there cannot be the equivalent of the 
solar chromosphere ; the whole mass is made up of heterogeneous vapor 
at different temperatures and moving with different velocities in dif- 
ferent regions. 

In a condensed swarm, of which we can take the sun as a type, all 
action produced from without has practically ceased ; we get relatively a 
quiet atmosphere and an orderly assortment of the vapors from top to 
bottom, disturbed only by the fall of condensed metallic vapors. But 
still, on the view that the differences in the spectra of the heavenly 
bodies chiefly represent differences in degree of condensation and tem- 
perature, there can be au fond, no great chemical difference between 
bodies of increasing and bodies of decreasing temperature. Hence we 
find at equal mean temperatures on opposite sides of the temperature 
curve this chemical similarity of the absorbing vapors proved by many 
points of resemblance in the spectra, especially the identical behavior of 
the enhanced metallic and cleveite lines. 


CELESTIAL DISSOCIATION 


The time you were good enough to put at my disposal is now 
exhausted, but I cannot conclude without stating that I have not yet 
exhausted all the conceptions of a high order to which Fraunhofer’s 
apparently useless observation has led us. 

The work which to my mind has demonstrated the evolution of the 
cosmos as we know it from swarms of meteorites, has also suggested a 
chemical evolution equally majestic in its simplicity. 

A quarter of a century ago I pointed out that all the facts then 
available suggested the hypothesis that in the atmospheres of the sun 
and stars various degrees of “celestial dissociation’ were at work, a 
“dissociation”’ which prevented the coming together of the finest par- 
ticles of matter which at the temperature of the earth and at all arti- 


CHEMISTRY 283 


ficial temperature yet attained here compose the metals, the metalloids 
and compounds. 

On this hypothesis the so-called atoms of the chemist represent not 
the origins of things, but only early stages of the evolutionary process. 

At the present time we have tens of thousands of facts which were 
not available twenty-five years ago. All these go to the support of the 
hypothesis, and among them I must indicate the results obtained at the 
last eclipse, dealing with the atmosphere of the sun in relation to that 
of the various stars of higher temperature to which I called your atten- 
tion. In this way we can easily explain the enhanced lines of iron exist- 
ing practically alone in Alpha Cygni. I have yet to learn any other 
explanation. 

I have nothing to take back, either from what I then said or what I 
have said since on this subject, and although the view is not yet accepted, 
I am glad to know that many other lines of work which are now being 
prosecuted tend to favor it. 

I have no hesitation in expressing my conviction that in a not dis- 
tant future the inorganic evolution to which we have been finally led by 
following up Fraunhofer’s useless experiment will take its natural place 
side by side with that organic evolution, the demonstration of which 
has been one of the glories of the nineteenth century. 

And finally now comes the moral of my address. If I have helped 
to show that observations having no immediate practical bearing may 
yet help on the thought of mankind, and that this is a thing worth the 
doing, let me express a hope that such work shall find no small place in 
the future University of Birmingham. 


284 


BIOLOGY 


In 1876 WEISMANN brought forward his theory of heredity. This 
was a Step in the doctrine of evolution. It denied the transmission of 
acquired characters, and did much to explain the process of heredity 
by the division of the parent cell. Whether or not we accept his thesis 
that acquired characters are never inherited, great credit is due him for 
his explanation of heredity. The principles of his theory are given 
below. 

The most important step in biology in the last of the century is the 
development of the science of bacteriology. In 1849-50 Pollender and 
Devaine discovered minute bodies in animals that had died of anthrax. 
They called them bacteria, but did not yet consider them the cause of 
the disease. At this time the doctrine of spontaneous generation held 
full sway. Nobody dreamed of asking why wounds gangrened, grapes 
moulded, wine soured, or like seemingly foolish questions. But about 
1857 Pasteur took up the study of fermentation and showed conclu- 
sively that its cause is the presence and growth of a micro-organism. 
Devaine in 1863 re-investigated anthrax from this point of view and 
showed that such microbes were regularly present in the blood of 
animals that had died of the disease. In 1865 Pasteur showed that the 
way to prevent the silkworm disease, then ruining the industry in 
France, was to destroy everything infected with the microbe which 
caused the disease. In 1870 Koch of Wollstein took up the subject 
and invented his method of pure cultivation of the bacteria by culti- 
vating them in a thin layer of jelly between glass plates, picking out 
species, and thus recultivating and selecting until the product was abso- 
lutely of one kind. 


BIOLOGY 285 


Pasteur and Cohn, by a series of the most careful experiments, con- 
ducted independently, gave the final blow to the spontaneous generation 
theory in the early seventies. 

Pasteur began applying his method of inoculation about 1876. The 
first successful experiment was on animals inoculated with anthrax. 
The uninoculated died ; the protected suffered no harm. Inoculation for 
chicken cholera was also successful. The germ has been found of 
tuberculosis (Koch, 1882), typhoid fever (Eberth, 1880), diphtheria 
(Klebs-Loeffier, 1883), cholera (Koch, 1884), lockjaw (Nicholaier, | 
1884), the grip (Canon, 1892), pneumonia (Frankel, 1886), etc. Pas- 
teur’s treatment for hydrophobia, and Behring’s antitoxin give great 
hopes for the ultimate success of inoculation. 


AUGUST WEISMANN 


Dr. Aucust WEISMANN was born Jan. 17, 1834 at Frankfort-on- 
the-Main, where his father was Professor of Philology in the Lyceum. 
He studied medicine at Gottingen from 1852 to 1856. He was physician 
to the Archduke of Austria from 1860 to 1862. For the next ten years 
he could do no microscopic work on account of his eyesight. He studied 
Darwin’s theory of evolution closely and formed a great admiration for 
~ him. In 1876 he published Studies in the Theory of Descent. This 
book commanded a great deal of attention among scientists and in the 
preface to the English translation of the work Darwin wrote: “At the 
present time there is hardly any question in biology of more importance 
than the nature and cause of variability (in individuals). Since the 
death of Darwin, Dr. Weismann has developed his theory of descent on 
purely original lines. It may be said that he conceives the germ-plasm 
as the basis of heredity. Dr. Weismann denies the transmission to a 
descendant of any quality, including contagious disease, acquired after 
birth. He regards sexual reproduction as a stupendous organization, 
by which nature is ever mixing together and forming new combinations 
of the hereditary qualities of a whole species. His principles are now 
accepted by the foremost scientists of Germany, where he has occupied 
the chair of zoology in Freidburg University since 1862, but in England 
the heated controversy which arose on the promulgation of his germ- 
plasm theory is still active. 


286 BIOLOGY 


THE CONTINUITY OF THE GERM-PLASM AS THE FOUN- 
DATION OF A THEORY OF HEREDITY 


INTRODUCTION 


When we see that, in the higher organisms, the smallest structural 
details, and the most minute peculiarities of bodily and mental disposi- 
tion, are transmitted from one generation to another; when we find in 
all species of plants and animals a thousand characteristic peculiarities 
of structure continued unchanged through long series of generations; 
when we even see them in many cases unchanged throughout whole 
geological periods ; we very naturally ask for the causes of such a strik- 
the phenomenon: and inquire how it is that such facts become possible, 
how it is that the individual is able to transmit its structural features to 
its offspring with such precision. And the immediate answer to such a 
question must be given in the following terms:—‘“A single cell out of 
the millions of diversely differentiated cells which compose the body, 
becomes specialized as a sexual cell; it is thrown off from the organism 
and is capable of reproducing all the peculiarities of the parent body, in 
the new individual which springs from it by cell-division and the com- 
plex process of differentiation.”” Then the more precise question fol- 
lows: “How is it that such a single cell can reproduce the tout ensemble 
of the parent with all the faithfulness of a portrait?” 

‘The answer is extremely difficult; and no one of the many attempts 
to solve the problem can be looked upon as satisfactory ; no one of them 
can be regarded as even the beginning of a solution or as a secure foun- 
dation from which a complete solution may be expected in the 
future. Neither Hiickel’s “Perigenesis of the Plastidule,’ nor Dar- 
win’s ‘‘Pangenesis,”’ can be regarded as such a beginning. The former 
hypothesis does not really treat of that part of the problem which is here 
placed in the foreground, viz., the explanation of the fact that the ten- 
dencies of heredity are present in single cells, but it is rather concerned 
with the question as to the manner in which it is possible to conceive the 
transmission of a certain tendency of development into the sexual cell, 
and ultimately into the organism arising from it. The same may be 
said of the hypothesis of His, who, like Hackel regards heredity as the 
transmission of certain kinds of motion. On the other hand, it must be 
conceded that Darwin’s hypothesis goes to the very root of the question, 


BIOLOGY 287 


but he is content to give, as it were, a provisional or purely formal solu- 
tion, which, as he himself says, does not claim to afford insight into the 
real phenomena, but only to give us the opportunity of looking at all the 
facts of heredity from a common standpoint. It has achieved this end, 
and I believe it has unconsciously done more, in that the thoroughly 
logical application of its principles has shown that the real causes of 
heredity cannot lie in the formation of gemmules or in any allied phe- 
nomena. The improbabilities to which any such theory would lead are 
so great that we can affirm with certainty that its details cannot accord . 
with existing facts. Furthermore, Brooks’ well-considered and brilliant 
attempt to modify the theory of Pangenesis cannot escape the reproach 
that it is based upon possibilities, which one might certainly describe as 
improbabilities. But although I am of the opinion that the whole foun- 
dation of the theory of Pangenesis, however it may be modified, must 
be abandoned, I think, nevertheless, its author deserves great credit, and 
that its production has been one of those indirect roads along which 
science has been compelled to travel in order to arrive at the truth. Pan- 
genesis is a modern revival of the oldest theory of heredity, that of 
Democritus, according to which the sperm is secreted from all parts of 
the body of both sexes during copulation, and is animated by a bodily 
force; according to this theory also, the sperm from each part of the 
body reproduces the same part. 

If, according to the received physiological and morphological ideas 
of the day, it is impossible to imagine that gemmules produced by each 
cell of the organism are at all times to be found in all parts of the body, 
and furthermore that these gemmules are collected in the sexual cells, 
which are then able to again reproduce in a certain order each separate 
cell of the organism, so that each sexual cell is capable of developing into 
the likeness of the parent body; if all this is inconceivable, we must 
inquire for some other way in which we can arrive at a foundation for 
the true understanding of heredity. My present task is not to deal with 
the whole question of heredity, but only with the single although fun- 
damental question—“How is it that a single cell of the body can con- 
tain within itself all the hereditary tendencies of the whole organism ?”’ 
I am here leaving out of account the further question as to the forces 
and the mechanism by which these tendencies are developed in the build- 
ing-up of the organism. On this account I abstain from considering at 
present the views of Nigeli, for as will be shown later on, they only 
slightly touch this fundamental question, although they may certainly 


288 7 | BIOLOGY 


claim to be of the highest importance with respect to the further ques- 
tion alluded to above. | 

Now if it is impossible for the germ-cell to be, as it were, an extract 
of the whole body, and for all the cells of the organism to dispatch small 
particles to the germ-cells, from which the latter derive their power of 
heredity ; then there remain, as it seems to me, only two other possible, 
pliysiologically conceivable, theories as to the origin of germ-cells, mani- 
festing such powers as we know they possess. Either the substance of 
the parent germ-cell is capable of undergoing a series of changes which, 
after the building-up of a new individual leads back again to identical 
germ-cells ; or the germ-cells are not derived at all, as far as their essén- 
tial and characteristic substance is concerned, from the body of the indi- 
vidual, but they are derived directly from the parent germ-cell. 

I believe that the latter view is the true one: I have expounded it 
for a number of years, and have attempted to defend it, and to work out 
its further details in various publications. I propose to call it the theory 
of “The Continuity of the Germ-plasm,” for it is founded upon the idea 
that heredity is brought about by the transference from one generation 
to another of a substance with a definite chemical, and above all, molec- 
ular constitution. I have called this substance “germ-plasm,”’ and have 
assumed that it possesses a highly complex structure, conferring upon it 
the power of developing into a complex organism. I have attempted to 
explain heredity by supposing that in each ontogeny a part of the spe- 
cific germ-plasm contained in the parent egg-cell is not used up in the 
construction of the body of the offspring, but is reserved unchanged for 
the formation of the germ-cells of the following generation. 

It is clear that this view of the origin of germ-cells explains the 
phenomena of heredity very simply, inasmuch as heredity becomes thus 
a question of growth and of assimilationn—the most fundamental of all 
vital phenomena. If the germ-cells of successive generations are directly 
continuous, and thus only form, as it were, different parts of the same 
substance, it follows that these cells must, or at any rate may, possess 
the same molecular constitution, and that they would therefore pass 
through exactly the same stages under certain conditions of develop- 
ment, and would form the same final product. The hypothesis of the 
continuity of the germ-plasm gives an identical starting point to each 
successive generation, and thus explains how it is that an identical prod- 


uct arises from all of them. In other words, the hypothesis explains 
heredity as part of the underlying problems of assimilation and of the 


BIOLOGY 289 


causes which act directly during ontogeny; it therefore builds a foun- 
dation from which the explanation of these phenomena can be attempted. 

It is true that this theory also meets with difficulties, for it seems to 
be unable to do justice to a certain class of phenomena, viz., the trans- 
mission of so-called acquired characters. I therefore gave immediate 
and special attention to this point in my first publication on heredity, 
and I believe that I have shown that the hypothesis of the transmission 
of acquired characters—up to that time generally accepted—is, to say 
the least, very far from being proved, and that entire classes of facts 
which have been interpreted under this hypothesis may be quite as well 
interpreted otherwise, while in many cases they must be explained dif- 
ferently. I have shown that there is no ascertained fact which, at least 
up to the present time, remains in irrevocable conflict with the hypothe- 
sis of the continuity of the germ-plasm; and I do not know any reason 
why I should modify this opinion to-day, for I have not heard of any 
objection which appears to be feasible. E. Roth has objected that in 
pathology we everywhere meet with the fact that acquired local disease 
may be transmitted to the offspring as a predisposition; but all such 
cases are exposed to the serious criticism that the very point that first 
needs to be placed on a secure footing is incapable of proof, viz., the 
hypothesis that the causes which in each particular case led to the pre- 
disposition were really acquired. It is not my intention, on the present 
occasion, to enter fully into the question of acquired characters; I hope 
to be able to consider the subject in greater detail at a future date. But 
in the meantime I should wish to point out that we ought, above all, to 
be clear as to what we really mean by the expression “acquired char- 
acter.” An organism cannot acquire anything unless it already pos- 
sesses the predisposition to acquire it: acquired characters are therefore 
no more than local or sometimes general variations which arise under 
the stimulus provided by certain external influences. If by the long- 
continued handling of a rifle, the so-called “Exercierknochen” (a bony 
growth caused by the pressure of the weapon in drilling) is developed, 
such a result depends upon the fact that the bone in question, like every 
other bone, contains within itself a predisposition to react upon certain 
mechanical stimuli, by growth in a certain direction and to a certain 
extent. The predisposition towards an “E-rercierknochen” is therefore 
already present, or else the growth could not be formed; and the same 
reasoning applies to all other “acquired characters.” 


Nothing can arise in an organism unless the predisposition to it is 
pat 


290 BIOLOGY 


pre-existent, for every acquired character is simply the reaction of the 
organism upon a certain stimulus. Hence I should never have thought 
of asserting that predispositions cannot be transmitted, as E. Roth 
appears to believe. For instance, I freely admit that the predisposition 
to an “E-rercierknochen” varies, and that a strongly marked predisposi- 
tion may be transmitted from father to son, in the form of bony tissue 
with a more susceptible constitution. But I should deny that the son 
could develop an “E-vercierknochen” without having drilled, or that, 
after having drilled, he could develop it more easily than his father, on 
account of the drilling through which the latter first acquired it. I 
believe that this is as impossible as that the leaf of an oak should pro- 
duce a gall without having been pierced by a gall-producing insect, as . 
a result of the thousands of antecedent generations of oaks which have 
been pierced by such insects, and have thus “acquired” the power of pro- 
ducing galls. Iam also far from asserting that the germ-plasm—which, 
as I hold, is transmitted as the basis of heredity from one generation to 
another—is absolutely unchangeable or totally uninfluenced by forces 
residing in the organism within which it is transformed into germ-cells. 
I am also compelled to admit that it is conceivable that organisms may 
exert a modifying influence upon their germ-cells, and even that such a 
process is to a certain extent inevitable. The nutrition and growth of 
the individual must exercise some influence upon its germ-cells; but in 
the first place this influence must be extremely slight, and in the second 
place it cannot act in the manner in which it is usually assumed that it 
takes place. A change of growth at the periphery of an organism, as in 
the case of an “Exercierknochen,” can never cause such a change in the 
molecular structure of the germ-plasm as would augment the predispo- 
sition to an “Evercierknochen,’ so that the son would inherit an in- 
creased susceptibility of the bony tissue or even of the particular bone 
in question. But any change produced will result from the reaction of 
the germ-cell upon changes of nutrition caused by alteration in growth 
at the periphery, leading to some change in the size, number, or 
arrangement of its molecular units. In the present state of our knowl- 
edge there is reason for doubting whether such reaction can occur at all; 
but, if it can take place, at all events the quality of the change in the 
germ-plasm can have nothing to do with the quality of the acquired 
character, but only with the way in which the general nutrition is influ- 
enced by the latter. In the case of the “Exercierknochen” there would 
be practically no change in the general nutrition, but if such a bony 


BIOLOGY 291 


growth could reach the size of a carcinoma, it is conceivable that a dis- 
turbance of the general nutrition of the body might ensue. Certain 
experiments on plants—on which Nigeli showed that they can be sub- 
mitted to strongly varied conditions of nutrition for several generations, 
without the production of any visible hereditary change—show that the 
influence of nutrition upon the germ-cells must be very slight, and that 
it may possibly leave the molecular structure of the germ-plasm alto- 
gether untouched. This conclusion is also supported by comparing the 
uncertainty of these results with the remarkable precision with which 
heredity acts in the case of those characters which are known to be 
transmitted. In fact, up to the present time, it has never been proved 
that any changes in general nutrition can modify the molecular struc- 
ture of the germ-plasm, and far less has it been rendered by any means 
probable that the germ-cells can be affected by acquired changes which 
have no influence on general nutrition. If we consider that each so- 
called predisposition (that is, a power of reacting upon a certain stim- 
ulus in a certain way, possessed by any organism or by one of its parts) 
must be innate, and further that each acquired character is only the pre- 
disposed reaction of some part of an organism upon some external influ- 
ence ; then we must admit that only one of the causes which produce any 
acquired character can be transmitted, the one which was present before 
the character itself appeared, viz., the predisposition; and we must fur- 
ther admit that the latter arises from the germ, and that it is quite imma- 
terial to the following generation whether such predisposition comes 
into operation or not. The continuity of the germ-plasm is amply suffi- 
cient to account for such a phenomenon, and I do not believe that any 
objection to my hypothesis, founded upon the actually observed phe- 
nomena of heredity, will be found to hold. If it be accepted, many facts 
will appear in a light different from that which has been cast upon them 
by the hypothesis which has been hitherto received,—a hypothesis which 
assumes that the organism produces germ-cells afresh, again and again, 
and that it produces them entirely from its own substance. Under the 
former theory the germ-cells are no longer looked upon as the product 
of the parent’s body, at least as far as their essential part—the specific 
germ-plasm—is concerned: they are rather considered as something 
which is to be placed in contrast with the tout ensemble of the cells which 
make up the parent’s body, and the germ-cells of succeeding generations 
stand in a similar relation to one another as a series of generations of 
unicellular organisms, arising by a continued process of cell-division. It 


292 BIOLOGY 


is true that in most cases the generations of germ-cells do not arise 
immediately from one another as complete cells, but only as minute 
particles of germ-plasm. This latter substance, however, forms the 
foundation of the germ-cells of the next generation, and stamps them 
with their specific character. Previous to the publication of my theory, 
C. Jager, and later M. Nussbaum, have expressed ideas upon heredity 
which come very near to my own. Both of these writers started 
with the hypothesis that there must be a direct connection between the 
germ-cells of succeeding generations, and they tried to establish such a 
continuity by supposing that the germ-cells of the offspring are sep- 
arated from the parent germ-cell before the beginning of embryonic 
development, or at least before any histological differentiation has taken 
place. In this form their suggestion cannot be maintained, for it is in 
conflict with numerous facts. A continuity of the germ-cells does not 
now take place, except in very rare instances; but this fact does not pre- 
vent us from adopting a theory of the continuity of the germ-plasm, in 
favour of which much weighty evidence can be brought forward. In 
the following pages I shall attempt to develop further the theory of 
which I have just given a short account, to defend it against any objec- 
tions which have been brought forward, and to draw from it new con- 
clusions which may perhaps enable us more thoroughly to appreciate 
facts which are known, but imperfectly understood. It seems to me 
that this theory of the continuity of the germ-plasm deserves at least to 
be examined in all its details, for it is the simplest theory upon the sub- 
ject, and the one which is most obviously suggested by the facts of the 
case, and we shall not be justified in forsaking it for a more complex 
theory until proof that it can be no longer maintained is forthcoming. 
It does not presuppose anything except facts which can be observed at 
any moment, although they may not be understood,—such as assimila- 
tion, or the development of like organisms from like germs; while every 
other theory of heredity is founded on hypotheses which cannot be 
proved. It is nevertheless possible that continuity of the germ-plasm 
does not exist in the manner in which I imagine that it takes place, for 
no one can at present decide whether all the ascertained facts agree with 
and can be explained by it. Moreover, the ceaseless activity of research 
brings to light new facts every day, and I am far from maintaining that 
my. theory may not be disproved by some of these. But even if it should 
have to be abandoned at a later period, it seems to me that, at the present 
time, it is a necessary stage in the advancement of our knowledge, and 


BIOLOGY 293 


one which must be brought forward and passed through, whether it 
prove right or wrong, in the future. In this spirit I offer the following 
considerations, and it is in this spirit that I should wish them to be 
received. 


I. Tue GERM-PLASM 


I entirely agree with Strasburger when he says, “The specific quali- 
ties of organisms are based upon nuclei;” and I further agree with him 
in many of his ideas as to the relation between the nucleus and cell- 
body: “Molecular stimuli proceed from the nucleus into the surround- 
ing cytoplasm ; stimuli which, on the one hand, control the phenomena of 
assimilation in the cell, and, on the other hand, give to the growth of 
the cytoplasm, which depends upon nutrition, a certain character pecu- 
liar to:the species.” “The nutritive cytoplasm assimilates, while the 
nucleus controls the assimilation, and hence the substances assimilated 
possess a certain constitution and nourish in a certain manner the cyto- 
idioplasm and the nuclear idioplasm. In this way the cytoplasm takes 
part in the phenomena of construction, upon which the specific form of 
the organism depends. This constructive activity of the cyto-idioplasm 
depends upon the regulative influence of the nuclei.” The nuclei there- 
fore ‘determine the specific direction in which an organism develops.” 

The opinion—derived from the recent study of the phenomena of 
- fertilization—that the nucleus impresses its specific character upon the 
cell, has received conclusive and important confirmation in the experi- 
ments upon the regeneration of Infusoria, conducted simultaneously by 
-M. Nussbaum at Bonn, and by A. Gruber at Freiburg. Nussbaum’s 

statement that an artificially separated portion of a Paramaecium, 
which does not contain any nuclear substance, immediately dies, must 
not be accepted as of general application, for Gruber has kept similar 
fragments of other Infusoria alive for several days. Moreover, Gruber 
had previously shown that individual Protozoa occur, which live in a 
normal manner, and are yet without a nucleus, although this structure is 
present in other individuals of the same species. But the meaning of 
the nucleus is made clear by the fact, published by Gruber, that such 
artificially separated fragments of Infusoria are incapable of regenera- 
tion, while on the other hand those fragments which contain nuclei 
always regenerate. It is therefore only under the influence of the 
nucleus that the cell substance re-develops into the full type of the 
species. In adopting the view that the nucleus is the factor which deter- 


294 BIOLOGY 


mines the specific nature of the cell, we stand on a firm foundation upon 
which we can build with security. 

If therefore the first segmentation nucleus contains, in its molecu- 
lar structure, the whole of the inherited tendencies of development, it 
must follow that during segmentation and subsequent cell-division, the 
nucleoplasm will enter upon definite and varied changes which must 
cause the differences appearing in the cells which are produced; for iden- 
tical cell-bodies depend, ceteris paribus, upon identical nucleoplasm, and 
conversely different cells depend upon differences in the nucleoplasm. 
The fact that the embryo grows more strongly in one direction than in 
another, that its cell-layers are of different nature and are ultimately 
differentiated into various organs and tissues,—forces us to accept the 
conclusion that the nuclear substance has also been changed in nature, 
and that such changes take place during ontogenetic development in a 
regular and definite manner. This view is also held by Strasburger, and 
it must be the opinion of all who seek to derive the development of inher- 
ited tendencies from the molecular structure of the germ-plasm, instead 
of from preformed gemmules. 

Weare thus led to the important question as to the forces by which 
the determining substance or nucleoplasm is changed, and as to the man- 
ner in which it changes during the course of ontogeny, and on the 
answer to this question our further conclusions must depend. The 
simplest hypothesis would be to suppose that, at each division of the 
nucleus, its specific substance divides into two halves of unequal quality, 
so that the cell-bodies would also be transformed; for we have seen 
that the character of a cell is determined by that of its nucleus. Thus 
in any Metazoon the first two segmentation spheres would be trans- 
formed in such a manner that one only contained the hereditary ten- 
dencies of the endoderm and the other those of the ectoderm, and 
therefore, at a later stage, the cells of the endoderm would arise from 
the one and those of the ectoderm from the other; and this is actually 
known to occur. In the course of further division the nucleoplasm of 
the first ectoderm cell would again divide unequally, e. g., into the 
nucleoplasm containing the hereditary tendencies of the nervous system, 
and into that containing the tendencies of the external skin. But even 
then, the end of the unequal division of nuclei would not have been 
nearly reached; for, in the formation of the nervous system, the nuclear 
substance which contains the hereditary tendencies of the sense-organs 
would, in the course of further cell-division, be separated from that 


BIOLOGY 295 


which contains the tendencies of the central organs, and the same pro- 
cess would continue in the formation of all single organs, and in the 
final development of the most minute histological elements. This pro- 
cess would take place in a definitely ordered course, exactly as it has 
taken place throughout a very long series of ancestors; and the deter- 
mining and directing factor is simply and solely the nuclear substance, 
the nucleoplasm, which possesses such a molecular structure in the 
germ-cell that all such succeeding stages of its molecular structure in 
future nuclei must necessarily arise from it, as soon as the requisite 
external conditions are present. This is almost the same conception of 
ontogenetic development as that which has been held by embryologists 
who have not accepted the doctrine of evolution: for we have only to 
transfer the primary cause of development, from an unknown source 
within the organism, into the nuclear substance, in order to make the 
views identical. 


I believe I have shown that theoretically hardly any objections can 
be raised against the view that the nuclear substance of somatic cells 
may contain unchanged germ-plasm, or that this germ-plasm may be 
transmitted along certain lines. It is true that we might imagine a priori 
that all somatic nuclei contain a small amount of unchanged germ- 
plasm. In Hydroids such an assumption cannot be made, because only 
certain cells in a certain succession possess the power of developing into 
germ-cells; but it might well be imagined that in some organisms it 
would be a great advantage if every part possessed the power of grow- 
ing up into the whole organism and of producing sexual cells under 
appropriate circumstances. Such cases might exist if it were possible 
for all somatic nuclei to contain a minute fraction of unchanged germ- 
plasm. For this reason, Strasburger’s other objection against my theory 
also fails to hold; viz., that certain plants can be propagated by pieces 
of rhizomes, roots, or even by means of leaves, and that plants produced 
in this manner may finally give rise to flowers, fruit and seeds, from 
which new plants arise. “It is easy to grow new plants from the leaves 
of begonia which have been cut off and merely laid upon moist sand, 
and yet in the normal course of ontogeny the molecules of germ-plasm — 
would not have been compelled to pass through the leaf; and they ought 
therefore to be absent from its tissue. Since it is possible to raise from 
the leaf a plant which produces flower and fruit, it is perfectly certain 
that special cells containing the germ substance cannot exist in the 


296 BIOLOGY 


plant.” But I think that this fact only proves that in begonia and simi- 
lar plants all the cells of the leaves or perhaps only certain cells contain 
a small amount of germ-plasm, and that consequently these plants are 
specially adapted for propagation by leaves. How is it then that all 
plants cannot be reproduced in this way? No one has ever grown a tree 
from the leaf of the lime or oak, or a flowering plant from the leaf of 
the tulip or convolvulus. It is insufficient to reply that in the last men- 
tioned cases the leaves are more strongly specialized, and have thus 
become unable to produce germ-substance; for the leaf-cells in these 
different plants have hardly undergone histological differentiation in 
different degrees. If, notwithstanding, the one can produce a flower- 
ing plant, while the others have not this power, it is of course clear that. 
reasons other than the degree of histological differentiation must exist; 
and, according to my opinion, such a reason is to be found in the admix- 
ture of a minute quantity of unchanged germ-plasm with some of their 
nuclei. | 

In. Sach’s excellent lectures on the physiology of plants, we read on 
page 723—‘In the true mosses almost any cell of the roots, leaves and 
shoot-axes, and even of the immature sporogonium, may grow out under 
favourable conditions, become rooted, form new shoots, and give rise to: 
an independent living plant.” Since such plants produce germ-cells at 
a later period, we have here a case which requires the assumption that 
all or nearly all cells must contain germ-plasm. 

The theory of the continuity of the germ-plasm seems to me to be 
still less disproved or even rendered improbable by the facts of the 
alternation of generations. If the germ-plasm may pass on from the egg 
into certain somatic cells of an individual, and if it can be further trans- 
mitted along certain lines, there is no difficulty in supposing that it may 
be transmitted through a second, third, or through any number of indi- 
viduals produced from the former by budding. In fact, in the Hydroids, 
on which my theory of the continuity of the germ-plasm has been chiefly 
based, alternation of generations is the most important means of propa- 
gation. 


Il. Tue SIGNIFICANCE OF THE POLAR BODIES 


We have already seen that the specific nature of a cell depends upon 
the molecular structure of its nucleus; and it follows from this conclu- 
sion that my theory is further, and as I believe strongly, supported, by 
the phenomenon of the expulsion of polar bodies, which has remained 
inexplicable for so long a time. 


BIOLOGY 297 


For if the specific molecular structure of a cell-body is caused and 
determined by the structure of the nucleoplasm, every kind of cell which 
is histologically differentiated must have a specific nucleoplasm. But 
the egg-cell of most animals, at any rate during the period of growth, is 
by no means an indifferent cell of the most primitive type. At such a 
period its cell-body has to perform quite peculiar and specific functions ; 
it has to secrete nutritive substances of a certain chemical nature and 
physical constitution, and to store up this food material in such a manner 
that it may be at the disposal of the embryo during its development. In 
most cases the egg-cell also forms membranes which are often charac- 
teristic of particular species of animals. The growing egg-cell is there- 
fore histologically differentiated : and in this respect resembles a somatic 
cell. It may perhaps be compared to a gland-cell, which does not expel 
its secretion, but deposits it within its own substance. To perform such 
specific functions it requires a specific cell-body, and the latter depends 
upon a specific nucleus. It therefore follows that the growing egg-cell 
must possess nucleoplasm of specific molecular structure, which directs 
the above mentioned secretory functions of the cell. The. nucleoplasm 
of histologically differentiated cells may be called histogenetic nucleo- 
plasm, and the growing egg-cell must contain such a substance, and even 
a certain specific modification of it. This nucleoplasm cannot possibly 
be the same as that which, at a later period, causes embryonic develop- 
ment. Such development can only be produced by true germ-plasm of 
immensely complex constitution, such as I have previously attempted to 
describe. It therefore follows that the nucleus of the egg-cell contains 
two kind of nucleoplasm :—germ-plasm and a peculiar modification of 
histogenetic nucleoplasm, which may be called ovogenetic nucleoplasm. 
This substance must greatly preponderate in the young egg-cell, for, as 
we have already seen, it controls the growth of the latter. The germ- 
plasm, on the other hand, can only be present in minute quantity at first, 
but it must undergo considerable increase during the growth of the cell. 
But in order that the germ-plasm may control the cell-body, or, in other 
words, in order that embryonic development may begin, the still pre- 
ponderating ovogenetic nucleoplasm must be removed from the cell. 
This removal takes place in the same manner as that in which differing 
nuclear substances are separated during the ontogeny of the embryo: 
viz., by nuclear division, leading to cell-division. The expulsion of the 
polar bodies is nothing more than the removal of ovogenetic nucleo- 
plasm from the egg-cell. That the ovogenetic nucleoplasm continues to 


298 BIOLOGY 


greatly preponderate in the nucleus up to the very last, may be concluded 
from the fact that two successive divisions of the latter and the expul- 
sion of two polar bodies appear to be the rule. If in this way a small 
part of the cell-body is expelled from the egg, the extrusion must in all 
probability be considered as an inevitable loss, without which the 
removal of the ovogenetic neucloplasm cannot be effected. 


III. On THE NATURE OF PARTHENOGENESIS 


It is well known that the formation of polar bodies has been repeat- 
edly connected with the sexuality of germ-cells, and that it has been 
employed to explain the phenomena of parthenogenesis. I may now 
perhaps be allowed to develop the views as to the nature of partheno- 
genesis at which I have arrived under the influence of my explanation 
of polar bodies. 

The theory of parthenogenesis adopted by Minot and Balfour is 
distinguished by its simplicity and clearness, among all other interpre- 
tations which had been hitherto offered. Indeed, their explanation fol- 
lows naturally and almost as a matter of course, if the assumption made 
by these observers be correct, that the polar body is the male part of the 
hermaphrodite egg-cell. An egg which has lost its male part cannot 
develop into an embryo until it has received a new male part in fertiliza- 
tion. On the other hand, an egg which does not expel its male part may 
develop without fertilization, and thus we are led to the obvious con- 
clusion that parthenogenesis is based upon the non-expulsion of polar 
bodies. Balfour distinctly states “that the function of forming polar 
cells has been acquired by the ovum for the express purpose of prevent- 
ing parthenogenesis.” 

It is obvious that I cannot share this opinion, for I regard the 
expulsion of polar bodies as merely the removal of the ovogenetic 
nucleoplasm, on which depended the development of the specific histo- 
logical structure of the egg-cell. I must assume that the phenomena of 
maturation in the parthenogenetic egg and in the sexual egg are pre- 
cisely identical, and that in both, the ovogenetic nucleoplasm must in 
some way be removed before embryonic development can begin. 

Unfortunately the actual proof of this assumption is not so com- 
plete as might be desired. In the first place, we are as yet uncertain 
whether polar bodies are or are not expelled by parthenogenetic eggs; 
for in no single instance has such expulsion been established beyond 
doubt. It is true that this deficiency does not afford any support to the 


BIOLOGY 299 


explanation of Minot and Balfour, for in all cases in which polar bodies 
have not been found in parthenogenetic eggs, these structures are also 
absent from the eggs which require fertilization in the same species. 
But although the expulsion of polar bodies in parthenogenesis has not 
yet been proved to occur, we must assume it to be nearly certain that 
the phenomena of maturation, whether connected or unconnected with 
the expulsion of polar bodies, are the same in the eggs which develop 
parthenogenetically and in those which are capable of fertilization, in 
one and the same species. This conclusion depends, above all, upon the 
phenomena of reproduction in bees, in which, as a matter of fact, the 
same egg may be fertilized or may develop parthenogenetically, as I 
shall have occasion to describe in greater detail at a later period. 

Hence when we see that the eggs of many animals are capable of de- 
veloping. without fertilization, while in other animals such development 
is impossible, the difference between the two kinds of eggs must rest 
upon something. more than the mode of transformation of the nucleus of 
the germ-cell into the first segmentation nucleus. There are, indeed, facts 
which distinctly point to the conclusion that the difference is based upon 
quantitative and not qualitative relations. A large number of insects are 
exceptionally reproduced by the parthenogenetic method, e. g., in 
Lepidoptera. Such development does not take place in all the eggs laid 
by an unfertilized female, but only in part, and generally a small frac- 
tion of the whole, while the rest die. But among the latter there are 
some which enter upon embryonic development without being able to 
complete it, and the stage at which development may cease also varies. 
Ti is also known that the eggs of higher animals may pass through the 
first stages of segmentation without having been fertilized. This was 
shown to be the case in the egg of the frog by Leuckart, in that of the 
fowl by Oellacher, and even in the egg of mammals by Hensen. 

Hence in such cases it is not the impulse to development, but the 
power to complete it, which is absent. We know that force is always 
bound up with matter, and it seems to me that such instances are best 
explained by the supposition that too small an amount of that form of 
matter is present, which, by its controlling agency, effects the building 
up of the embryo by the transformation of mere nutritive material. This 
substance is the germ-plasm of the segmentation nucleus, and I have 
assumed above that it is altered in the course of ontogeny by changes 
which arise from within, so that when sufficient nourishment is afforded 
by the cell-body, each succeeding stage necessarily results from the pre- 


300 BIOLOGY 


ceding one. I believe that changes arise in the constitution of the 
nucleoplasm at each cell-division which takes place during the building 
up of the embryo, changes which either correspond or differ in the two 
halves of each nucleus. If, for the present, we neglect the minute 
amount of unchanged germ-plasm which is reserved for the formation 
of the germ-cells, it is clear that a great many different stages in the 
development of somatic nucleoplasm are thus formed, which may be 
denominated as stages 1, 2, 3, 4, etc., up to m. In each of these stages 
the cells differ more as development proceeds, and as the number by 
which the stage is denominated becomes higher. Thus, for instance, the 
two first segmentation spheres would represent the first stage of somatic 
nucleoplasm, a stage which may be considered as but slightly different 
in its molecular structure from the nucleoplasm of the segmentation 
nucleus ; the first four segmentation spheres would represent the second 
stage; the succeeding eight spheres the third, and so on. It is clear that 
at each successive stage the molecular structure of the nucleoplasm 
must be further removed from that of the germ-plasm, and that, at the 
same time, the cells of each successive stage must also diverge more 
widely among themselves in the molecular structure of their nucleo- 
plasm. Early in development each cell must possess its own peculiar 
nucleoplasm, for the further course of development is peculiar to each 
cell. It is only in the later stages that equivalent or nearly equivalent 
cells are formed in large numbers, cells in which we must also suppose 
the existence of equivalent nucleoplasm. 

If we may assume that a certain amount of germ-plasm must be 
contained in the segmentation nucleus in order to complete the whole 
process of the ontogenetic differentiation of this substance; if we may 
further assume that the quantity of germ-plasm in the segmentation 
nucleus varies in different cases; then we should be able to understand 
why one egg can only develop after fertilization, while another can 
begin its development without fertilization, but cannot finish it, and why 
a third is even able to complete its development. We should also under- 
stand why one egg only passes through the first stages of segmentation 
and is then arrested, while another reaches a few more stages in 
advance, and a third develops so far that the embryo is nearly com- 
pletely formed. These differences would depend upon the extent to 
which the germ-plasm, originally present in the egg, was sufficient for 
the development of the latter; development will be arrested as soon as 
the nucleoplasm is no longer capable of producing the succeeding stage, 
and is thus unable to enter upon the following nuclear division. 


BIOLOGY 301 


From a general point of view such a theory would explain many 
difficulties, and it would render possible an explanation of the phyletic 
origin of parthenogenesis, and an adequate understanding of the strange 
and often apparently abrupt and arbitrary manner of its occurrence. In 
my works on Daphnidae I have already laid especial stress upon the 
proposition that parthenogenesis in insects and Crustacea certainly can- 
not be an ancestral condition which has been transmitted by heredity, 
but that it has been derived from a sexual condition. In what other way 
can we explain the fact that parthenogenesis is present in certain species 
or genera, but absent in others closely allied to them; or the fact that 
males are entirely wanting in species of which the females possess a 
complete apparatus for fertilization? I will not repeat all the argu- 
ments with which I attempted to support this conclusion. Such a con- 
clusion may be almost certainly accepted for the Daphnidae, because 
parthenogenesis does not occur in their still living ancestors, the Phy]l- 
lopods, and especially the Estheridae. In Daphnidae the cause and 
object of the phyletic development of parthenogenesis may be traced 
more clearly than in any other group of animals. In Daphnidae we can 
accept the conclusion with greater certainty than in all other groups, 
except perhaps the Aphidae, that parthenogenesis is extremely advan- 
tageous to species in certain conditions of life; and that it has only been 
adopted when, and as far as, it has been beneficial; and further, that at 
least in this group parthenogenesis became possible and was adopted in 
each species as soon as it became useful. Such a result can be easily 
understood if it is only the presence of more or less germ-plasm which 
decides whether an egg is or is not capable of development without 
fertilization. 

If we now examine the foundations of this hypothesis we shall find 
that we may at once accept one of its assumptions, viz., that fluctuations 
occur in the quantity of germ-plasm in the segmentation nucleus; for 
there can never be absolute equality in any single part of different indi- 
viduals. As soon therefore as these fluctuations become so great that 
parthenogenesis is produced, it may become, by the operation of natural 
selection, the chief mode of reproduction of the species or of certain 
generations of the species. In order to place this theory upon a firm 
basis, we have simply to decide whether the quantity of germ-plasm 
contained in the segmentation nucleus is the factor which determines 
development; although for the present it will be sufficient if we can 
render this view to some extent probable, and show that it is not in con- 
tradiction with established facts. 


302 BIOLOGY 


' At first sight this hypothesis seems to encounter serious difficulties. 
It will be objected that neither the beginning nor the end of embryonic 
development can possibly depend upon the quantity of nucleoplasm in 
the segmentation nucleus, since the amount may be continually increased 
by growth; for it is well known that during embryonic development the 
nuclear substance increases with astonishing rapidity. By an approx- 
imate calculation I found that in the egg of a Cynips the quantity of 
nuclear substance present at the time when the blastoderm was about to 
be formed, and when there were twenty-six nuclei, was even then seven 
times as great as the quantity which had been contained in the seg- 
mentation nucleus. How then can we imagine that embryonic develop- 
ment would ever be arrested from want of nuclear substance, and if 
such deficiency really acted as an arresting force, how then could devel- 
opment begin at all? We might suppose that when germ-plasm is pres- 
ent in sufficient quantity to start segmentation, it must also be sufficient 
to complete the development; for it grows continuously, and must pre- 
sumably always possess a power equal to that which it possessed at the 
beginning, and which was just sufficient to start the process of seg- 
mentation. If at each ontogenetic stage the quantity of nucleoplasm is 
just sufficient to produce the following stage, we might well imagine 
that the whole ontogeny would necessarily be completed. 

The flaw in this argument lies in the erroneous assumption that the 
growth of nuclear substance is, when the quality of the nucleus and the 
conditions of nutrition are equal, unlimited and uncontrolled. The 
intensity of growth must depend upon the quantity of nuclear substance 
with which growth and the phenomena of segmentation commenced. 
There must be an optimum quantity of nucleoplasm with which the 
erowth of the nucleus proceeds most favourably and rapidly, and this 
optimum will be represented in the normal size of the segmentation 
nucleus. Such a size is just sufficient to produce, in a certain time and 
under certain external conditions, the nuclear substance necessary for 
the construction of the embryo, and to start the long series of cell- 
divisions. When the segmentation nucleus is smaller, but large enough 
to enter upon segmentation, the nuclei of the two first embryonic cells 
will fall rather more below the normal size, because the growth of the 
segmentation nucleus, during and after division will be less rapid on 
account of its unusually small size. The succeeding generations of 
nuclei will depart more and more from the normal size in each respective 


stage, because they do not pass into a resting stage during embryonic 


BIOLOGY 303 


development, but divide again immediately after their formation. Hence 
nuclear growth would become less vigorous as the nuclei fell more and 
more below the optimum size, and at last a moment would arrive when 
they would be unable to divide, or would be at least unable to control 
the cell-body in such a manner as to lead to its division. 

The first event of importance for embryonic development is the 
maturation of the egg, 1. e., the transformation of the nucleus of the 
germ-cell into a nuclear spindle and the removal of the ovogenetic 
nucleoplasm by the separation of polar bodies, or by some analogous 
process. There must be some cause for this separation, and I have 
already tried to show that it may lie in the quantitative relations which 
obtain between the two kinds of nucleoplasm contained in the nucleus 
of the egg. I have suggested that the germ-plasm, at first small in 
quantity, undergoes a gradual increase, so that it can finally oppose the 
ovogenetic nucleoplasm. I will not further elaborate this suggestion, 
for the ascertained facts are insufficient for the purpose. But the 
appearances witnessed in nuclear division indicate that there are oppos- 
ing forces, and that such a contest is the motive cause of division; and 
Roux may be right in referring the opposition to electrical forces. How- 
ever this may be, it is perfectly certain that the development of this 
opposition is based upon internal conditions arising during growth in 
the nucleus itself. The quantity of nuclear thread cannot by itself 
_ determine whether the nucleus can or cannot enter upon division; if so, 
it would be impossible for two divisions to follow each other in rapid 
succession, as is actually the case in the separation of the two polar 
bodies, and also in their subsequent division. In addition to the effects 
of quantity, the internal conditions of the nucleus must also play an 
important part in these phenomena. Quantity alone does not neces- 
sarily produce nuclear division, or the nucleus of the egg would divide 
long before maturation is complete, for it contains much more nucleo- 
plasm than the female pronucleus, which remains in the egg after the 
expulsion of the polar bodies, and which is in most cases incapable of 
further division. But the fact that segmentation begins immediately 
after the conjugation of male and female pronuclei, also shows that 
quantity is an essential requisite. The effect of fertilization has been 
represented as analogous to that of the spark which kindles the gun- 
powder. In the latter case an explosion ensues, in the former segmen- 
tation begins. Even now many authorities are inclined to refer the polar 
repulsion manifested in the nuclear division which immediately follows 


304 BIOLOGY 


fertilization, to the antagonism between male and female elements. But, 
according to the important discoveries of Flemming and van Beneden, 
the polar repulsion in each nuclear division is not based on the antag- 
onism between male and female loops, but depends upon the antagonism 
and mutual repulsion between the two halves of the same loop. The 
loops of the father and those of the mother remain together and divide 
together throughout the whole ontogeny. 

What can be the explanation of the fact that nuclear division fol- 
lows immediately after fertilization, but that without fertilization it does 
not occur in most cases? There is only one possible explanation, viz., 
the fact that the quantity of the nucleus has been suddenly doubled, as 
the result of conjugation. The difference between the male and female 
pronuclei cannot serve as an explanation, even though the nature of this 
difference is entirely unknown, because polar repulsion is not developed 
between the male and female halves of the nucleus, but within each 
male and each female half. We are thus forced to conclude that increase 
in the quantity of the nucleus affords an impulse for division, the dis- 
position towards it being already present. It seems to me that this view 
does not encounter any theoretical difficulties, and that it is an entirely 
feasible hypothesis to suppose that, besides the internal conditions of 
the nucleus, its quantitative relation to the cell-body must be taken into 
especial account. It is imaginable, or perhaps even probable, that the 
nucleus enters upon division as soon as its idioplasm has attained a cer- 
tain strength, quite apart from the supposition that certain internal con- 
ditions are necessary for this end. As above stated, such conditions 
may be present, but division may not occur because the right quanti- 
tative relation between nucleus and cell-body, or between the different 
kinds of nuclear idioplasm has not been established. I imagine that 
such a quantitative deficiency exists in an egg which, after the expulsion 
of the ovogenetic nucleoplasm in the polar bodies, requires fertilization 
in order to begin segmentation. The fact that the polar bodies were 
expelled proves that the quantity of the nucleus was sufficient to cause 
division, while afterwards it was no longer sufficient to produce such a 
result. 

This suggestion will be made still clearer by an example. In 
Ascaris megalocephala the nuclear substance of the female pronucleus 
forms two loops, and the male pronucleus does the same; hence the seg- 
mentation nucleus contains four loops, and this is also the case with the 
first segmentation spheres. If we suppose that in embryonic develop- 


BIOLOGY 305 


ment the first nuclear division requires such an amount of nuclear sub- 
stance as is necessary for the formation of four loops,—it follows that 
an egg, which can only form two or three loops from its nuclear reticu- 
lum, would not be able to develop parthenogenetically, and that not even 
the first division would take place. If we further suppose that, while 
four loops are sufficient to start nuclear division, these loops must be of 
a certain size and quantity in order to complete the whole ontogeny (in 
a certain species), it follows that eggs possessing a reticulum which 
contains barely enough nuclear substance to divide into four segments, 
‘would be able to produce the first division and perhaps also the second 
and third, or some later division, but that at a certain point during 
ontogeny, the nuclear substance would become insufficient, and devel- 
opment would be arrested. This will occur in eggs which enter upon 
development without fertilization, but are arrested before its completion. 
One might compare this retardation leading to the final arrest of devel- 
opment, to a railway train which is intended to meet a number of other 
trains at various junctions, and which can only travel slowly because 
of some defect in the engine. It will be a little behind time at the first 
junction, but it may just catch the train, and it may also catch the 
second or even the third ; but it will be later at each successive junction, 
and will finally arrive too late for a certain train; and after that it will 
miss all the trains at the remaining junctions. The nuclear substance 
grows continuously during development, but the rate at which it in- 
creases depends upon the nutritive conditions together with its initial 
quantity. The nutritive changes during the development of an egg 
depend upon the quantity of the cell-body which was present at the out- 
set, and which cannot be increased. If the quantity of the nuclear sub- 
stance is rather too small at the beginning, it will become more and more 
insufficient in succeeding stages, as its growth becomes less vigorous, 
and differs more from the standard it would have reached if the original 
quantity had been normal. Consequently it will gradually fall more and 
more short of the normal quantity, like the train which arrives later 
and later at each successive junction, because its engine, although with 
the full pressure of steam, is unable to attain the normal speed. 

It will be objected that four loops cannot be necessary for nuclear 
division in Ascaris, since such division takes place in the formation 
of the polar bodies, resulting in the appearance of the female pronucleus 
with only two loops. But this fact only shows that the quantity of 


nuclear substance necessary for the formation of four loops is not neces- 
X. 20, 


306 BIOLOGY 


sary for all nuclear divisions; it does not disprove the assumption that 
such a quantity is required for the division of the segmentation nucleus. 
In addition to these considerations we must not leave the substance of 
the cell-body altogether out of account, for, although it is not the bearer 
of the tendencies of heredity, it must be necessary for every change 
undergone by the nucleus, and it surely also possesses the power of 
influencing changes to a large extent. There must be some reason for 
the fact that in all animal eggs with which we are acquainted, the 
nucleus moves to the surface of the egg at the time of maturation, and 
there passes through its well known transformation. It is obvious that 
it is there subjected to different influences from those which would have 
acted upon it in the center of the cell-body, and it is clear that such an 
unequal cell-division as takes place in the separation of the polar bodies 
could not occur if the nucleus remained in the center of the egg. 

This explanation of the necessity for fertilization does not exclude 
the possibility that, under certain circumstances, the substance of the 
egg-nucleus may be larger, so that it is capable of forming four loops. 
Eggs which thus possess sufficient nucleoplasm, viz., germ-plasm, for 
the formation of the requisite four loops of normal size (namely, of the 
size which would have been produced by fertilization), can and must 
develop by the parthenogenetic method. 

Of course the assumption that four loops must be formed has only 
been made for the sake of illustration. We do not yet know whether 
there are always exactly four loops in the segmentation nucleus. I may 
add that, although the details by which these considerations are illus- 
trated are based on arbitrary assumptions, the fundamental view that 
the development of the egg depends, ceteris paribus, upon the quantity 
of nuclear substance, is certainly right, and follows as a necessary con- 
clusion from the ascertained facts. It is not unlikely that such a view 
may receive direct proof in the results of future investigations. Such 
proof might, for instance, be forthcoming if we were to ascertain, in the 
same species, the number of loops present in the segmentation nucleus 
of fertilization, as compared with those present in the segmentation 
nucleus of parthenogenesis. 

The reproductive process in bees will perhaps be used as an argu- 
ment against my theory. In these insects the same egg will develop 
into a female or male individual, according as fertilization has or has 
not taken place, respectively. Hence one and the same egg is capable 
of fertilization, and also of parthenogenetic development, if if it does 


BIOLOGY 307 


not receive a spermatozoon. It is in the power of the queen-bee to pro- 
duce male or female individuals: by an act of will she decides whether 
the egg she is laying is to be fertilized or unfertilized. She “knows 
beforehand” whether an egg will develop into a male or a female ani- 
mal, and deposits the latter kind in the cells of queens and workers, the 
former in the cells of drones. It has been shown by the discoveries of 
Leuckart and von Siebold that all the eggs are capable of developing 
into male individuals, and that they are only transformed into “female 
eggs” by. fertilization. This fact seems to be incompatible with my 
theory as to the cause of parthenogenesis, for if the same egg, possessing 
exactly the same contents, and above all the same segmentation nucleus, 
may develop sexually or parthenogenetically, it appears that the power 
of parthenogenetic development must depend on some factor other than 
the quantity of germ-plasm. 

Although this appears to be the case, I believe that my theory en- 
counters no real difficulty. I have no doubt whatever that the same egg 
may develop with or without fertilization. From a careful study of the 
numerous excellent investigations upon this point which have been con- 
ducted in a particularly striking manner by Bessels (in addition to the 
observers quoted above), I have come to the conclusion that the fact is 
absolutely certain. It must be candidly admitted that the same egg will 
develop into a drone when not fertilized, or into a worker or queen 
when fertilized. One of Bessels’ experiments is sufficient to prove this 
assertion. He cut off the wings of a young queen and thus rendered her 
incapable of taking “the nuptial flight.” He then observed that all the 
eggs which she laid developed into male individuals. This experiment 
was made in order to prove that drones are produced by unfertilized 
eggs; but it also proves that the assertion mentioned above is correct, 
for the eggs which ripen first and are therefore first laid, would have 
been fertilized had the queen been impregnated. The supposition that, 
at certain times, the queen produces eggs requiring fertilization, while 
at other times her eggs develop parthenogenetically, is quite excluded 
by this experiment; for it follows from it that the eggs must all be of 
precisely the same kind, and that there is no difference between the eggs 
which require fertilization and those which do not. 

But does it therefore follow that the quantity of germ-plasm in the 
segmentation nucleus is not the factor which determines the beginning 
of embryonic development? I believe not. It can be very well imag- 
ined that the nucleus of the egg, having expelled the ovogenetic nucleo- 


308 BIOLOGY 


plasm, may be increased to the size requisite for the segmentation 
nucleus in one of two ways: either by conjugation with a sperm-nucleus, 
or by simply growing to double its size. There is nothing improbable 
in this latter assumption, and one is even inclined to inquire why such 
growth does not take place in all unfertilized eggs. The true answer to 
this question must be that nature pursues the sexual method of repro- 
duction, and that the only way in which the general occurrence of par- 
thenogenesis could be prevented was by the production of eggs which 
remained sterile unless they were fertilized. This was effected by a 
loss of the capability of growth on the part of the egg-nucleus after it 
had expelled the ovogenetic nucleoplasm. 

The case of the bee proves in a very striking manner that the dif- 
ference between eggs which require fertilization, and those which do 
not, is not produced until after the maturation of the egg and the 
removal of the ovogenetic nucleoplasm. The increase in the quantity 
of the germ-plasm cannot have taken place at any earlier period, or else 
the nucleus of the egg would always start embryonic development by 
itself, and the egg would probably be incapable of fertilization. For 
the relation between egg-nucleus and sperm-nucleus is obviously based 
upon the fact that each of them is insufficient by itself, and requires 
completion. If such completion had taken place at an early stage the 
egg-nucleus would either cease to exercise any attractive force upon the 
sperm-nucleus, or else conjugation would be effected, as in Fol’s inter- 
esting experiments upon fertilization by many spermatozoa; and, as in 
these experiments, malformation of the embryo would result. In 
Daphnidae I believe I have shown that the summer eggs are not only 
developed parthenogenetically, but also that they are never fertilized; 
and the explanation of this incapacity for fertilization may perhaps be 
found in the fact that their segmentation nucleus is already formed. 

We may therefore conclude that, in bees, the nucleus of the egg, 
formed during maturation, may either conjugate with the sperm- 
nucleus, or else if no spermatozoon reaches the egg may, under the 
stimulus of internal causes, grow to double its size, thus attaining the 
dimensions of the segmentation nucleus. For our present purpose we 
may leave out of consideration the fact that in the latter case the indi- 
vidual produced is a male, and in the former case a female. 


ROBERT KOCH 


Rosert Kocu was born at Klausthal, Hanover, Germany, Dec. 
11, 1843, and graduated from the University of Gottingen in 1866. He 
was assistant surgeon to the General Hospital at Hamburg for a time 
and afterwards practiced medicine at Langenhagen, Kackwitz, and Wol- 
lenstein, where he lived from 1872 to 1880. It was here that he began his 
researches in bacteriology. His investigations on the ztiology of an- 
thrax, published in 1876, and his important study of the etiology of 
anthrax published in 1878 placed bacteriology on a scientific basis. In 
1880 Dr. Koch went to Berlin to accept a position as chief of the San- 
itary Institute of Berlin; here he carried on his studies of the contagia 
of consumption and cholera. Koch claims that each disease is caused 
by a specific micro-organism. In 1882 he announced his discovery of the 
tubercle bacillus. In order to reach his conclusions he invented new 
microscopical appliances, and new methods of staining specimens in 
. order to make those micro-organisms visible, thus making a very im- 
portant advance in microscopy. In 1883 Dr. Koch published a method 
of preventive inoculation against anthrax. In the same year the German 
Government sent him to Egypt and India to investigate cholera, where 
-he discovered the cholera bacillus. On his return to Germany in 1884 
he was generously rewarded by the Government. He went to France as 
cholera commissioner early in 1885 and later was appointed Professor 
of the Medical Faculty of the University of Berlin, Director of the 
Prussian Board of Health, and Director of the Hygienic Institute of 
Berlin. He published a paper on the prophylaxis of infectious diseases 
in the army in 1888. In 1890 he announced the discovery of the bacillus 
of consumption. 

In 1896 he visited South Africa to study the cattle plague. In 1901 
Dr. Koch attended the British Congress on Tuberculosis held in Lon- 
don and presided over by Lord Lister, where he read an address on 
“The Combating of Tuberculosis in the Light of the Experience Gained 
in the Successful Combating of Other Infectious Diseases.” He pro- 


duced what was held by the Congress to be satisfactory evidence that 


310 BIOLOGY 


human tuberculosis was not transmissible to animals; but there was 
some hesitation in accepting his conclusion that bovine tuberculosis could 
not be transmitted to the human subject by infected meat, milk, etc. 


THEORY OF BACTERIA 


I am well aware that the investigations above described are very 
imperfect. It was necessary, in order to have time for those parts of the 
investigation which seemed the most important and essential, to omit 
the examination of many organs, such as the brain, heart, retina, etc., 
which ought not to pass unnoticed in researches on infective diseases. 
For the same reason no record was kept of the temperature, although 
this would undoubtedly have yielded most interesting results. I have 
intentionally refrained from entering into details of morbid anatomy, as 
only the etiology interested me, and as I did not feel qualified to under- 
take a study of the morbid anatomy of traumatic infective diseases. I 
must therefore leave this part of the investigation to those who are 
better able to undertake it. 

Nevertheless I consider that the results of my researches are suffi- 
ciently definite to enable me to deduce from them some well founded 
conclusions. 

In this summary I shall, however, confine myself to the most ob- 
vious conclusions. It has indeed of late become too common to draw 
the most sweeping conclusions as to infective diseases in general from 
the most unimportant observations on bacteria. I shall not follow this 
custom, although the material at my command would furnish rich food 
for meditation. For the longer I study infective diseases the more am 
I convinced that generalisations of new facts are here a mistake, and 
that every individual infective disease or group of closely allied diseases 
must be investigated for itself. 

As regards the artificial traumatic infective diseases observed by 
me, the conditions which must be established before their parasitic na- 

ture can be proved, we completely fulfilled in the case of the first five, 
but only partially in that of the sixth. For the infection was produced 
by such small quantities of fluid (blood, serum, pus, etc.,) that the 
result cannot be attributed to a merely chemical poison. 

In the materials used for inoculation bacteria were without excep- 
tion present, and in each disease a different and well marked form of 
organism could be demonstrated. 


BIOLOGY 31 


At the same time, the bodies of those animals which died of the 
artificial traumatic infective diseases contained bacteria in such numbers 
that the symptoms and the death of the animals were sufficiently ex- 
plained. Further, the bacteria found were identical with those which 
were present in the fluid used for inoculation, and a definite form of 
organisms corresponded in every instance to a distinct disease. 

These artificial traumatic infective diseases bear the greatest re- 
semblance to human traumatic infective diseases, both as regards their 
origin from putrid substances, their course, and the result of post- 
mortem examination. Further, in the first case, just as in the last, the 
parasitic organisms could be only imperfectly demonstrated by the ear- 
lier methods of investigation ; not till an improved method of procedure 
was introduced was it possible to obtain complete proof that they were 
parasitic. diseases. We are therefore justified in assuming that human 
traumatic infective diseases will in all probability be proved to be para- 
sitic when investigated by these improved methods. 

On the other hand, it follows from the fact that a definite patho- 
genic bacterium, e. g., the septiceemic bacillus, cannot be inoculated on 
every variety of animal (a similar fact is also true with regard to the 
bacillus anthracis) ; that the septicaemia of mice, rabbits, and man are 
not under all circumstances produced by the same bacterial form. It is 
of course possible that one or other of the bacteric forms found in ani- 
mals also play a part in such diseases in the human subject. That, 
however, must be especially demonstrated for each case; a priori one 
need only expect that bacteria are present; as regards form, size and 
conditions of growth, they may be similar, but not always the same, 
even in what appear to be similar diseases in different animals. 

Besides the pathogenic bacteria already found in animals there are 
no doubt many others. My experiments refer only to those diseases 
which ended fatally. Even these are in all probability not exhausted in 
the six forms mentioned. Further experiments on many different spe- 
cies of animals, with the most putrid substances and with every pos- 
sible modification in the method of application, will doubtless bring to 
light a number of other infective diseases, which will lead to further 
conclusions regarding infective diseases and pathogenic bacteria. 

But even in the small series of experiments which I was able to 
carry out, one fact was so prominent that I must regard it as constant, 
and, as it helps to remove most of the obstacles to the admission of the 
existence of a centagium vivum for traumatic infective diseases, I look 


312 BIOLOGY 


on it as the most important result of my work. I refer to the differences 
which exist between pathogenic bacteria and to the constancy of their 
characters. <A distinct bacteric form corresponds, as we have seen, to 
each disease, and this form always remains the same, however often the 
disease is transmitted from one animal to another. Further, when we 
succeed in reproducing the same disease de novo by the injection of 
putrid substances, only the same bacteric form occurs which was before 
found to be specific for that disease. 

Further, the differences between these bacteria are as great as could 
be expected between particles which border on the invisible. With re- 
gard to these differences, I refer not only to the size and form of the 
bacteria, but also to the conditions of their growth, which can be best 
recognized by observing their situation and grouping. I therefore study 
not only the individual alone, but the whole group of bacteria, and 
would, for example, consider'a micrococcus which in one species of 
animal occurred only in masses (i. e., in a zooglea form), as different 
from another which in the same variety of animal, under the same con- 
ditions of life, was only met with as isolated individuals. Attention 
must also be paid to the physiological effect, of which I scarcely know 
a more striking example than the case of the bacillus and the chain-like 
micrococcus growing together in the cellular tissue of the ear; the one 
passing into the blood and penetrating into the white blood corpuscles, 
the other spreading out slowly into the tissues in its vicinity and destroy- 
ing everything around about; or again, the case of the septiczmic and 
pyzmic micrococci of the rabbit in their different relations to the blood; 
or lastly, the bacilli only extending over the surface of the aural car- 
tilage in the erysipetalous disease, as contrasted with the bacillus an- 
thracis, likewise inoculated on the rabbit’s ear, but quickly passing into 
the blood. 

As, however, there corresponds to each of the diseases investigated 
a form of bacterium distinctly characterized by its physiological action, 
by its conditions of growth, size, and form, which, however often the 
disease be transmitted from one animal to another, always remains the 
same and never passes over into another form, e. g., from the spherical 
to the rod shaped, we must in the meantime regard these different forms 
of pathogenic bacteria as distinct and constant species. 

This is, however, an assertion that will be much disputed by bot- 
anists, to whose special province this subject really belongs. 


Amongst those botanists who have written against the subdivision 


BIOLOGY 313 


of bacteria into species, is Nageli, who says, “I have for ten years ex- 
amined thousands of different forms of bacteria, and I have not yet seen 
any absolute necessity for dividing them even into two distinct species.” 

Brefeld also states that he can only admit the existence of specific 
forms justifying the formation of distinct species when the whole his- 

tory of development has been traced by cultivation from spore to spore 
in the most nutritive fluids. 

Although Brefeld’s demand is undoubtedly theoretically correct, it 
cannot be made a sine qua non in every investigation on pathogenic 
bacteria. We should otherwise be compelled to cease our investigations 
into the etiology of infective diseases till botanists have succeeded in 
finding out the different species of bacteria by cultivation and develop- 
ment from spore to spore. It might then very easily happen that the 
endless. trouble of pure cultivation would be expended on some form of 
bacterium which would finally turn out to be scarcely worthy of atten- 
tion. In practice only the opposite method can work. In the first place 
- certain peculiarities of a particular form of bacterium different from 
those of other forms, and in the second place its constancy, compel us 
to separate it from others less known and less interesting, and pro- 
visionally to regard it as a species. And now, to verify this provisional 
supposition, the cultivation from spore to spore may be undertaken. 
If this succeeds under conditions which cut out all sources of fallacy, 
and of it furnishes a result corresponding to that obtained by the pre- 
vious observations, then the conclusions which were drawn from these 
observations and which led to its being ranked as a distinct species must 
be regarded as valid. 

On this, which as it seems to me is the only correct practical method, 
I take my stand, and, till the cultivation of bacteria from spore to spore 
shows that I am wrong, I shall look on pathogenic bacteria as consisting 
of different species. 

In order, however, to show that I do not stand alone in this view, I 
shall here mention the opinion of some botanists who have already come 
to a similar conclusion. 

Cohn states that, in spite of the fact that many dispute the necessity 
of separating bacteria into genera or species, he must nevertheless ad- 
here to the method as yet followed by him, and separate bacteria of a 
different form and fermenting power from each other, so long as com- 
plete proof of their identity is not given. 


From his investigations on the effects of different temperatures and 


314 BIOLOGY 


of desiccation on the development of bacterium termo, Eidam came to 
the conclusion that different forms of bacteria require different condi- 
tions of nutriment, and that they behave differently towards physical 
and chemical influences. He regards these facts as a further proof of 
the necessity of dividing organisms into distinct species. 

I shall bring forward another reason to show the necessity of look- 
ing on the pathogenic bacteria which I have described as distinct species. 
The greatest stress, in investigations on bacteria, is justly laid on the 
so-called pure cultivations, in which only one definite form of bacterium 
is present. This evidently arises from the view that if, in a series of 
cultivations, the same form of bacterium is always obtained, a special 
significance must attach to this form: it must indeed be accepted as a 
constant form, or in a word as a species. Can, then, a series of pure 
cultivations be carried out without admixture of other bacteria? It 
can in truth be done, but only under very limited conditions. Only such 
bacteria can be cultivated pure, with the aids at present at command, 
which can always be known to be pure, either by their size and easily 
recognizable form, as the bacillus anthracis, or by the production of a 
characteristic coloring matter as the pigment bacteria. When, during 
a series of cultivations, a strange species of bacteria has by chance got 
in, as may occasionally happen under any circumstances, it will in these 
cases be at once observed, and the unsuccessful experiment will be 
thrown out of the series without the progress of the investigation being 
thereby necessarily interfered with. 

But the case is quite different when attempts are made to carry out 
cultivations of very small bacteria, which, perhaps, cannot be distin- 
guished at all without staining; how are we then to discover the occur- 
rence of contamination? It is impossible to do so, and therefore all 
attempts at pure cultivation in apparatus, however skillfully planned 
and executed, must, as soon as small bacteria with but little characteris- 
tic appearances are dealt with, be considered as subject to unavoidable 
sources of fallacy, and in themselves inconclusive. 

But nevertheless a pure cultivation is possible, even in the case of 
the bacteria which are smallest and most difficult to recognise. This, 
however, is not conducted in cultivation apparatus, but in the animal 
body. My experiments demonstrate this. In all the cases of a distinct 
disease, e. g., of septicaemia of mice, only the small bacilli were present, 
and no other form of bacterium was ever found with it, unless in the 
case where that causing the tissue gangrene was intentionally inoculated 


BIOLOGY 315 


at the same time. In fact, there exists no better cultivation apparatus 
for pathogenic bacteria than the animal body itself. Only a very limited 
number of bacteria can grow in the body, and the penetration of organ- 
isms into it is so difficult that the uninjured living body may be regarded 
as completely isolated with respect to other forms of bacteria than those 
intentionally introduced. It is quite evident, from a careful considera- 
tion of the two diseases produced in mice-septicemia and gangrene of 
the tissue—that I have succeeded in my experiments in obtaining a pure 
cultivation. In the putrefying blood, which was the cause of these two 
diseases, the most different forms of bacteria were present, and yet only 
two of these found in the living mouse the conditions necessary for their 
existence. All the others died, and these two alone, a small bacillus and 
a chain-like micrococcus, remained and grew. ‘These could be trans- 
ferred from one animal to another as often as was desired, without suf- 
fering any alteration in their characteristic form, in their specific physio- 
logical action and without any other variety of bacteria at any time 
appearing. And further, as I have demonstrated, it is quite in the power 
of the experimenter to separate these two forms of bacteria from each 
other. When the blood in which only the bacilli are present is used, 
these alone are transmitted, and thenceforth are obtained quite pure; 
while on the other hand, when a field mouse is inoculated with both 
forms of bacteria, the bacilli disappear, and the micrococcus can be 
then cultivated pure. Doubtless an attempt to unite these two forms 
again in the same animal by inoculation would have been successful. 
In short, one has it completely in one’s power to cultivate several vari- 
eties of bacteria together, to separate them from each other, and eventu- 
ally to combine them again. Greater demands can hardly be made on a 
pure cultivation, and I must therefore regard the successive transmis- 
sion of artificial infective diseases as the best and surest method of pure 
cultivation. And it can further claim the same power of demonstrating 
the existence of specific forms of bacteria, as must be conceded to any 
faultless cultivation experiments. 

From the fact that the animal body is such an excellent apparatus 
for pure cultivation, and that, as we have seen, when the experiments 
are properly arranged and sufficient optical aids used, only one specific 
form of bacterium can be found in each distinct case of artificial trau- 
matic infective disease, we may now further conclude that when, in ex- 
amining a traumatic infective disease, several different varieties of bac- 
teria are found, as e. g., chains of small granules, rods, and long, oscil- 


316 BIOLOGY 


lating threads—such as were seen together by Coze and Feltz in the 
artificial septicemia of rabbits—we have to do either with a combined 
infective disease,—that is, not a pure one,—or, what in the case cited is 
more probable, an inexact and inaccurate observation. When, there- 
fore, several species of bacteria occur together in any morbid process, 
before definite conclusions are drawn as to the relations of the disease 
in question to the organisms, either proof must be furnished that they 
are all concerned in the morbid process, or an attempt must be made to 
isolate them and to obtain a true pure cultivation. Otherwise we cannot 
avoid the objection that the cultivation was not pure, and therefore not 
conclusive. I shall only briefly refer to a further necessary consequence 
of the admission of the existence of different species of pathogenic bac- 
teria. The number of the species of these bacteria is limited; for, of the 
numerous diverse forms present in putrid fluids, one or but few can in 
the most favorable cases develop in the animal body. Those which dis- 
appear are, for that species of animal at least, not pathogenic bacteria. 
If, however, as follows from the foregoing, there exist hurtful and 
harmless bacteria, experiments performed on animals with the latter, 
e. g., with bacterium termo, prove absolutely nothing for or against the 
behavior of the former—the pathogenic—forms. But almost all the 
experiments of this nature have been carried out with the first mixture 
of different species of bacteria which came to hand without there being 
any certainty that pathogenic bacteria were in reality present in the 
mixture. It is therefore evident that none of these experiments can be 
regarded as furnishing evidence of any value for or against the parasitic 
nature of infective diseases. 

In all my experiments, not only have the form and size of the bac- 
teria been constant, but the greatest uniformity in their actions on the 
animal organisms has been observed, though no increase of virulence, as - 
described by Coze and Feltz, Davaine, and others. This leads me to 
make some remarks on the supposed law of the increasing virulence of 
blood when transmitted through successive animals, discovered or con- 
firmed by the investigators just named. 

The discovery of this law has as is well known, been received with 
great enthusiasm, and it has excited no little interest owing to its inti- 
mate bearing on the doctrine of natural selection (Anpassung and 
Vererbung). Some investigators, who are in other things very exact, 
have allowed themselves to be blinded by the seductive theory that the 
insignificant action of a single putrefactive bacterium may, by continued 


BIOLOGY 317 


natural selection in passing from animal to animal, be increased in viru- 
lence till it becomes deadly though a drop of the infective liquid be 
diluted in a quadrillion times. They have founded thereon the most 
beautiful practical applications, not suspecting that the bacteria in ques- 
tion have never been certainly demonstrated. 

The original works of Coze and Feltz, as also that of Davaine, are 
not at my disposal for reference; and I cannot therefore enter into a 
complete criticism of them. So far, however, as I can gather from the 
teferences accessible to me, especially from the detailed notices in 
Virchow and Hirch’s “Jahnesbericht,”’ no complete proof that the viru- 
lence of septiczemic blood increases from generation to generation seems 
to have been furnished. Apparently blood more and more diluted was 
injected, and astonishment was felt when this always acted, the effect 
being then ascribed to its increasing virulence. But controlling experi- 
ments to ascertain whether the septicamic blood were not already as 
virulent in the second and third generations as in the twenty-fifth, do 
not seem to have been made. My experiments so far support and are in 
accordance with those of Coze, Feltz, and Davaine in that for the first 
infection of an animal relatively large quantities of putrid fluid are 
necessary; but in the second generation, or at the latest in the third, 
the full virulence was attained, and afterwards remained constant. 

Of my artificial infective diseases the septicaemia of the mouse has 
the greatest correspondence with the artificial septicemia described by 
Davaine. If we were to experiment with this disease in the same man- 
ner as Davaine experimented, we would, if no controlling experiments 
were employed, find the same increase in virulence of the disease. It 
would only be necessary to use blood in slowly decreasing quantities in 
order to obtain in this way any progressive increase of the virulence 
that might be desired. I, however, took from the second or third animal 
the smallest possible quantity of material for inoculation, and thus ar- 
rived more quickly at the greatest degree of virulence. Till, therefore, 
I am assured that, in the septicemia observed by Davaine, such con- 
trolling experiments were made, I can only look on an increase in viru- 
lence as holding good for the earlier generations. In order to explain 
this we do not, however, require to have recourse to the magical wand 
of natural selection; a feasible explanation can be very naturally fur- 
nished. Let us take again the septicemia of mice, as being the most 
suitable example. 


If two drops of putrefying blood be injected into such an animal 


318 BIOLOGY 


there is introduced not only a number of totally distinct species of bac- 
teria, but also a certain amount of dissolved putrid poison (sepsin), not 
sufficient to produce a fatal effect, but yet certainly not without influence 
on the health of the animal. Different factors must therefore be con- 
sidered as affecting the health of the animal. On the one hand there is 
the dissolved poison, on the other the different species of bacteria, of 
which, however, perhaps only two, as in the example before us, can 
multiply in the body of the mouse and there exert a continuous noxious 
influence. Only one of these two species can penetrate into the blood, 
and if the blood alone be used for further inoculations, only this one 
variety will come victorious out of the battle for existence. The fur- 
ther development of the experiment depends entirely on the quantity of 
the putrid poison, and on the relation of the two forms of bacteria to 
each other in point of numbers. If one injects a large amount of septic 
poison and a large number of that variety of bacteria which increases 
locally (in this case the chain-like micrococci causing the gangrene of 
the tissue), but only a very small number of the bacteria which pass into 
the blood (here the bacilli), the first animal experimented on will die, 
as a result of the preponderation influence of the first two factors before 
many bacilli can have got into the blood and multiplied there. Of the 
blood of this first animal, containing, as it does, proportionately very few 
bacilli, one-fifth to one-tenth of a drop must be inoculated in order to 
convey the disease with certainty. In the second animal, however, only 
the bacilli are introduced, and these develop undisturbed in the blood. 
For the infection of the third animal the smallest quantity of this blood 
which can produce an effect is then sufficient, and after this third gen- 
eration the virulence of the blood remains uniform. 

We may also imagine another case in which the increase of the 
virulence may go on through more than two generations without any 
modification resulting from natural selection and transmission from 
animal to animal. This would take place if several species of bacteria 
capable of passing into the blood were introduced into the animal at the 
first injection. Let us suppose, for example, that in the same putrefy- 
ing blood which served for the foregoing experiment, the bacilli of an- 
thrax were also present, there would then be contained: in the blood 
of the first animal not only the septicaemic bacillus, but also bacillus 
anthracis, and of each only a small number; of the anthrax bacillus there 
would be even fewer than of the other, because in mice they are depos- 


ited chiefly in the spleen, lungs, etc. ; while in the blood of the heart they 


BIOLOGY 319 


are, even in the most favorable cases, only sparsely distributed. On 
the other hand, the anthrax bacilli have this advantage, that, provided 
they be inoculated in considerable numbers, they kill even within twenty 
hours, while the septiceemic bacilli only destroy life after fifty hours. 
In the blood of the second animal, therefore, both species of bacilli 
would be present in larger numbers than in the first, although not yet 
so numerous as if either organism had been inoculated singly. Hence a 
larger quantity of blood is necessary to ensure transmission to a third 
animal. Perhaps this might be the case even in the fourth generation, 
till finally one or other variety of bacillus would alone be present in the 
blood injected. Probably this would be the septiczemic bacillus. 

In this way the experiments of Coze, Feltz, and Davaine may admit 
of simple explanation and be brought into harmony with my results. 


LOUIS PASTEUR 


Louis Pasteur was born at Dole, France, December 27, 1822. His 
father was a tanner. In 1825 the family moved to Arbois, where Pas- 
_teur was sent to college. Later he attended Besangon, where he took his 
bachelor’s degree. He now went to the Ecole Normale to continue his 
studies in chemistry, and three years later he was appointed assistant 
professor there. His first important scientific work was done in show- 
ing the asymmetry of molecules, but this is not the field in which he 
made his greatest reputation. In 1863 he took up the question of fer- 
mentation and showed that it is due to the growth of bacteria—micro- 
scopic plants—and soon afterward proved the same fact to be the cause 
of putrefaction. This immediately led to Lister’s conception of anti- 
septic surgery and dealt a fatal blow to the doctrine of spontaneous 
generation. ) 

In 1865 Pasteur discovered the bacillus which was the cause of 
the silkworm disease. 

Davaine had discovered the bacillus of anthrax in 1863, and Pas- 
teur took up the question of inoculation on the theoretical principle of 
small-pox vaccination. After passing the germs successively through a 
number of animals, he found that a few drops of blood from an infected 


320 BIOLOGY 


animal constituted a lymph which, if injected gradually and in small 
enough quantities, would cause only a mild attack of anthrax, which 
would act as a preventive thereafter. This is the great principle of 
inoculation with which scientists are to-day attempting to combat the 
infectious diseases. Pasteur himself applied it with great success to the 
cure of hydrophobia in 1880-1885. He found that the inoculation acted 
as an almost certain preventive even after patients were bitten by a 
mad dog. 

He died September 28, 1895. 

The extracts first given below will give some idea of his work on 
fermentation. Huis account of his work on hydrophobia follows later. 


ON FERMENTATION 


We maintain, adducing incontestable experimental evidence in sup- 
port of our theory, that living, organized ferments spring only from 
similar organisms likewise endowed with life; and that the germs of 
these ferments exist in a state of suspension in the air, or on the exte- 
rior surface of objects. M. Fremy asserts that these ferments are 
formed by the force of hemi-organisms acting on albuminous sub- 
stances, in contact with the air. We may put the matter more precisely 
by two examples :— 

Wine is produced by a ferment, that is to say, by minute, vegetative. 
cells which multiply by budding. According to us, the germs of these 
cells abound in autumn on the surface of grapes and on the woody parts 
of their branches; and the proofs which we have given of this fact are 
as clear as any evidence can be. According to M. Fremy, the cells of 
ferment are produced by spontaneous generation, that is to say, by the 
transformation of nitrogenous substances contained in the juice of the 
grape, as soon as that juice is brought into contact with the air. 

Again, blood flows from a vein; it putrefies, and in a very short 
time swarms. with bacteria or virbios. According to us the germs of 
these bacteria and virbios have been introduced by particles of dust 
floating in the air or derived from the surface of objects, possibly the 
body of the wounded animal, or the vessels employed, or a variety of 
other objects. M. Fremy, on the other hand, asserts that these bacteria 
or virbios are produced spontaneously, because the albumin, and the 
fibrin of the blood themselves possess a semi-organization, which causes 


BIOLOGY 321 


them, when in contact with the air, to change spontaneously into these 
marvelously active minute beings. 

Has M. Fremy given any proof of the truth of his theory? By no 
manner of means; he confines himself to asserting that things are as he 
says they are. He is constantly speaking of hemi-organism and its 
effects, but we do not find his affirmations supported by a single experi- 
mental proof. There is, nevertheless, a very simple means of testing 
the truth of the theory of hemi-organism; and on this point M. Fremy 
and ourselves are quite at one. This means consists in taking a quan- 
tity of grape juice, wine, blood, etc., from the very interior of the 
organs which contain those liquids, with the necessary precautions to 
avoid contact with the particles of dust in suspension in the air or 
spread over objects. According to the hypothesis of M. Fremy, these 
liquids must of necessity ferment in the presence of pure air. Accord- 
ing to us, the very opposite of this must be the case. Here, then, is a 
crucial experiment of the most decisive kind for determining the merits 
of the rival theories, a criterion, moreover, which M. Fremy perfectly 
admits. In 1863, and again in 1872, we published the earliest experi- 

ments that were made in accordance with this decisive method. The 
result was as follows: The grape juice did not ferment in vessels full 
of air, air deprived of its particles of dust—that is to say, it did not 
produce any of the ferments of wine; the blood did not putrefy—that 
is to say, it yielded neither bacteria nor virbios; urine did not become 
ammoniacal—that is to say, it did not give rise to any organism; in a 
word, the origin of life manifested itself in no single instance. 
~ The hemi-organism hypothesis is, therefore, absolutely untenable, 
and we have no doubt that our learned friend will eventually declare as 
much before the Academy, since he has more than once publicly 
expressed his readiness to do so as soon as our demonstrations appear 
convincing to him. How can he resist the evidence of such facts and 
proofs? Persistence in such a course can benefit nobody, but it may 
depreciate the dignity of science in general esteem. It would gratify 
us extremely to find the rigorous exactness of our studies on this sub- 
ject acknowledged by M. Fremy, and regarded by that gentleman with 
' the same favour bestowed upon it everywhere abroad. It may be 
doubted if there exists at the present day a single person beyond the 
Rhine who believes in the correctness of Liebig’s theory, of which M. 
Fremy’s hemi-organism is merely a variation. If M. Fremy still hesi- 
tates to accept our demonstrations, the observations of Mr. Tyndall may 


effect his conversion. 
X. 21. 


322 BIOLOGY 


London, February 16, 1876. 
“Dear Mr. Pasteur: | : 

“For the first time in the history of science, we are justified in 
cherishing confidently the hope that, as far as epidemic diseases are con- 
cerned, medicine will soon be delivered from empiricism, and placed on 
a real scientific basis; when that great day shall come, humanity will, 
in my opinion, recognize the fact that the greatest part of its gratitude 
will be due to you. 

“Believe me, ever very faithfully yours, 
JOHN) TYNDALE: 


We need scarcely say that we read this letter with liveliest grati- 
fication, and were delighted to learn that our studies had received the 
support of one renowned in the scientific world alike for rigorous 
accuracy in his experiments as for the lucid and picturesque clearness 
of all his writings. The reward as well as the ambition of the man of 
science consists in earning the approbation of his fellow-workers, or 
that of those he esteems masters. 

Mr. Tyndall has observed this remarkable fact, that in a box, the 
sides of which are coated with glycerine, and the dimensions of which 
may be variable and of considerable size, all the particles of dust float- 
ing in the air inside fall and adhere to the glycerine in the course of a 
few days. The air in the case is then as pure as that in our double- 
necked flasks. Moreover, a transmitted ray of light will tell us the 
moment when this purity is obtained. Mr. Tyndall has proved, in fact, 
that to the eye rendered sensitive by remaining in darkness for a little 
while, the course of the ray is visible as long as there are any floating 
particles of dust capable of reflecting or diffusing light, and that, on the 
other hand, it becomes quite obscure and invisible to the same eye as 
soon as the air has deposited all its solid particles. When it has done 
this, which it will do very quickly—in two or three days, if we employ 
one of the boxes used by Mr. Tyndall—it has been proved that any 
organic infusions whatever may be preserved in the case without under- 
going the least putrefactive change, or without producing bacteria. 

On the other hand, bacteria will swarm in similar infusions, after 
an interval of from two to four days, if the vessels which contain them 
are exposed to the air by which the cases are surrounded. Mr. Tyndall 
can drop into his boxes, at any time he wishes, some blood from a vein 
or an artery of an animal, and show conclusively that such blood will 
not, under these circumstances, undergo any putrefactive change. 

Mr. Tyndall concludes his work with a consideration of the prob- 
able application of the results given in his paper to the etiology of con- 
tagious diseases. We share his views on this subject entirely, and we 


! 
BIOLOGY 323 


are obliged to him for having recalled to mind the following statement 
from our Studies on the Silkworm Disease: “Man has it in his power 
to cause parasitic diseases to disappear off the surface of the globe, 
if, as we firmly believe, the doctrine of spontaneous generation is a 
chimera.” 


INOCULATION FOR HYDROPHOBIA 


Gentlemen :—Your Congress meetings are the place for the discus- 
sion of the gravest problems of medicine; they serve also to point out 
the great landmarks of the future. Three years ago, on the eve of the 
London Congress, the doctrine of micro-organisms, the etiological 
cause of transmissible maladies, was still the subject of sharp criti- 
cisms. Certain refractory minds continued to uphold the idea that 
“disease is in us, from us, by us.” 

It was expected that the decided supporters of the theory of the 
spontaneity of diseases would make a bold stand in London; but no 
Opposition was made to the doctrine of “exteriority,” or external causes, 
the first cause of contagious diseases, and those questions were nut dis- 
cussed at all. 

It was there seen, once again, that when all is ready for the final 
triumph of truth, the united conscience of a great assembly feels it 
instinctively and recognises it. 

All clear-sighted minds had already foreseen that the theory of the 
spontaneity of diseases received its death-blow on the day when it 
became possible reasonably to consider the spontaneous generation of 
microscopic organisms as a myth, and when, on the other hand, the life- 
activity of those same beings was shown to be the main cause of 
organic decomposition and of all fermentation. 

From the London Congress, also, dates the recognition of another 
very hopeful progress; we refer to the attenuation of different viruses, 
to the production of varying degrees of virulence for each virus, and 
their preservation by suitable methods of cultivation; to the practical 
application, finally, of those new facts in animal medicine. 

New microbic prophylactic viruses have been added to those of 
fowl-cholera and of splenic fever. The animals saved from death by 
contagious diseases are now counted by hundreds of thousands, and 


‘the sharp opposition which those scientific novelties met with at the 


324 BIOLOGY 


beginning was soon swept away by the rapidity of their onward 
progress. 

Will the circle of practical applications of those new notions be 
limited in future to the prophylaxis of animal distempers? We must 
never think little of a new discovery, nor despair of its fecundity; but 
more than that, in the present instance, it may be asserted that the ques- 
tion is already solved in principle. Thus, splenic fever is common to 
animals and man, and we make bold to declare that, were it necessary 
to do so, nothing could be easier than to render man also proof against 
that affection. The process which is employed for animals might, 
almost without a change, be applied to him also. It would simply 
become advisable to act with an amount of prudence which the value of 
the life of an ox or a sheep does not call for. Thus, we should use 
three or four vaccine-viruses instead of two, of progressive intensity 
of virulence, and choose the first ones so weak that the patient should 
never be exposed to the slightest morbid complication, however sus- 
ceptible to the disease he might be by his constitution. 

The difficulty, then, in the case of human diseases, does not lie in 
the application of the new method of prophylaxis, but rather in the 
knowledge of the physiological properties of their viruses. All our 
experiments must tend to discover the proper degree of attenuation for 
each virus. But experimentation, if allowable on animals, is criminal 
on man. Such is the principal cause of the complication of researches 
bearing on diseases exclusively human. Let us keep in mind, neverthe- 
less, that the studies of which we are speaking were born yesterday 
only, that they have already yielded valuable results, and that new ones 
may be fairly expected when we shall have gone deeper into the know]- 
edge of animal maladies, and of those in particular which affect ani- 
mals in common with man. 

The desire to penetrate farther forward in that double study led 
me to choose rabies as the subject of my researches, in spite of the dark- 
ness in which it was veiled. 

The study of rabies was begun in my laboratory four years ago, 
and pursued since then without other interruption than what was 
inherent to the nature of the researches themselves, which present cer- 
tain unfavourable conditions. The incubation of the disease is always 
protracted, the space disposed of is never sufficient, and it thus becomes 
impossible at a given moment to multiply the experiments as one would 
like. Notwithstanding those material obstacles, lessened by the interest 


BIOLOGY 325 


taken by the French Government in all questions of great scientific 
interest, we now no longer count the experiments which we have made, 
my fellow workers and myself. I shall limit myself to-day to an exposi- 
tion of our latest acquisitions. 

The name alone of a disease, and of rabies above all others, at once 
suggests to the mind the notion of a remedy. 

But it will, in the majority of cases, be labour lost to aim in the 
first instance at discovering a mode of cure. It is, in a manner, leaving 
all progress to chance. Far better to endeavour to acquaint oneself, 
first of all, with the nature, the cause, and the evolution of the disease, 
with a glimmering hope, perhaps, of finally arriving at its prophylaxis. 

To this last method we are indebted for the result that rabies is no 
longer to-day to be considered as an insoluble riddle. 

We have found that the virus of rabies develops itself invariably in 
the nervous system, brain, and spinal cord, in the nerves, and in the 
salivary glands; but it is not present at the same moment in every one 
of those parts. It may, for example, develop itself at the lower extrem- 
ity of the spinal cord, and only after a time reach the brain. It may be 
met with at one or at several points of the encephalon whilst being 
absent at certain other points of the same region. 

If an animal is killed whilst in the power of rabies, it may require 
a pretty long search to discover the presence here or there in the 
nervous system, or in the glands, of the virus of rabies. We have been 
fortunate enough to ascertain that in all cases, when death has been 
allowed to supervene naturally, the swelled-out portion, or bulb, of the 
medulla oblongata nearest to the brain, and uniting the spinal cord 
with it, is always rabid. When an animal has died of rabies (and the 
disease always ends in death), rabid matter can with certainty be 
obained from its bulb, capable of reproducing the disease in other ani- 
mals when inoculated into them, after trephining, in the arachnoid 
space of the cerebral meninges. 

Any street dog whatsoever, inoculated in the manner described 
with portions of the bulb of an animal which has died of rabies, will 
certainly develop the same disease. We have thus inoculated several 
hundreds of dogs brought without any choice from the pound. Never 
once was the inoculation a failure. Similarly also, with uniform suc- 
cess, several hundred guinea-pigs, and rabbits more numerous still. 

Those two great results, the constant presence of the virus in the 
bulb at the time of death, and the certainty of the reproduction of the 


326 BIOLOGY 


disease by inoculaion into the arachnoid space, stand out like experi- 
mental axioms, and their importance is paramount. Thanks to the 
precision of their application, and to the well-nigh daily repetition of 
those two criteria of our experiments, we have been able to move for- 
ward steadily and surely in that arduous study. But, however solid 
those experimental bases, they were, nevertheless, incapable in them- 
selves of giving us the faintest notion as to some method of vaccination 
against rabies. In the present state of science the discovery of a method 
of vaccination against some virulent malady presupposes: 

1. That we have to deal with a virus capable of assuming diverse 
intensities, of which the weaker ones can be put to vaccinal or pro- 
tective uses. 

2. That we are in possession of a method enabling us to reproduce 
those diverse degrees of virulence at will. 

At the present time, however, science is acquainted with one sort 
of rabies only—viz., dog rabies. 

Rabies, whether in dog, man, horse, ox, wolf, fox, etc., comes 
originally from the bite of a mad dog. It is never spontaneous, neither 
in the dog nor in any other animal. There are none seriously authenti- 
cated among the alleged cases of so-called spontaneous rabies, and I 
add that it is idle to argue that the first case of rabies of all must have 
been spontaneous. Such an argument does not solve the difficulty, and 
wantonly calls into question the as yet inscrutable problem of the origin 
of life. It would be quite as well, against the assertion that an oak tree 
always proceeded from another oak tree, to argue that the first of all 
oak trees that ever grew must have been produced spontaneously. Sci- 
ence, which knows itself, is well aware that it would be useless for her 
to discuss about the origin of things; she is aware that, for the present 
at any rate, that origin is placed beyond the ken of her investigations. 

In fine, then, the first question to be solved on our way towards the 
prophylaxis of rabies is that of knowing whether the virus of that mal- 
ady is susceptible of taking on varying intensities, after the manner of 
the virus of fowl-cholera or of splenic fever. 

But in what way shall we ascertain the possible existence of vary- 
ing intensities in the virus of rabies? By what standard shall we meas- 
ure the strength of a virus which either fails completely or kills? Shall 
we have recourse to the visible symptoms of rabies? But those symp- 
toms are extremely variable, and depend essentially on the particular 


point of the encephalon or of the spinal cord where the virus has in the 


BIOLOGY 327 


first instance fixed and developed itself. The most caressing rabies, for 
such do exist, may, when inoculated into another animal of the same 
species, give rise to furious rabies of the intensest type. 

Might we then perhaps make use of the duration of incubation as a 
means of estimating the intensity of our virus? But what can be more 
changeful than the incubative period? Suppose a mad dog to bite sev- 
eral sound dogs: one of them will take rabies in one month or six weeks, 
another after two or three months or more. Nothing, too, more change- 
ful than the length of incubation according to the different modes of 
inoculation. Thus, other circumstances the same, after bites or hypo- 
dermic inoculation rabies occasionally develops itself, and at other 
times aborts completely ; but inoculations on the brain are never sterile, 
and give the disease after a relatively short incubation. 

It is possible, nevertheless, to gauge with sufficient accuracy the 
degree of intensity of our virus by means of the time of incubation, on 
condition that we make use exclusively of the intra-cranial mode of 
inoculation ; and secondly, that we do away with one of the great dis- 
turbing influences inherent to the results of inoculation made by bites, 
under the skin or in the veins, by injecting the right proportion of 
material. 

The duration of incubation, as a matter of fact, may depend largely 
on the quantity of efficient virus—that is to say, on the quantity of virus 
which reaches the nervous system without diminution or modification. 
Although the quantity of virus capable of giving rabies may be, so to 
speak, infinitely small, as seen in the common fact of the disease devel- 
oping itself after rabid bites which, as a rule, introduce into the system 
a barely appreciable weight of virus, it is easy to double the length of 
incubation by simply changing the proportion of those very small quan- 
tities of inoculated matter. I may quote the following examples :— 

On May I0, 1882, we injected into the popliteal vein of a dog ten 
drops of a liquid prepared by crushing a portion of the bulb of a dog, 
which had died of ordinary canine madness, in three or four times its 
volume of sterilised broth. 

Into a second dog we injected y$;th of that quantity, into a 
third y3jth. Rabies showed itself in the first dog on the eighteenth 
day after the injection, on the thirty-fifth day in the second dog, whilst 
the third one did not take the disease at all, which means that, for the 
last animal, with the particular mode of inoculation employed, the quan- 
tity of virus injected was not sufficient to give rabies. And yet that 


328 BIOLOGY 


dog, like all dogs, was susceptible of taking the disease, for it actually 
took it twenty-two days after a second inoculation, performed on Sep- 
tember 3, 1882. 

I now take another example bearing on rabbits, and by a different 
mode of inoculation. This time, after trephining, the bulb of a. rabbit 
which had died of rabies after inoculation of an extremely powerful 
virus is triturated and mixed with two or three times its volume of 
sterilised broth. The mixture is allowed to stand a little, and them 
two drops of the supernatant liquid are injected after trephining 
into a first rabbit, into a second rabbit one-fourth of that quantity, and 
in succession into other rabbits, th, p,th, ~4,th, and ziynd of that 
same quantity. All those rabbits died of rabies, the incubation having 
been eight days, nine and ten days for the third and fourth, twelve and 
sixteen days for the last ones. 

Those variations in the length of incubation were not the result of 
any weakening or diminution of the intrinsic virulence of the virus 
brought on possibly by its dilution, for the incubation of eight days 
was at once recovered when the nervous matter of all those rabbits was 
inoculated into new animals. 

Those examples show that, whenever rabies follows upon bites or 
hypodermic inoculations, the differences in respect of length of incu- 
bation must be chiefly ascribed to the variations, at times within con- 
siderable limits, of the ever-undeterminate proportions of the inoculated 
viruses which reach the central nervous system. 

If, therefore, we desire to make use of the length of incubation as 
a measure of the intensity of the virulence, it will be indispensable to 
have recourse to inoculation on the surface of the brain, after trephin- 
ing, a process the action of which is absolutely certain, coupled with 
the use of a larger quantity of virus than what is strictly sufficient to 
give rise to rabies. By those means the irregularities in the length of 
incubation for the same virus tend to disappear completely, because we 
always have the maximum effect which that virus can produce; that 
maximum coincides with a minimum length of incubation. 

We have thus, finally, become possessed of a method enabling us 
to investigate the possible existence of different degrees of virulence, 
and to compare them with one another. The whole secret of the method, 
I repeat, consists in inoculating on the brain, after trephining, a quan- 
tity of virus which, although small in itself, is still greater than what 
is simply necessary to reproduce rabies. We thus disengage the incu- 


BIOLOGY 323 


bation from all disturbing influences and render its duration dependent 
exclusively on the activity of the particular virus used, that activity 
being in each case estimated by the minimum incubation determined 
by it. ; 

This method was applied in the first instance to the study of canine 
madness, and in particular to the question of knowing whether dog- 
madness was always one and the same, with perhaps the slight varia- 
tions which might be due to the differences of race in diverse dogs. 

We accordingly got hold of a number of*dogs affected with ordi- 
nary street rabies, at all times of the year, at all seasons of the same 
year or of different years, and belonging to the most dissimilar canine 
races. In each case the bulbar portion of the medulla oblongata was 
taken out from the recently dead animal, triturated and suspended in 
two or three times its volume of sterilised liquid, making use all along 
of every precaution to keep our materials pure, and two drops of this 
liquid injected after trephining into one or’ two rabbits. The inocula- 
tion is made with a Pravaz syringe, the needle of which, slightly curved 
at its extremity, is inserted through the dura-mater into the arachnoid 
space. The results were as follows: all the rabbits, from whatever sort 
of dog inoculated, showed a period of incubation which ranged between 
twelve and fifteen days, without almost a single exception. Never did 
they show an incubation of eleven, ten, nine, or eight days, never an 
incubation of several weeks or of several months. 

Dog-rabies, the ordinary rabies, the only known rabies, is thus 
sensibly one in its virulence, and its modifications, which are very lim- 
ited, appear to depend solely on the varying aptitude for rabies of the 
different known races. But we are going now to witness a deep change 
in the virulence of dog-rabies. 

Let us take one, any one, of our numerous rabbits, inoculated with 
the virus of an ordinary mad dog, and, after it has died, extract its 
bulb, prepare it just as described, and inject two drops of the bulb- 
emulsion into the arachnoid space of a second rabbit, whose bulb will 
in turn and in time be injected into a third rabbit, the bulb of which 
again will serve for a fourth rabbit, and so on. 

There will be evidence, even from the first few passages, of,a 
marked tendency towards a lessening of the period of incubation in the 
succeeding rabbits. Just one example: 

Towards the end of the year 1882 fifteen cows and one bull died 
of rabies on a farm situated in the neighbourhood of the town of Melun. 


330 | BIOLOGY 


They had been bitten on October 2 by the farm dog, which had become 
mad. The head of one of the cows, which had died on November 15, 
was sent to my laboratory by M. Rossignol, a veterinary surgeon in 
Melun. A number of experiments were made on dogs and rabbits, and 
showed that the following parts, the only encephalic (or those pertain- 
ing to the brain) ones tested, were rabid: the bulb, the cerebellum, the : 
frontal lobe, the sphenoidal lobe. The rabbits trephined and inoculated 
with those different parts showed the first symptoms of rabies on the 
seventeenth and eighteenth days after inoculation. With the bulb of 
one of those rabbits two more were inoculated, of which one took rabies 
on the fifteenth day, the other on the twenty-third day. 

We may notice, once for all, that when rabies is transferred from 
one animal to another of a different species, the period of incubation is 
always very irregular at first in the individuals of the second species 
if the virus had not yet become fixed in its maximum virulence for the 
first species. We have just seen an example of that phenomenon, since 
one of the rabbits had an incubation of fifteen days, the other of twenty- 
three days, both having received the same virus and all other circum- 
stances remaining apparently the same for them. 

The bulb of the first one of those last rabbits which died was in- 
jected into two more rabbits, still after trephining. One of them took 
rabies on the tenth day, the other on the fourteenth day. The bulb of 
the first one that died was again injected into a couple of new rabbits, 
which developed the disease in ten days and twelve days respectively. 
A fifth time two new animals were inoculated from the first one that 
died, and they both took the disease on the eleventh day after inocula- 
tion; similarly, a sixth passage was made, and gave an incubation of 
eleven days, twelve days for the seventh passage, ten and eleven for 
the eighth, ten days for the ninth and tenth passages, nine days for the 
eleventh, eight and nine days for the twelfth, and so on, with differ- 
ences of twenty-four hours at the most, until we got to the twenty-first 
passage, when rabies declared itself in eight days, and subsequently to 
that always in eight days up to the fiftieth passage, which was only 
effected a few days ago. That long experimental series which is still 
going on was begun on November 15, 1882, and will be kept up for the 
purpose of preserving in our rabies virus that maximum virulence 
which it has come to now for some considerable time, as it is easy to 
calculate. 


Allow me to call your attention to the ease and safety of the opera- 


BIOLOGY 331 


tions for trephining and then inoculating the virus. Throughout the 
last twenty months we have been able without a single interruption in 
the course of the series to carry the one initial virus through a succes- 
sion of rabbits which were all trephined and inoculated every twelfth 
day or so. 

Guinea-pigs reach more rapidly the maximum virulence of which 
they are susceptible. The period of incubation is in them also variable 
and irregular at the beginning of the series of successive passages, but 
it soon enough fixes itself at a minimum of five days. The maximum 
virulence in guinea-pigs is reached after seven or eight passages only. 
It is worth noting that the number of passages required before reach- 
ing the maximum virulence, both in guinea-pigs and in rabbits, varies 
with the origin of the first virus with which the series is begun. 

If now this rabies with maximum virulence be transferred again 
into the dog from guinea-pig or rabbit, there is produced a dog-virus 
which in point of virulence goes far beyond that of ordinary canine 
madness. 

But, a natural query—of what use can be that discovery as to the 
existence and artificial production of diverse varieties of rabies, every 
one of them more violent and more rapidly fatal than the habitual mad- 
ness of the dog? The man of science is thankful for the smallest find 
he can make in the field of pure science, but the many, terrified at the 
very name of hydrophobia, claim something more than mere scientific 
curiosities. How much more interesting it would be to become ac- 
quainted with a set of rabies viruses which should, on the contrary, be 
possessed of attenuated degrees of virulence! Then, indeed, might 
there be some hope of creating a number of vaccinal rabies viruses such 
as we have done for the virus of fowl-cholera, of the microbe of saliva, 
of the red evil of swine (swine-plague), and even of acute septiczemia. 
Unfortunately, however, the methods which had served for those dif- 
ferent viruses showed themselves to be either inapplicable or inefficient 
in the case of rabies. It therefore became necessary to find out new 
and independent methods, such, for example, as the cultivation in vitro 
of the mortal rabies virus. 

Jenner was the first to introduce into current science the opinion 
that the virus which he called the grease of the horse, and which we call 
now more exactly horse-pox, probably softened its virulence, so to 
speak, in passing through the cow and before it could be transferred to 
man without danger. It was therefore natural to think of a possible 


332 BIOLOGY 


diminution of the virulence of rabies by a number of passages through 
the organisms of some animal or other, and the experiment was worth 
trying. A large number of attempts were made, but the majority of 
the animal species experimented on exalted the virulence after the man- 
ner of rabbits and guinea-pigs ; fortunately, however, it was not so with 
monkey. 

On December 6, 1883, a monkey was trephined and inoculated 
with the bulb of a dog, which had itself been similarly inoculated from 
a child who had died of rabies. The monkey took rabies eleven days 
later, and when dead served for inoculation into a second monkey, 
which also took the disease on the eleventh day. <A third monkey, simi- 
larly inoculated from the second one, showed the first symptoms on the 
twenty-third day, etc. The bulb of each one of the monkeys was inocu- 
lated, after trephining, into two rabbits each time. The rabbits inocu- 
lated from the first monkey developed rabies between thirteen and 
sixteen days, those from the second monkey between fourteen and 
twenty days, those from the third monkey between twenty-six and 
thirty days, those from the fourth monkey both of them after the 
twenty-eighth day, those from the fifth monkey after twenty-seven 
days, those from the sixth monkey after thirty days. 

It cannot be doubted after that, that successive passages through 
monkeys, and from the several monkeys to rabbits, do diminish the viru- 
lence of the virus for the latter animals; they diminish it for dogs also. 
The dog inoculated with the bulb of the fifth monkey gave an incubation 
of no less than fifty-eight days, although it had been inoculated in the 
arachnoid space. 

The experiments were renewed with fresh sets of monkeys and 
led to similar results. We were therefore actually in possession of a 
method by means of which we could attenuate the virulence of rabies. : 
Successive inoculations from monkey to monkey elaborate viruses 
which, when transferred to rabbits, reproduce rabies in them, but with 
a progressively lengthening period of incubation. Nevertheless, if one 
of those rabbits be taken as the first for inoculations through a series 
of rabbits, the rabies thus cultivated obeys the law which we have seen 
before, and has its virulence increased at each passage. 

The practical application of those facts gives us a method for the 
vaccination of dogs against rabies. As a starting point, make use of 
one of the rabbits inoculated from a monkey sufficiently removed from 
the first animal of the monkey series for the inoculation—hypodermic 


BIOLOGY. 393 


or intra-venous—of that rabbit’s bulb not to be mortal for a new rabbit. 
The next vaccinal inoculations are made with the bulbs of rabbits 
derived by successive passages from that first rabbit. 

In the course of our experiments we made use, as a rule, for inocu- 
lation, of the virus of rabbits which had died after an incubation of four 
weeks, repeating three or four times each the vaccinal inoculations 
made with the bulbs of rabbits derived in succession from one another 
and from the first one of the series, itself coming directly from the 
monkey. I abstain from giving more details, because certain experi- 
ments which are actually going on allow me to expect that the process 
will be greatly simplified. 

You must be feeling, gentlemen, that there is a great blank in my 
communication; I do not speak of the micro-organism of rabies. We 
have not got it. The process for isolating it is still imperfect, and the 
difficulties of its cultivation outside the bodies of animals have not yet 
been got rid of, even by the use, as pabulum, of fresh nervous matter. 
The methods which we employed in our study of rabies ought all the 
more perhaps, on that account, to fix attention. Long still will the art 
of preventing diseases have to grapple with virulent maladies the micro- 
organic germs of which will escape our investigations. It is, therefore, 
a capital scientific fact that we should be able, after all, to discover the 
vaccination process for a virulent disease without yet having at our dis- 
posal its special virus and whilst yet ignorant of how to isolate or to 
cultivate its microbe. 

As soon as the method for the vaccination of dogs was firmly estab- , 
lished, and we had in our possession a large number of dogs which had 
been rendered refractory to rabies, I had the idea of submitting to a 
competent committee those of the facts which appeared destined in 
future to serve as a basis for the vaccination of dogs against rabies. 
That course was suggested to me in prevision of the later practical 
application of the method, by the recollection of the opposition with 
which Jenner’s discovery met at its beginning. 

I spoke of my project to M. Falliéres, the Minister of Public 
Instruction, who was pleased to approve of it and gave commission to 
the following gentlemen to control the facts which I had summarily 
communicated to the Academy of Sciences in its sitting of May 1g last: 
Messrs. Béclard, Paul Bert, Bouley, Aimeraud, Villemin, Vulpian. 
M. Bouley was appointed president, Dr. Villemin secretary, and the 
commission at once set to work. I have the pleasure of informing you 


334 BIOLOGY 


that it has just sent in a first report to the Minister. I was acquainted 
with it here, and the following are in a few words the facts related in 
that first report on rabies. I had given to the commission nineteen vac- 
cinated dogs in succession—that is to say, dogs which had been ren- 
dered refractory by preventive inoculations. Thirteen only of them had 
after their vaccination been already submitted to the test-inoculation on 
the brain. 

The nineteen dogs were, for the sake of comparison, divided into 
sets along with nineteen more control dogs brought from the pound 
without any sort of selection. To begin with, two refractory dogs and 
two control dogs were on June 1 trephined and inoculated under the 
dura-mater, on the surface of the brain, with the bulb of a dog affected 
with ordinary street rabies. 

On June 3 another refractory dog and another control dog were 
bitten by a furious street mad dog. 

The same furious mad dog was on June 4 made to bite still another 
refractory and another control dog. On June 6 the furious dog which 
had been utilised on June 3 and 4 died. The bulb was taken out and 
inoculated, after trephining, into three refractory dogs and three con- 
trol dogs. On June Io another street mad dog, having been secured, 
was, by the commission, made to bite one refractory and one control 
dog. On June 16 the commission have two new dogs, a refractory one 
and a control one, bitten by one of the control dogs of June 1, which 
had been seized with rabies on June 14 in consequence of the inocula- 
tion after trephining which it had received on June 1. _ 

On June 19 the commission got three refractory and three control 
dogs inoculated before their own eyes in the popliteal vein’ with the bulb 
of an ordinary street mad dog. On June 20 they have inoculated in 
their presence, and still in a vein, ten dogs altogether, six of them 
refractory and four just brought from the pound. 

On June 28, the Commission hearing that M. Paul Simon, a vet- 
erinary surgeon, had a furious biting mad dog, have four of their dogs, 
two refractory and two control dogs, taken to his place and bitten by 
the mad dog. 

The Rabies Commission have, therefore, experimented on thirty- 
eight dogs altogether—namely, nineteen refractory dogs and nineteen 
control dogs susceptible of taking the disease. Those of the dogs which 
have not died in consequence of the operations themselves are still under 
observation, and will long continue to be. The commission, reporting 


BIOLOGY 335 


up to the present moment on their observations as to the state of the 
animals tried and tested by them, find that out of the nineteen control 
dogs six were bitten, of which six three have taken rabies. Seven 
received intra-venous inoculations, of which five have died of rabies. 
Five were trephined and inoculated on the brain; the five have died of 
rabies. 

On the other hand, not one of the nineteen vaccinated dogs has 
taken rabies. 

In the course of the experiments, on July 13, one of the refractory 
dogs died in consequence of a black diarrhoea which had begun in the 
first days of July. In order to ascertain whether rabies had anything 
to do with it as the cause of death, its bulb was at once inoculated, after 
trephining, into three rabbits and one guinea-pig. All four animals are 
still to-day in perfect health, a certain proof that the dog died of some 
common malady, and not of rabies. 

The second report of the Commission will be concerned with the 
experiments made as to the refractoriness to rabies of twenty dogs to 
be vaccinated by the Commission themselves. 

(M. Pasteur then announced that he had just received that same 
morning the first report addressed to M, Fallieres by the Official Com- 
mission on Rabies. It states that twenty-three refractory dogs were 
bitten by ordinary mad dogs, and that not one of them had taken rabies. 
On the other hand, within two months after the bites, 66 per cent. of 
the normal dogs similarly bitten had already taken the disease.) 


November 1, 1886.—New Communication on Rabies.—On Octo- 
ber 26, 1885, I acquainted the Academy with a method of prophylaxis 
of rabies after bites. Numerous applications on dogs had justified me 
in trying iton man. As early as March 1, 350 persons bitten by dogs 
undoubtedly mad, and several more by dogs simply suspected of rabies, 
had already been treated at my laboratory by Dr. Grancher. And in 
consideration of the happy results obtained it appeared to me that it 
had become necessary to found an establishment for anti-rabic vacci- 
nations. 

To-day, October 31, 1886, 2,490 persons have received the pre- 
ventive inoculations in Paris alone. The treatment was in the first 
instance uniform for the great majority of the patients, notwithstanding 
the different conditions presented by them as to age, sex, the number of 
bites received, their seat, their depth, and the time which had elapsed 


336 | BIOLOGY 


since the occurrence of the accident. It lasted ten days, the patient 
receiving every day an injection prepared from the spinal marrow of a 
rabbit, beginning with that of fourteen days’ and ending with that of 
five days desiccation. 

Those 2,490 cases are subdivided according to nationality in the 
following manner: 


ISTISSI aA sia ala ere iaiece ie gaya Whe Cale Lara Siberian nada IQI 
1d Ra SI ales In HIRE mba RAL HANH ANSE STS 165 
hey aed be HRN EAN rb os HMI LA UGA a EL Sh C7 
Bneland vena WEE TED MOEN UMD Ss SEALE LC AA 80 
Belew Soe Ay a cgi ske alten de Merl muael ut enatela tne liaiaie 57 
ATES EA SOAS et Zane SUT EUR ta a Se ea Ge Hs Ean 52 
Porto De eae are UOT Re LRM NLC A et en ms ae 25 
PROUT RT Lats Si eia ba Rca A, IOC SLO Sore Ste TOE state ie 22 
inited States i os et tslanne Ne eau Ault RN an ame el et 18 
[ma Res OCB ak é Boy Geel MUMURA AIS LUMA AMUN BUM AMG ME SHAKING vg Genus He yh Ap 14 
Greece re OHS Avene HS EE WaT MANE LUCA MU SMT AE Mer 10 
CSELTTIA TIVO LICH RU A SRA ICU TNC cue VOU ETE eCa mes ao neN a Wain 9 
Por Ca UN AN PVA NONE RG Ran i Mo Wri Beat GP ey Faolroagiitainy Mini 5 7 
fis res Bak | HANA Ay PANN) ER ASSO UR Masia EA IR Aad Mh ee RL Wi 3 
eee eae ARIA BNP OE ah aN rs BUNK H oleh Sb Acme nl 2 
SWALZELIANIC) Cre cMnar aes OMe lanl a iaiiat | Ale M aT ons ene 2 
Brance anctvAl eens mon iin ne Linnea se ttelaieter ne iu ne 1720 


The number of French persons has been considerable, amounting 
to 1,726, and it will be enough to confine ourselves to the category 
formed by them as a basis for discussing the degree of efficacy of the 
method. 

Out of the total 1,726 cases treated, the treatment has failed ten 
times—namely, in the following cases: 

The children: Lagut, Peytel, Clédiére, Moulis, Astier, Videau. 

The woman: Leduc, seventy years old. 

The men: Marius Bouvier (thirty years), Clergot (thirty), and 
Norbert Magnevon (eighteen). 

I leave out of count two other persons, Louise Pelletier and Moer- 
mann, whose deaths must be attributed to their tardy arrival at the 
laboratory, Louise Pelletier thirty-six days, and Moermann forty-three 
days after they had been bitten. 

We have therefore ten deaths for 1,726 cases, or I in 170; such 
are, for France and Algeria, the results of the first year’s application of 
the method. 

Those statistics, taken as a whole, demonstrate the efficacy of the 
treatment, as proved further by the relatively large number of deaths 
which occurred amongst bitten persons who had not been vaccinated. 


L 
UNIVERS 


PROSPERINE 
By Rossetti, 1828-2882. | 


ANTE GABRIEL ROSSETTI was born ‘in London, England, May 42; 1828. 
I) His mother was English and ‘his father wasan Italian professor and poet, 
who was made professor of the Hang | s College, Londen, in 1831 and after- . 
wards commentator on Dante, Sof 

After attending a private’ school for nine month (from the sutaean of 1835-1836), 
he was setit to King’s College School, where he remained until 1843.. From a child 
he‘had shown a propensity for drawing and it was therefore assumed tht his career 
should be an. artistic one. And although he left school young he knew Latin, 
French, and. Italian, and later he had some German lessons, He also had some. 
Greek. On leaving school he weut to Cary’s Art Academy, and in 1846 obtained 
admission to the Royal Academy Antique School. In 1848 he exhibited his picture, 
The Girlhood of Mary, Virgin, and in the same year took an active part in forming 
the Pre-Raphaclite brotherhood, the members of which believed that artistsshould 
confront Nature herself imitating no longer man ’simitations of her—even though 
the imitations be the splendid works of those great masters ‘which: had hitherto. 
been the inspiration of modernart.. This made him very unpopularfor atime, In 
1851 he wrote the remarkable poem, Sister Helen... He wrote many poems. before 
» 7862 and‘had them announced fot publication under the title of Dante at Verona, : 
and other poems, but his wife died in this year from an overdose of laudanum taken 
for neuralgia, and Rossetti buried his manuscripts with her, Six: years. later: he 
was persuaded to. consent to their disintermént,. They were published, i in 1870 and’. 
gaye him a reputation second to no contemporary Huglish poet after Tennyson. and’. 
Browning. Much of the remainder of Rossetti’s life may be summed up in a 
phrase, ‘‘chloral and its consequences,” He first took this drug by the advice of a 


friend: to relieve neuralgia and insomnia, Rossetti obtained equal celebrity as a ea | 


poet and as a painter, “It has béen disputed in which class he stands higher, Res 
In’ December, 1881, he ‘went to Pecan es. Kent, for his: are and died | 
there iP 9; Sait 


PSYCHOLOGY 


DESCRIPTIONS of the mind or soul begin with Plato and Aristotle. 
Locke may be called the father of psychology of modern times. The 
Germans tried to add exactness to psychology by an experimental 
method. Lotze in 1852, Fechner in 1860 and Wundt in 1863 all did 
much to bring this experimental point of view to a practical working 
basis. A great many facts have been discovered by laboratory methods 
and such investigations are still being pursued. 

In 1861 Broca discovered that the brains of persons suffering one 
kind of aphasia showed a lesion in a certain spot. 

_ About 1870 Hitzig showed that special movements could be excited 
in a dog by electrification of various parts of the brain. By this method 
and by comparing the injuries in the brains of persons suffering from 
nervous disorders, Ferrier and Munk, six or seven years later, estab- 
lished local centers for the senses of sight, hearing, touch, and smell. 
All of this introduced an entirely new conception of the relation of 
brain and mind. Briefly put, the facts are these: destroy a center in the 
brain and you destroy the corresponding sense or motion; destroy the 
path between two centers and the relation between corresponding ideas 
is destroyed; thus a patient may see his coat and not know what it is 
for. Moreover, not only does a lesion destroy the power of sight, for 
example, but takes away the memory of things seen. The question of 
localization is one of the most interesting in psychology, and has already 
made possible surgical operations on the brain for diseases which pre- 
vious ages did not connect with the brain at all. 


DAVID FERRIER 


Davip FERRIER was born at Aberdeen, Scotland, in 1843. In 1863 
he graduated from the University of Aberdeen with the highest honors 
and in the same year won the Ferguson scholarship in classics and 
philosophy, open for competition to graduates of the four Scotch Uni- 
versities. In 1854 he entered the University of Heidelburg, where he 
carried on his psychological studies and began to study anatomy, physi- 
ology, and chemistry; in 1865 he began the study of medicine at the 
' University of Edinburg, where he graduated in 1868 after having won 
several medals. He remained at the university as assistant to the Pro- 
fessor of the Practice of Physic until 1869, and the year following, 
assisted a practitioner at Bury, St. Edmunds, where he managed to 
still prosecute his researches on the comparative anatomy and his- 
tology of the brain. In 1871 he was appointed Demonstrator of Physiol- 
ogy in King’s College, and in 1872 Professor of Forensic Medicine in 
the same institution, succeeding Dr. Grey, whom he had assisted in 
preparing the fourth and fifth editions of his Principles of Forensic 
Medicine. He retained this position until 1889. He also became junior 
physician to the West London Hospital in 1872, assistant physician to 
King’s College Hospital in 1874, and full physician in 1880. He was 
assistant physician to the Hospital for Paralysis and Epilepsy, Re- 
gent’s Park, from 1877 to 1880, when he was appointed physician to the 
National Hospital for the Paralyzed and Epileptic. He has published 
numerous memoirs. Dr. Ferrier’s chief scientific work has been con- 
nected with the brain. He proved that the senses and powers of move- 
ment were closely connected with definite centers in the brain; that the 
destruction of these centers would destroy the corresponding mental 
power and not only would the sense itself be destroyed, but the memory 
of past sensations corresponding to the injured center. He was one of 
the founders and is still editor of the journal Brain. 


PSYCHOLOGY 339 


LOCALIZATION OF THE FUNCTIONS IN THE BRAIN 


Hitherto we have considered the brain chiefly in its objective or 
physiological aspects, and the conclusion has been arrived at that the 
brain is a complex system of centres of motion and centres of sensation. 

In their subjective aspect the functions of the brain are synonymous 
with mental operations, the consideration of which belongs to the science 
of psychology and the subjective method of investigation. No purely 
physiological investigation can explain the phenomena of consciousness. 
By throwing light, however, on the anatomical substrata of conscious- 
ness, physiological experiment may serve to elucidate some of the at 
present obscure relations between normal and abnormal conditions of the 
brain, and normal and abnormal psychical manifestations. 

It is not the object of this work to attempt an analysis of mind or 
the laws of mental operations, but simply to discuss, in the light of the 
facts revealed by the experimental investigations recorded in the preced- 
ing chapters, some of those relations between the physiological and psy- 
chological functions of the brain which present themselves to the con- 
sideration of the physician and medical psychologist. 

That the brain is the organ of the mind, and that mental operations 
are possible only in and through the brain, is now so thoroughly well 
established and recognized that we may without further question start 
from this as an ultimate fact. 

But how it is that molecular changes in the brain cells coincide with 
modifications of consciousness ; how, for instance, the vibrations of light 
falling on the retina excite the modification of consciousness termed a 
visual sensation, is a problem which cannot be solved. We may succeed 
in determining the exact nature of the molecular changes which occur 
in the brain cells when a sensation is experienced, but this will not bring 
us one whit nearer the explanation of the ultimate nature of that which 
constitutes the sensation. The one is objective and the other subjective, 
and neither can be expressed in terms of the other. We cannot say 
that they are identical, or even that the one passes into the other; but 
only, as Laycock expresses it, that the two are correlated, or, with Bain, 
that the physical changes and the psychical modifications are the ob- 
jective and subjective sides of a “double-faced unity.” 

“We have every reason for believing that there is, in company with 


340 PSYCHOLOGY 


all our mental processes, an unbroken material succession. From the 
ingress of a sensation, to the outgoing responses in action, the mental 
succession is not for an instant dissevered from a physical succession. A 
new prospect bursts upon the view; there is a mental result of sensation, 
emotion, thought, terminating in outward displays of speech or gesture. 
Parallel to this mental series is the physical series of facts, the successive 
agitation of the physical organs. . . . While we go the round of the 
mental circle of sensation, emotion and thought, there is an unbroken 
physical circle of effects. It would be incompatible with everything we 
know of cerebral action, to suppose that the physical chain ends abruptly 
in a physical void, occupied by an immaterial substance; which imma- 
terial substance, after working alone, imparts its results to the other 
edge of the physical break, and determines the active response—two 
shores of the material, with an intervening ocean of the immaterial. 
There is, in fact, no rupture of nervous continuity. The only tenable 
supposition is, that mental and physical proceed together, as undivided 
twins. When, therefore, we speak of a mental cause, a mental agency, 
we have always a two-sided cause; the effect produced is not the effect 
of mind alone, but of mind in company with body.” (Bain, “Mind 
and Body,” 1873, p. 131.) 


In accordance with this position it must follow from the experi- 
mental data that mental operations in the last analysis must be 
merely the subjective side of sensory and motor substrata. This view 
has been repeatedly and clearly enunciated by Hughlings-Jackson, with 
whose physiological and psychological deductions from clinical and 
pathological data I frequently find myself in complete accordance. 
(“Clinical and Physiological Researches on the Nervous System.” Re- 
prints from “Lancet,” 1873.) 

The physiological activity of the brain is not, however, alto- 
gether co-extensive with its psychological functions. The brain as an 
organ of motion and sensation, or presentative consciousness, is a single 
organ composed of two halves; the brain as an organ of ideation, or 
re-presentative consciousness, is a dual organ, each hemisphere complete 
in itself. When one hemisphere is removed or destroyed by disease, 
motion and sensation are abolished unilaterally, but mental operations 
are still capable of being carried on in their completeness through the 
agency of the one hemisphere. The individual who is paralysed as to 
sensation and motion by disease of the opposite side of the brain (say the 
right), is not paralysed mentally, for he can still feel and will and think, 
and intelligently comprehend with the one hemisphere. If these func- 
tions are not carried on with the same vigour as before, they at least do 
not appear to suffer in respect of completeness. 


In order that impressions made on the individual organs of sense 


PSYCHOLOGY 341 


shall excite the subjective modification called a sensation, it is neces- 
sary that they reach and induce certain molecular changes in the cells 
of their respective cortical centres. 

If the angular gyrus (gyri) is destroyed or functionally inactive, 
impressions made on the retina and optical apparatus cause the same 
physical modifications as usual, but do not affect consciousness. The 
changes produced have no subjective side. 

The optical apparatus without the angular gyrus may be compared 
to the camera without the sensitised plate. The rays of light are fo- 
cussed as usual, but produce no chemical action, and leave no trace when 
the object is withdrawn, or the light from it shut off. The angular 
gyrus is like the sensitive plate. The cells undergo certain molecular 
modifications which coincide with certain subjective changes constitut- 
ing the consciousness of the impression or special visual sensation. And 
as the sensitive plate records, in certain chemical decompositions, the 
form of the object presented to the camera, so the angular gyrus re- 
cords in cell modifications the visual characters of the object looked at. 
We may push the analogy still further. Just as the chemical decom- 
position effected by the rays of light may be fixed and form a permanent 
image of the object capable of being looked at, so the cell modifications 
which coincided with the presentation of the object to the eye, remain 
permanently, constituting the organic memory of the object itself. When 
the same cell modifications are again excited, the object is re-presented 
or rises up in idea. It is not meant by this analogy that the objects are 
photographed in the angular gyrus, as objects are photographed on the 
plate, but merely that permanent cell modifications are induced, which 
are the physiological representatives of the optical characters of the 
object presented to the eye. The optical characters are purely light 
vibrations, and few objects are known by these alone. The object 
appeals to other senses, and perhaps to movements, and the idea of the 
object as a whole is the revival of the cell modifications in each of the 
centres concerned in the act of cognition. For what is true of the 
angular gyrus or sight centre is true, mutatis mutandis, of the other 
sensory centres. Each is the organic basis of consciousness of its own 
special sensory impressions, and each is the organic basis of the memory 
of such impressions in the form of certain cell modifications, the rein- 
duction of which is the re-presentation or revival in idea of the indi- 
vidual sensory characters of the object. The organic cohesion of these 
elements by association renders it possible for the re-excitation of the 
one set of characters to recall the whole. 


342 PSYCHOLOGY 


The sensory centres, therefore, are to be regarded not merely as the 
organs of consciousness of immediate sensory impressions, but as the 
organic register of special sensory experiences. This organic memory 
is the physical basis of Retentiveness, and the property of re-excitability 
is the organic basis of Recollection and Ideation. We have thus a physi- 
ological foundation of the law arrived at on other grounds by Bain, viz. 
that ‘the renewed feeling occupies the very same parts, and in the same 
manner as the original feeling.” According to Spencer, the renewal 
of the feeling is the fait revivification of the same processes which are 
strongly excited by presentation of the object. The molecular thrill, if 
we may so term it, of present sensation extending from the peripherical 
organ of sense, is in the ideal sensation revived, but, as a rule, not so 
powerfully as to extend to the periphery ; though, in rare instances, the 
central revivification may be so intense as actually to re-induce the peri- 
pherical impression. This occurs in certain morbid states such as are 
described under the name of “fixed ideas,” or in sensory hallucinations 
from diseased conditions of the brain, as in epilepsy and insanity. 

The organic memory of sensory impressions is the fundamental 
basis of knowledge. If the sense impressions were evanescent, or en- 
dured only so long as the object was present, the range of conscious 
intelligent action would be limited to the present, and we should have no 
real knowledge. Knowledge implies the consciousness of agreement or 
difference. We can only be said to know when we recognise identity, 
or difference between past and present conscious modifications. We 
know that a certain colour is green by recognising a similarity or iden- 
tity between the present and a certain past colour sensation, or a dif- 
ference between this and some other colour in the spectrum. If 
we had no organic memory of the past capable of re-excitation to serve 
as the basis of comparison, we should be unable to recognise either 
agreement or difference. We might be conscious from moment to mo- 
ment, but there would be no continuation in time, and knowledge would 
be impossible. The foundation of the consciousness of agreement is the 
re-excitation by the present of the same molecular processes which 
coincided with a past impression; and of difference, a transition from 
one physical modification to another. The sensory centres, therefore, 
besides being the organs of sensation or consciousness of immediate im- 
pressions, contain, in the persistence and revivability of the coincident 
physical modifications, the materials and possibilities of simple and com- 
plex cognitions, in so far as these are dependent on sensory experience 
alone. 


PSYCHOLOGY 343 


The destruction of the sight centre, therefore, not only makes the 
individual blind presentatively, but blind re-presentatively or ideally, and 
all memories into which visual characters enter in part or whole become 
mangled and imperfect, or are utierly rooted out of consciousness. ‘The 
destruction of the eye renders the individual blind only presentatively, 
but his visual memory and visual ideation remain unaffected. And it 
would be extremely interesting to ascertain whether, in an individual 
born blind, the sight centre presents any peculiarities either as regards 
the forms of the cells, or their processes or otherwise, differing from . 
those of the normal brain. If such were detectable, we should come 
near arriving at the characters of the physical basis of an idea. 


In the remarkable and, in a physio-psychological sense, highly in- 
structive condition termed aphasia, many of the principles above laid 
down are strikingly exemplified. 

The subject of aphasia is deprived of the faculty of articulate 
speech, and also very generally of the faculty of expressing his thoughts 
in writing, while he continues intelligently to comprehend the meaning 
of words spoken to him, or, it may be, to appreciate the meaning of 
written language. An aphasic individual knows perfectly well, as ex- 
hibited by his gestures, if a thing is called by its right name or not, but 
he cannot utter the word himself, or write it when it is suggested to him. 
In his attempts, only an automatic or interjectional expression or some 
unintelligible jargon escapes his lips, or unmeaning scrawls are set down 
on paper as writing. 

This affection is usually, at first at least, associated with a greater 
or less degree of right hemiplegia, but the motor affection of the right 
side, chiefly of the right arm, is often slight and transient, or may be 
wanting from the first, the only indication of motor paralysis being a 
paretic or weak condition of the oral muscles of the right side. 

The inability to speak is not due to paralysis of the muscles of 
articulation, for these are set in action and employed for purposes of 
mastication and deglutition by the aphasic individual. 

The cause of this affection was shown by Broca—and his observa- 
tions have been confirmed by thousands of other cases—to be associated 
with disease in the region of the posterior extremity of the third left 
frontal convolution, where it abuts on the fissure of Sylvius, and over- 
laps the island of Reil, a region which I have shown corresponds with 
the situation of the motor centres of articulation in the monkey. 

One of the most common causes of the affection is softening of this 


344 PSYCHOLOGY 


region, consequent on sudden stoppage of the circulation by embolic 
plugging of the arterial channels which convey its blood supply, by 
which the functional activity of the part is temporarily or permanently 
suspended. 

Owing to the proximity and common vascular supply of the motor 
centres of the hand and facial muscles, it is easy to see how they also 
become implicated in the lesion of the centres of articulation, and why, 
therefore, dextral and facial motor paralysis should so commonly occur 
along with aphasia. This may be taken as further evidence in proof 
of the fact that lesions of the cortical motor centres cause motor paral- 
ysis on the opposite side. 

The escape of the articuiatory muscles from paralysis in unilateral 
lesion of the centres of articulation is accounted for by the bilateral 
influence of each centre which has been experimentally demonstrated. 

The loss of speech actually or in idea from destruction of the cen- 
tres of articulation is not more difficult of explanation on the principles. 
laid down in this chapter, than the loss of sight presentatively or re- 
presentatively from destruction of the angular gyri. That which con- 
stitutes the apparent difficulty is the explanation of speechlessness with- 
out motor paralysis from unilateral lesion of the centres of articulation 
in the left hemisphere. 

This difficulty is explicable on the principles laid down in reference 
to motor acquisitions in general. As the right side of the body is more 
especially concerned in volitional motor acts, so the education is prin- 
cipally in the motor centres of the left hemisphere, and these centres are 
more especially the organic basis of motor acquisitions. The left ar- 
ticulatory centres, as has been argued by more than one observer, pre- 
ponderate over the right in the initiation of motor acts of articulation. 
They are, therefore, more especially the organic basis of the memory of 
articulations and of their revival in idea. The destruction of the left 
articulatory centres removes the motor limb of the cohesions which 
have been formed by long education between the centres of hearing and 
_ sight, and between the centres of ideation in general. 

Sounds actual or revived fail to excite corresponding articulations 
actually or in idea. The individual is speechless, the motor part of the 
sensori-motor cohesion, sound-articulation, being broken. The sight of 
written symbols also fails to reproduce the equivalent articulatory action, 
actually or in idea. The individual is speechless, because the motor 
element of the sensori-motor cohesion, sight-articulation, is broken. 

Ideally revived sights, sounds, touches, tastes, smells fail to call up: 


' 


PSYCHOLOGY 345 


the symbolic articulations, hence the individual cannot express his ideas 
in language, and in so far as language or internal speech is necessary to 
complex trains of thought, in that proportion is thought impaired. 
Thought, however, may be carried on without language, but it is thought 
in particulars, and is as cumbrous and limited as mathematical calcula- 
tions without algebraical symbols. Thought, as has been observed by 
Bain, is in a great measure carried on by internal speech, 7. e., through 
the ideal or faint re-excitation of the articulatory processes which are 
symbolic of ideas. This is shown by the unconsciously executed move- - 
ments of the lips and tongue which all persons exhibit more or less, and 
some so obviously that the unconscious processes rise almost to the 
point of whispering. So also the blind deaf-mute Laura Bridgman, 
whose language was symbolic movements of the fingers, during thought 
or when dreaming, unconsciously executed the same movements as she 
was accustomed to make in the actual exercise of her manual speech. 
And just as ideas tend to excite their symbolic representations in 
articulation or in manual movements, so does the actual or ideal revival 
of the articulatory or manual movements tend by association to call up 
the other limbs of the cohesions, whether simple sights, sounds, tastes, 
smells, or’their combinations. The importance of this connection be- 
tween’ the articulating centres and the centres of ideation in general, 
will be shown more fully in reference to the voluntary revival of ideas 
and control of ideation. 
We have seen that a person aphasic from destruction of his speech 
centre (as we may for shortness call the articulatory motor centres of 
the left hemisphere) still remains capable of appreciating the meaning 
of words uttered in his hearing. In this respect he does not (and there 
is no reason why he should) differ from a normal individual. His 
centres of sight, hearing, etc., being unimpaired, he is as capable as 
before of sight, auditory, tactile, gustatory and olfactory ideation. The 
difference consists in the fact that in the aphasic individual' the word 
spoken, though it calls up the idea or meaning, cannot call up the word 
itself actually or in idea, owing to the centres of word execution and 
word ideation being destroyed. The appreciation of the meaning of 
spoken words is readily accounted for by the fact that in the process 
of education an association is formed directly between certain sounds 
and certain objects of sense, simultaneously with, if not antecedent to, 
the formation of the cohesive association between these sounds and cer- 
tain acts of articulation. The cohesion or association between sound 
and meaning remains unimpaired in aphasia; it is the cohesion between 


346 PSYCHOLOGY 


sound and articulation which is broken, by removal of the motor factor 
of the organic nexus. | | 

The association between visible symbols and things signified is, 
however, secondary to the associations formed between sounds and 
things signified, and between sounds and articulations, for speech pre- 
cedes the art of writing. In the first instance, when an individual is 
learning to read, visible symbols are translated into articulations and 
revived sounds before they call up the things signified. This translation 
occurs in all at first, and continues apparent in those persons not much 
accustomed to reading, for they only understand by articulating in a 
more or less suppressed manner all the while. Just as an individual in 
learning a foreign language is at first obliged to translate the words 
into his vernacular before he reaches the meaning, but comes by famil- 
iarity and practice to associate the new words with their meaning di- 
rectly without the aid of the vernacular, and even to think in the new 
language, so it is possible that by long experience in reading, a direct 
association may be established between visible symbols and things sig- 
nified, without the mediation of articulation. In such a case a person 
who has his speech centre disorganised will still be able to comprehend 
the meaning of written language. A person, on the other hand, who 
has not established the direct association between visible symbols and 
things signified, and is still obliged to translate through articulation, 
will, by destruction of his speech centre, fail to comprehend written 
language, though he may still understand spoken language. 

In learning to write a new association has to be grafted on to the 
association already formed between sounds and articulations. The new 
cohesion is between sounds and certain symbolic manual movements 
guided by sight, which symbolic tracings are the equivalents of certain 
acts of articulation. In the first instance this association between 
sounds, or sounds and things signified, and manual movements, takes 
place through the mediation of the centres of articulation, for the sounds 
or ideas are first reproduced actually or internally by articulations be- 
fore their equivalence in written symbols is established and recogniséd. 
: By education, and by the familiarity engendered of long practice 
in expressing ideas by written symbols, a direct association becomes 
established between sounds and ideas, and symbolic manual movements, | 
without the intermediation of articulation; and in proportion as the 
translation through articulation is dispensed with, in that proportion will 
an individual continue able to write who is aphasic from disease of his 
speech centre. 


PSYCHOLOGY 347 


In the great majority of cases of aphasia, met with in hospitals, the 
direct association between sounds and ideas and manual equivalents of 
articulations has not been established, except for very simple and con- 
stantly repeated acts of writing such as signing one’s name: and hence, 
as the intervention of articulation is still necessary before ideas can be 
expressed in writing, destruction of the speech centre causes not merely 
aphasia, but also agraphia. 

Examples of all these different conditions are to be met with in 
aphasia. Some can neither speak nor write; some can write but cannot . 
speak ; some can write their names but cannot write anything else; all 
can comprehend spoken language; many can comprehend written lan- 
guage; others not at all, or very imperfectly. Between the normal con- 
dition of the speech centre and its total destruction, many intermediate 
abnormal conditions occur, which exemplify themselves as partial 
aphasia, and partial disorders of speech. In some cases there seems to 
be such a perturbation of the centres, that though the individual is not 
aphasic in the sense of being speechless, yet the associations between cer- 
tain articulations and certain ideas are so disturbed that in attempts 
to speak only an incoherent jumble of words comes forth. This is a 
condition of ataxia rather than aphasia in the proper sense of the term. 

The speech centre is, as has been stated, in the great majority of 
instances situated in the left hemisphere. But there is no reason, be- 
yond education and heredity, why this should necessarily be so. It is 
quite conceivable that the articulating centres of the right hemisphere 
should be educated in a similar manner. A person who has lost the 
use of his right hand may by education and practice acquire with his left 
all the cunning of the right. In such a case the manual motor centres 
of the right hemisphere become the centres of motor acquisitions similar 
to those of the left. As regards the articulating centres, the rule seems 
to be that they are educated, and become the organic seat of volitional 
acquisitions on the same side as the manual centres. Hence, as most 
people are right-handed, the education of the centres of volitional move- 
ments takes place in the left hemisphere. This is borne out in a strik- 
ing manner by the occurrence of cases of aphasia with left hemiplegia 
in left-handed people. Several cases of this kind have now been put on 
record. (Vide Thése Mongié, Paris, 1866; quoted by Lépine, “La Lo- 
calisation dans les Maladies Cérébrales,” Paris, 1875. Russell, ‘““Med. 
Times and Gazette,” July 11, Oct. 24, 1874. Case (unpublished) com- 
municated to me by my friend Dr. Lauder Brunton, of St. Bartholo- 
mew’s Hospital.) 


348 PSYCHOLOGY 


These cases more than counterbalance any exception to the rule 
that the articulating centres are educated volitionally on the same side 
as the manual motor centres. The rule need not be regarded as abso- 
lute, and we may admit exceptions without invalidating a single con- 
clusion respecting the pathology of aphasia as above laid down. 

Though the left articulatory centre is the one commonly and spe- 
cially educated in speech, it is quite conceivable that a person who has 
become aphasic by reason of total and permanent destruction of the left 
speech centre, may reacquire the faculty of speech by education of the 
right articulatory centres. To a certain extent they have undergone 
education along with those of the left through associated action, regis- 
tering automatically, as Hughlings-Jackson puts it, the volitional acts. 
of the left. This automatic may be educated into volitional power, 
though at the age at which aphasia usually occurs, there is less capacity 
and plasticity in the nerve centres for forming new cohesions and asso- 
ciations. The rapid recovery which so frequently occurs in cases of 
aphasia, especially of the kind due to embolic plugging of the nutrient 
arteries of the left centres, is not so much to be regarded as an indication 
of the education of the right centres, but rather of the re-establishment 
of the circulation and nutrition in parts only temporarily rendered 
functionless. 

But there are other cases which would seem to show that recovery 
of speech may take place after a lesion which has caused complete and 
permanent destruction of the left speech centre. A case which seems to 
me to be of this nature has been reported by Drs. Batty, Tuke and Fraser 
(“Journal of Mental Science,” April, 1872), who, however, have ad- 
duced it as an instance opposed to the localisation of a speech centre, 
which in one sense, 7. @., as against absolute unilateral localisation, it 
certainly is. The case in essentials is that of a female patient who was. 
rendered unconscious by the occurrence of cerebral hemorrhage. On 
her recovery she was found totally speechless, and she remained so for 
an indefinite period. In process of time, however, the faculty of speech 
“was restored in great measure, though never quite perfectly. “During 
the whole period of her residence two peculiarities in her speech were 
observed—a thickness of articulation resembling that of general paral- 
ysis, and a hesitancy when about to name anything, the latter increasing 

very much some months previous to her death. 


“The thickness seemed apparently due to slight Probie of the 
upper lip when speaking, but there was no paralysis when the lip was 


PSYCHOLOGY 349 


voluntarily compressed against its fellow. The inaction of the upper 
lip was observed by all. 

“The hesitancy was most marked when she came to a noun, the 
hiatus varying in duration according to the uncommonness of the word. 
Latterly, she could not recall even the commonest terms, and periphrases 
or gestures were used to indicate her meaning. She was always relieved 
and pleased if the words were given her, when she invariably repeated 
them. For example, she would say, ‘Give mea glass of If asked 
if it was ‘water?’ she said, ‘No.’ ‘Wine?’ ‘No.’ ‘Whisky? ‘Yes, 
whisky.’ Never did she hesitate to articulate the word when she 
heard it.” 


Death occurred fifteen years after the seizure, and it was found 
post mortem that there was total destruction and loss of substance in 
the cortical region in the left hemisphere corresponding with the position 
of the centres of articulation. This seems to me one of the clearest cases 
of re-acquisition of the faculty of speech by education of the articulating 
centres of the right side. That speech was lost in the first instance is in 
harmony with the usual effect. of lesion of the left speech centre. Edu- 
cation of the right side had not become quite perfect even after fifteen 
years, and that peculiar hesitancy, and the fact, which the authors them- 
selves have specially noted in italics, that speech often required the aid 
of suggestion, is in accordance with the less volitional and greater auto- 
matic power of the right hemisphere. Aphasia being essentially due to 
the destruction, temporary or permanent, of the centres of excitation 
and organic registration of acts of articulation, is a significant proof 
of the fact that there is no break between the physiological and psycho- 
_ logical functions of the brain, and that the objective and subjective are 
not separated from each other by an unbridgeable gulf. 

We have now traced the development of the volitional control of 
the movements, and the mode in which the memory of volitional acts 
‘becomes organised in the motor centres. The conclusion reached is that 
the volitional control of the movements becomes established when an 
organic cohesion is welded between a consciously discriminated feeling 
and a definite and differentiated motor act. The volitional control of the 
individual movements having once been established the work of educa- 
tion advances, and the conditions of volition become more and more 
complex. The volition of the untutored and inexperienced infant is 
of a more or less impulsive character, its action being conditioned mainly 
by impressions or ideas of the moment. Associations have not yet been 
formed between the pleasurable and painful remote consequences of 
actions. Experientia docet. A child which has acquired the differen- 
tiated control of its hands is impelled to touch and handle whatever 


350 PSYCHOLOGY 


strongly attracts its sight. The sight of a bright flame stimulates a 
desire to handle it. This is followed by severe bodily pain, and an asso- 
ciation is formed between touching a certain brilliant object and severe 
suffering. The vivid memory of pain experienced on a former occasion, 
is sufficient to counteract the impulse to touch when the child is again 
placed in similar circumstances. Here we have a simple case of the con- 
flict of motives, and the inhibition or neutralisation of one motive by 
another and stronger. Action, if it results at all, is conditioned by the 
stronger. Similarly, a hungry dog is impelled by the sight of food to 
seize and eat. Should the present gratification bring with it as a con- 
sequence the severe pain of a whipping, when certain articles of food 
have been seized, an association is formed between eating certain food 
and severe bodily pain; so that on a future occasion the memory of pain 
arises simultaneously with the desire to gratify hunger, and, in propor- 
tion to the vividness of the memory of pain, the impulse of appetite is 
neutralised and counteracted. The dog is said to have learnt to curb its 
appetite. | 

As experience increases, the associations between acts and conse- 
quences increase in complexity. Both by personal experience, as well as 
by the observed experience and testimony of others, associations are es- 
tablished between actions and their remote consequences as pleasures or 
pains, and it is found that present gratification may bring a greater and 
future pain, and actions causing present pain may bring a greater pleas- 
ure. As the great law of life is vivere convenientur naturae—to secure 
pleasure and avoid pain in the highest and most general sense, and not 
for the moment only (a law which cannot be transgressed with impun- 
ity)—actions are conditioned no longer, as in the infant or untutored 
animal, by present desires or feelings alone, but by present desires modi- 
fied by the ideally revived feelings of plasure or pain near and remote, 
which experience has associated with definite actions. The motive to 
action is thus the resultant of a complex system of forces ; the more com- 
plex, the wider the experience, and the more numerous the associations 
formed between actions and their consequences, near and remote. 
Actions so conditioned are regarded as mature or deliberate, in contra- 
distinction to impulsive volitions, but the difference is not in kind, but 
only in degree of complexity; for in the end, actions conditioned by the 
resultant of a complex system of associations are of essentially the 
same character as those conditioned by the simple stimulus of a present 
feeling or desire, where no other associations have as yet been formed 
capable of modifying it. 


PSYCHOLOGY 351 


But what is normal in the infant or untutored animal, may be posi- 
tive insanity on the part of the educated adult. If in him actions are 
conditioned merely by present feelings or desires, irrespective of, or in 
spite of, the associations formed by experience between such acts and 
their consequences as pains, there is a reversion to the infantile type of 
volition; the only difference being, that in the one case no opposing 
associations have as yet been formed, while in the other, though formed, _ 
they prove of no avail. An individual who so acts, acts irrationally ; 
and if in anyone, notwithstanding the opposing influence of past asso-- 
ciations, a present feeling or desire reaches such a pitch of intensity 
as to overbalance these associations, the individual is said to act in spite 
of himself, or, metaphorically, against his will. Such tendencies occur 
more or less in all, but they are exemplified more especially in certain 
forms of insanity, in which the individual becomes the victim of some 
morbid desire, and is impelled irresistibly, and to his horror, to commit 
some act fraught with dreadful consequences. 

The tendency of feelings or desires to expend themselves in action 
leads to the consideration of another faculty which plays an important 
part in the regulation and control of ideation and action. 

The primordial elements of the volitional acts of the infant, and 
also of the adult, are capable of being reduced in ultimate physiological 
analysis to reaction between the centres of sensation and those of motion, 

But besides the power to act in response to feelings or desires, 
there is also the power to inhibit or restrain action, notwithstanding the 
_ tendency of feelings or desires to manifest themselves in active mctor 
outbursts. 

Inhibition of action is either direct or indirect. 

As an example of indirect inhibition, we may take the inhibition 
of reflex action, which is caused by a simultaneous stronger sensory 
stimulus. This is paralleled in volitional action by the inhibition or 
neutralisation of one motive by another and stronger. 

As an example of direct inhibition, we may take the inhibitory 
action of the vagus upon the heart. This is due to an influence of the 
vagus on the cardiac motor ganglia by which their activity is restrained. 


“The heart contains within itself numerous ganglia, which keep up its 
rhythmical contractions even for some time after it has been removed 
from the body. The terminal branches of the vagus nerve in the heart 
are connected in some way with these ganglia, and whenever it is irri- 
tated the ganglia cease to act on the muscular substance, and the heart 
stands completely still in a relaxed condition. The branches of the 


302 PSYCHOLOGY 


vagus which have this action resemble motor nerves in their conveying 
an irritation applied to them towards the periphery, and not towards the 
centre, and also in their origin, for although they run in the vagus they 
are really derived from the spinal accessory nerve, and only join the 
vagus near its origin. The other fibres of the spinal accessory go to 
muscles, and when they are excited they set the muscles in action, but 
those going to the heart do not end in the muscular fibres, but in the 
ganglia, and they produce rest instead of motion, relaxation instead of 
contraction.” (Lauder-Brunton, “On Inhibition, Peripheral and Cen- 
tral,” “West Riding Lunatic Asylum Medical Reports,” vol. iv., p. 181.) 


The centres of direct inhibition are thus truly motor in character, but 
their action is expended in the motor centres proper. 

As an illustration of volitional inhibition we may take the power, 
accompanied with the feeling of effort, to rein in and inhibit the ten- 
dency of powerful feelings to exhibit themselves in action. The battle 
between inhibition and the tendency to active motor outburst, is indi- 
cated by the tension into which the muscles are thrown, and yet kept 
reined in, so that under a comparatively calm exterior there may be a 
raging fire, threatening to burst all bonds. 

The inhibitory centres are not equally developed or educated in all, 
nor are they equally developed in the same individual in respect to par- 
ticular tendencies to action. But this faculty of inhibition appears to 
me to be a fundamental element in the attentive concentration of con- 
sciousness and control of ideation. 

It has been properly remarked that we have no direct volitional 
control over the centres of ideation. Ideas once excited centrally or 
from peripherical impressions tend to excite each other in a purely reflex 
manner, as Laycock and Carpenter have pointed out. Left to them- 
selves ideas excite ideas along the lines of association of contiguity and 
similarity—coherently in the waking state, when all the centres and 
senses are functionally active; incoherently in dreams and delirium, 
where the various centres are functioning irregularly. 

But we have the power of concentrating attention on one idea, or 
class of ideas, and their immediate associates, to the exclusion of all 
others, a power differently developed in different individuals. We can 
thus modify and control the current of ideation, and we can also, to a 
certain extent, voluntarily call up and retain in consciousness particular 
ideas and particular associations of ideas. 

On what physiological basis this psychological faculty rests is an 
extremely difficult question, and is one scarcely capable of experimental 


PSYCHOLOGY 353 


determination. The following considerations are therefore more prop- 
erly speculations than deductions from experimental data. 

Both the voluntary excitation of ideas and the concentration of con- 
sciousness by which the current of ideation is controlled, seem to be 
essentially dependent on the motor centres. The fact that attention in- 


volves the activity of the motor powers has been clearly enunciated by 
Bain and Wundt. 

Bain (“The Emotions and the Will,” 3rd ed. 1875) remarks as 
follows :—“It is not obvious at first sight that the retention of an idea 
in the mind is operated by voluntary muscles. Which movements are 
operating when I am cogitating a circle, or recollecting St. Paul’s? 
There can be no answer given to this, unless on the assumption that the 
mental or revived image occupies the same place in the brain and other 
parts of the system as the original sensation did, a position supported 
by a number of reasons adduced in my former volume (“Gontiguity,” 
$10). Now there being a muscular element in our sensations, especially 
of the higher senses—touch, hearing, sight—this element must some- 
how or other have a place in the after remembrance of the idea. 

“The ideal circle is a restoring of those currents that would prompt 
the sweep of the eye round an ideal circle; the difference lies in the 
last stage, or in stopping short of the actual movement performed by the 
organ” (p. 370). 

In these sentences, and particularly the last, Bain seems to me to 
have clearly indicated the elements of attention, which I conceive to be a 
combination of the activity of the motor, and of the inhibitory-motor 


centres. 

In calling up an idea, or when engaged in the attentive considera- 
tion of some idea or ideas, we are in reality throwing into action, but in 
an inhibited or suppressed manner, the movements with which the sen- 
sory factors of ideation are associated in organic cohesion. 

We think of form by initiating and then inhibiting the movements 
of the eyes or hands through which and by which ideas of form have 
been gained and persist. And just as sensory impressions or sensory 
ideas tend by association to call up ideal or actual movements, so con- 
versely, the excitation of movements tends to call up by association the 
various sensory factors which combine with these particular movements 
to form complex ideas. In the case of ideas, the motor element of which 
is not apparent, the method of excitation can be referred to the articu- 
latory movements with which as symbols ideas are associated. This is, 
in fact, the most usual method of recalling ideas in general. We recall 
an object in idea by pronouncing the name in a suppressed manner. 
We think, therefore, and direct the current of thought in a great measure 
by means of internal speech. 

X. 23, 


304 PSYCHOLOGY 


This is essentially the case with respect to the recalling of abstract 
ideas as contradistinguished from concrete and particular. 

The abstract qualities and relations of objects exist only by reason 
of words, and we think of the concrete or particular instances out of 
which the general or abstract have been formed, by making the sym- 
bolic movements of articulation with which these ideas cohere. 

An aphasic individual is incapable of abstract ideation or trains of 
thought. He thinks only in particulars, and his thoughts are conditioned 
mainly by present impressions on his organs of sense, arousing ideas 
according to the usual laws of association. 

The recall of an idea being thus apparently dependent on excitation 
of the motor element of its composition, the power of fixing the atten- 
tion and concentrating consciousness depends, further, on inhibition of 
the movement. 

During the time we are engaged in attentive ideation we suppress 
actual movements, but keep up in a state of greater or less tension the 
centres of the movement or movements with which the various sensory 
factors of ideation cohere. 

By checking the tendency to outward diffusion in actual motion, 
we thereby increase the internal diffusion, and concentrate consciousness. 
For the degree of consciousness is inversely proportional to the amount 
of external diffusion in action. In the deepest attention, every move- 
ment which would diminish internal diffusion is likewise inhibited. 
Hence, in deep thought, even automatic actions are inhibited, and a man 
who becomes deep in thought while he walks, may be observed to 
stand still. 

The excitation of the motor centres, inhibited from external dif- 
fusion, expends its force internally along the lines of organic cohesion, 
and the various factors which have become organically coherent with 
any particular movement rise into consciousness. This inhibited excita- 
tion of a motor centre may be compared to tugging at a plant with 
branching roots. The tension causes a vibratile thrill to the remotest 
radicle. So the tension of the motor centre keeps in a state of conscious 
thrill the ideational centres organically coherent therewith. The centres 
of inhibition would therefore form the chief factor in the concentration 
of consciousness and the control of ideation. They have, however, no 
self-determining power of activity, but are called into action by the 
same stimuli which tend to excite actual movement. The centres of 
inhibition undergo education along with the centres of actual motion 


PSYCHOLOGY 355 


during the growth of volition. The education of the centres of inhibi- 
tion introduces the element of deliberation into volition, for action at 
the instigation of present feelings is suspended until the various asso- 
ciations which have clustered round any individual act have arisen in 
consciousness. The resultant of the various associations, the revival of 
which is conditioned by the present feeling and the concentration of 
consciousness which it instigates, is the motive which ultimately deter- 
mines the action. 

In proportion to the development and degree of education of the 
centres of inhibition do acts of volition lose their impulsive character, 
and acquire the aspect of deliberation. Present impulses or feelings, 
instead of at once exciting action, as in the infant, stimulate the centres 
of inhibition simultaneously, and suspend action until, under the influ- 
ence of attention, the associations engendered by past experience be- 
tween actions and their pleasurable or painful consequences, near and 
remote, have arisen in consciousness. If the centres of inhibition, and 
thereby the faculty of attention, are weak, or present impulses unusually 
strong, volition is impulsive rather than deliberate, 

The centres of inhibition being thus the essential factor of attention, 
constitute the organic basis of all the higher intellectual faculties. And 
in proportion to their development we should expect a corresponding 
intellectual power. 


“A great profusion of remembered images, ideas, or notions, avails 
little for practical ends without the power of arrest or selection, which 
in its origin is purely voluntary. We may have the luxuriousness of a 
reverie or a dream, but not the compliance with a plan of operations, 
or with rules of composition.” (Bain, p. 371.) 


In proportion to the development of the faculty of attention are the 
intellectual and reflective powers manifested. This is in accordance 
with the anatomical development of the frontal lobes of the brain, and 
we have various experimental and pathological data for localising in 
these the centres of inhibition, the physiological substrata of this psy- 
chological faculty. 

It has already been shown that electrical irritation of the antero- 
frontal lobes causes no motor manifestations, a fact which, though a 
negative one, is consistent with the view that, though not actually 
motor, they are inhibitory-motor, and expend their energy in inducing 
internal changes in the centres of actual motor execution. 


356 PSYCHOLOGY 


Centres of direct inhibition and nerves of inhibition are, as we have 
seen, all centrifugal, or motor, in character, and it has also been shown 
that the frontal regions are directly connected with the centrifugal, or 
motor, tracts of the peduncular expansion or corona radiata. 

The removal of the frontal lobes causes no motor paralysis, or other 
evident physiological effects, but causes a form of mental degradation, 
which may be reduced in ultimate analysis to loss of the faculty of 
attention. 

The powers of attention and concentration of thought are, further, 
small and imperfect in idiots with defective development of the frontal 
lobes, and disease of the frontal lobes is more especially characteristic 
of dementia or general mental degradation. The frontal regions which 
correspond to the non-excitable regions of the brain of the monkey are 
small or rudimentary in the lower animals, and their intelligence and 
powers of reflective thought correspond. 

The development of the frontal lobes is greatest in man with the 
highest intellectual powers, and taking one man with another, the great- 
est intellectual power is characteristic of the one with the greatest fron- 
tal development. 

The phrenologists have, I think, good grounds for localising the 
reflective faculties in the frontal regions of the brain, and there is noth- 
ing inherently improbable in the view that frontal development in special 
regions may be indicative of the power of concentration of thought and 
intellectual capacity in special directions. 

In this chapter I have contented myself with indicating very briefly 
some of the more important psychological principles which seem to me 
fairly deducible from experimental investigation into the anatomical and 
physiological substrata of mind, principles which in many respects coin- 
cide with those expounded by Bain and Herbert Spencer. 

Many other important points in cerebral physiology still remain to 
be considered, such as the relation of the encephalic centres to nutritive 
or trophic processes ; the conditions of the normal activity of the brain ; 
the physiological conditions of consciousness, etc.; but as these questions 
require discussion in the light more of the phenomena of disease in man, 
than of experiments on the lower animals, I propose to reserve these and 
similar topics for another treatise, specially devoted to the consideration 
of diseases of the brain. 


PSYCHOLOGY 357 


(1), placed on the postero-parietal lobule, indicates the position of 
the centres for movements of the opposite leg and foot such as are con- 
cerned in locomotion. 

(2), (3), (4), placed together on the convolutions bounding the 
upper extremity of the fissure of Rolando, include centres for various 
complex movements of the arms and legs, such as are concerned in 
climbing, swimming, etc. 

5 (5), situated at the posterior extremity of the superior frontal con- 

volution, at its junction with the ascending frontal, is the centre for the 
extension forwards of the arm and hand, as in putting forth the hand 
to touch something in front. 

(6), situated on the ascending frontal, just behind the upper end 
of the posterior extremity of the middle frontal convolution, is the 
centre for the movements of the hand and forearm in which the biceps 
is particularly engaged, viz., supination of the hand and flexion of the 
forearm. 

(7) and (8), centres for the elevators and depressors of the angle 
of the mouth respectively. 

(g) and (10), included together in one, mark the centre for the 
movements of the lips and tongue, as in articulation. This is the region, 
disease of which causes aphasia, and is generally known as Broca’s 
convolution. 

(11), the centre of the platysma, retraction of the angle of the 
mouth. | 

(12), a centre for lateral movements of the head and eyes, with 
elevation of the eyelids and dilation of pupil. 


358 PSYCHOLOGY 


(a), (b), (c), (d), placed on the ascending parietal convolution, 
indicate the centres of movement of the hand and wrist. 

Circles (13) and (13’) placed on the supra-marginal lobule and 
angular gyrus, indicate the centre of vision. 

Circles (14) placed on the superior temporo-sphenoidal convolu- 
tion, indicate the situation of the centre of hearing. 

The centre of smell is situated in the subiculum cornu Ammonis 
(inner surface of brain). 

In close proximity, but not exactly defined as to limits, is the centre 
of taste. 

The centre of touch is situated in the hippocampal region. [But 
feeling centres seem also to be located in the same regions as the corre- 
sponding motor centres.—Ed.] 


SIR WILLIAM CROOKES 


Sir WILLIAM Crookes was born in London in 1832. Since 1851 he 
has given himself to original research in chemistry. In 1859 he founded 
the “Chemical News” and in 1864 became editor also of the “Quarterly 
Journal of Science.”” He is both a practical and theoretical chemist,— 
an authority on sewage, beet sugar, dyeing, calico printing; the inventor 
of the Crookes’ tube which led to Rontgen’s discoveries ; and a theorizer 
on the ultimate composition of the atom. He is a believer in telepathy, 
and his deep insight into the laws of radiant energy demands a careful 
consideration of the hypothesis he explains below. 


TELEPATHY 


The task I am called upon to perform to-day is to my thinking by 
no means a merely formal or easy matter. It fills me with deep concern 
to give an address, with such authority as a president’s chair confers, 
upon a science which, though still in a purely nascent stage, seems to me 
at least as important as any other science whatever. Psychical science, 
as we here try to pursue it, is the embryo of something which in time 
may dominate the whole world of thought. This possibility—nay, 
probability—does not make it the easier to me now. Embryonic devel- 


PSYCHOLOGY 359 


opment is apt to be both rapid and interesting; yet the prudent man 
shrinks from dogmatising on the egg until he has seen the chicken. 

Nevertheless, I desire, if I can, to say a helpful word. And I ask 
myself what kind of helpful word. Is there any connection between 
my old-standing interest in psychical problems and such original work 
as I may have been able to do in other branches of science? 

I think there is such a connection—ihat the most helpful quality 
which has aided me in psychical problems and has made me lucky in 
physical discoveries (sometimes of rather unexpected kinds) has simply _ 
been my knowledge—my vital knowledge, if I may so term it—of my 
own ignorance. 

Most students of nature sooner or later pass through a process of 
writing off a large percentage of their supposed capital of knowledge 
as a merely illusory asset. As we trace more accurately certain familiar 
sequences of phenomena we begin to realize how closely these sequences, 
or laws, as we call them, are hemmed round by still other laws of which 
we can form no notion. With myself this writing off of illusory assets 
has gone rather far and the cobweb of supposed knowledge has been 
pinched (as some one has phrased) into a particularly small pill. 

Telepathy, the transmission of thought and images directly from 
one mind to another without the agency of the recognized organs of 
sense, is a conception new and strange to science. To judge from the 
comparative slowness with which the accumulated evidence of our 
society penetrates the scientific world, it is, I think, a conception even 
scientifically repulsive to many minds. We have supplied striking ex- 
“perimental evidence ; but few have been found to repeat our experiments. 
We have offered good evidence in the observation of spontaneous cases, 
as apparitions at the moment of death and the like, but this evidence has 
failed to impress the scientific world in the same way as evidence less 
careful and less coherent has often done before. Our evidence is not 
confronted and refuted; it is shirked and evaded as though there were 
some great a priori improbability which absolved the world of science 
from considering it. I at least see no a priori improbability whatever. 
Our alleged facts might be true in‘all kinds of ways without contradict- 
ing any truth already known. I will dwell now on only one possible line 
of explanation, not that I see any way of elucidating all the new phe- 
nomena I regard as genuine, but because it seems probable I may shed 
a light on some of those phenomena. 

All the phenomena of the universe are presumably in some way 


360 PSYCHOLOGY 


continuous; and certain facts, plucked as it were from the very heart 
of nature, are likely to be of use in our gradual discovery of facts 
which lie deeper still. 

Let us, then, consider the vibrations we trace, not only in solid bod- 
ies, but in the air, and in a still more remarkable manner in the ether. 

These vibrations differ in their velocity and in their frequency. 
That they exist, extending from one vibration to two thousand millions 
of millions vibrations per second, we have good evidence. That they 
subserve the purpose of conveying impressions from outside sources of 
whatever kind to living organisms may be fully recognized. 

As a starting point I will take a pendulum beating seconds in air. 
If I keep on doubling I will get a series of steps as follows: 


Starting point. The seconds pendulum, 
Step wile 2 vibrations per second. 
pak 4 
A 8 
Ae ee 16 
Ge cee, 32 Sound begins to human ear, 
6 64 
7 128 
Shels 256 
fog 512 
ree yuk 1024 
15.006 32768 Sound ends to human ear and elec- 
ayer ols 1,048576 trical waves begin. 
25+ eee 33554432 
BO. lo. 1073,741825 
Bi letetaie 34359,738368 Hilectrical waves end, 
AOS salts 1,099511,627776 
AS scare 35,184372,088832 Light waves begin for human eye. 
SOW 1125,899906,842624 Light waves end for human eye, 
hats 36028,707018,963968 
56.... 72057,594037,927936 
yee 144115,188075,855872 
58.... 288220,376151,711744 X-rays begin? 


5Q---- — 576440,752303,423488 
60.... 1,152881,504606,846976 


61....  2,305763,009213,693952 

62.... 4,611526,018427,387904 

63.... 9,223052,036854,775808 
At the fifth step from unity, at 32 vibrations per second, we reach 
the region where atmospheric vibration reveals itself to us as sound. 
Here we have the lowest musical note. In the next ten steps the vibra- 
tions per second rise from 32 to 32,768, and here, to the average human 
ear, the region of sound ends. But certain more highly endowed ani- 


PSYCHOLOGY 361 


mals probably hear sounds too acute for our organs; that is, sounds 
which vibrate at a higher rate. 

We next enter a region in which the vibrations rise rapidly, and the 
vibrating medium is no longer the gross atmosphere, but a highly atten- 
uated medium, “a diviner air,” called the ether. From the sixteenth 
to the thirty-fifth step the vibrations rise from 32,768 to 34359,738368 
a second, such vibrations appearing to our means of observation as 
electrical rays. 

We next reach a region extending from the thirty-fifth to the forty-. 
fifth step, including from 34359,738368 to 35,184372,088832 vibrations 
per second. This region may be considered as unknown, because we 
are as yet ignorant what are the functions of vibrations of the rates just 
mentioned. But that they have some function it is fair to suppose. 

Now we approach the region of light, the steps extending from 
the forty-fifth to between the fiftieth and the fifty-first, and the vibra- 
tions extending from 35,184372,088832 per second (heat rays) to 
1875,000000,000000 per second, the highest recorded rays of the spec- 
trum. The actual sensation of light, and therefore the vibrations -which 
transmit visible signs, being comprised between the narrow limits of 
about 450,000000,000000 (red light) and 750,000000,000000 (violet 
light)—-less than one step. 

Leaving the region of visible light we arrive at what is, for our 
existing senses and our means of research, another unknown region, 
the functions of which we are beginning to suspect. It is not unlikely 
that the X-rays of Professor Rontgen will be found to lie between the 
- fifty-eighth and the sixty-first step, having vibrations extending from 
288220,576151,711744 to 2,305763,009213, 693952 per second, or even 
higher. 

In this series it will be seen there are two great gaps, or unknown 
regions, concerning which we must own our entire ignorance as to the 
part they play in the economy of creation. Further, whether any vibra- 
tions exist having a greater number per second than those classes men- 
tioned we do not presume to decide. 

But is it premature to ask in what way are vibrations connected 
with thought or its transmission? We might speculate that the increas- 
ing rapidity or frequency of the vibrations would accompany a rise 
in the importance of the functions of such vibrations. That high 
frequency deprives the rays of many attributes that might seem incom- 
patible with “brain waves” is undoubted. Thus, rays about the sixty- 


362 PSYCHOLOGY 


second step are so minute as to cease to be refracted, reflected, or 
polarized ; they pass through many so-called opaque bodies, and research 
begins to show that the most rapid are just those which pass most easily 
through dense substances. It does not require much stretch of the sci- 
entific imagination to conceive that at the sixty-second or sixty-third 
step the trammels from which rays at the sixty-first step were struggling 
to free themselves have ceased to influence rays having so enormous a 
rate of vibration as 9,223052,036854,775808 per second, and that these 
rays pierce the densest medium with scarcely any diminution of inten- 
sity, and pass almost unrefracted and unreflected along their path with 
the velocity of light. 

Ordinarily we communicate intelligence to each other by speech. I 
first call up in my own brain a picture of a scene I wish to describe, and 
then, by means of an orderly transmission of wave vibrations set in 
motion by my vocal chords through the material atmosphere, a corre- 
sponding picture is implanted in the brain of anyone whose ear is cap- 
able of receiving such vibrations. If the scene I wish to impress on the 
brain of the recipient is of a complicated character, or if the picture of it 
in my own brain is not definite, the transmission will be more or less 
imperfect; but if I wish to get my audience to picture to themselves 
some very simple object, such as a triangle or a circle, the transmission 
of ideas will be well-nigh perfect, and equally clear to the brains of both 
transmitter and recipient. Here we use the vibrations of the material 
molecules of the atmosphere to transmit intelligence from one brain to 
another. 

In the newly discovered Roéntgen rays we are introduced to an order 
of vibrations of extremest minuteness as compared with the most minute 
waves with which we have hitherto been acquainted, and of dimensions 
comparable with the distances between the centers of the atoms of which 
the material universe is built up; and there is no reason to suppose that 
we have here reached the limit of frequency. Waves of this character 
cease to have many of the properties associated with light waves. They 
are produced in the same ethereal medium, and are probably propagated 
with the same velocity as light, but here the similarity ends. They can- 
not be regularly reflected from polished surfaces; they have not been 
polarized ; they are not refracted on passing from one medium to another 
_ of different density, and they penetrate considerable thicknesses of sub- 
stances opaque to light with the same ease with which light passes 
through glass. It is also demonstrated that these rays, as generated in 


PSYCHOLOGY 363 


the vacuum tube, are not homogeneous, but consist of bundles of differ- 
ent wave-lengths, analogous to what would be differences of color could 
we see them as light. Some pass easily through flesh, but are partially 
arrested by bone, while others pass with almost equal facility through 
bone and flesh. 

It seems to me that in these rays we may have a possible mode of 
transmitting intelligence which, with a few reasonable postulates, may 
supply a key to much that is obscure in psychical research. Let it be 


assumed that these rays, or rays even of higher frequency, can pass - 


into the brain and act on some nervous center there. Let it be conceived 
that the brain contains a center which uses these rays as the vocal chords 
use sound vibrations (both being under the command of intelligence), 
and sends them out, with the velocity of light, to impinge on the receiv- 
ing ganglion of another brain. In this way some, at least, of the phe- 
nomena of telepathy, and the transmission of intelligence from one 
sensitive to another through long distances, seem to come into the 
domain of law and can be grasped. A sensitive may be one who pos- 
sesses the telepathic transmitting or receiving ganglion in an advanced 
state of development, or who, by constant practice, is rendered more 
sensitive to these high-frequency waves. Experience seems to show that 
the receiving and the transmitting ganglions are not equally developed ; 
one may be active, while the other, like the pineal eye in man, may be 
only vestigial. By such an hypothesis no physical laws are violated; 
neither is it necessary to invoke what is commonly called the super- 
_natural. 

To this hypothesis it may be objected that brain waves, like any 
other waves, must obey physical laws. Therefore, transmission of 
thought must be easier or more certain the nearer the agent and recipi- 
ent are to each other, and should die out altogether before great dis- 
tances are reached. Also it can be urged that if brain waves diffuse in 
all directions they should affect all sensitives within their radius of 
action, instead of impressing only one brain. The electric telegraph is 
not a parallel case, for there a material wire intervenes to conduct and 
guide the energy to its destination. 

These are weighty objections, but not, I think, insurmountable. Far 
be it from me to say anything disrespectful of the law of inverse squares, 
but I have already endeavored to show we are dealing with conditions 
removed from our material and limited conceptions of space, matter, 
form. Is it inconceivable that intense thought concentrated toward a 


‘ 
x 


364 PSYCHOLOGY 


sensitive with whom the thinker is in close sympathy may induce a tele- 
pathic chain of brain waves, along which the message of thought can go 
straight to its goal without loss of energy due to distance? And is it 
also inconceivable that our mundane ideas of space and distance may be 
superseded in these subtile regions of unsubstantial thought, where 
“near” and “far” may lose their usual meaning? 

I repeat that this speculation is strictly provisional. I dare to sug- 
gest it. The time may come when it will be possible to submit it to 
experimental tests. 

I am impelled to one further reflection, dealing with the conserva- 
tion of energy. We say, with truth, that energy is transformed, but 
not destroyed, and that whenever we can trace the transformation we 
find it quantitatively exact. So far as our very rough exactness goes, 
this is true for inorganic matter and for mechanical forces. But it is 
only inferentially true for organized matter and for vital forces. We 
cannot express life in terms of heat or of motion. And thus it happens 
that just when the exact transformation of energy will be most inter- 
esting to watch, we cannot really tell whether any fresh energy has been 
introduced into the system or not. Let us consider this a little more 
closely. 

It has, of course, always been realized by physicists, and has been 
especially pointed out by Dr. Croll, that there is a wide difference 
between the production of motion and the direction of it into a particular 
channel. The production of motion, molar or molecular, is governed by 
physical laws, which it is the business of the philosopher to find out 
and correlate. The law of the conservation of energy overrides all laws, 
and it is a pre-eminent canon of scientific belief that for every act done 
a corresponding expenditure of energy must be transformed. No work 
can be effected without using up a corresponding value in energy of, 
another kind. But to us the other side of the problem is even of more 
importance. Granted the existence of a certain kind of molecular motion, 
what is it that determines its direction along one path rather than 
another? A weight falls to the earth through a distance of 3 feet. I 
lift it, and let it fall once more. In these movements of the weight a 
certain amount of energy is expended in its rise and the same amount 
is liberated in its fall. But instead of letting the weight fall free, sup- 
pose I harness it to a complicated system of wheels, and, instead of let- 
ting the weight fall in the fraction of a second, I distribute its fall over 
twenty-four hours. No more energy is expended in raising the weight, 


PSYCHOLOGY 365 


and in its slow fall no more or less energy is developed than when it fell 
free; but I have made it do work of another kind. It now drives a 
clock, a telescope, or a philosophic instrument, and does what we call 
useful work. The clock runs down. I lift the weight by exerting the 
proper amount of energy, and in this action the law of conservation of 
energy is strictly obeyed. But now I have the choice of either letting the 
weight fall free in a fraction of a second, or, constrained by the wheel- 
work, in twenty-four hours. I can do which I like, and whichever way 


IT decide, no more energy is developed in the fall of the weight. I strike — 


a match; I can use it to light a cigarette or to set fire to a house. I write 
a telegram ; it may be simply to say I shall be late for dinner, or it may 
produce fluctuations on the stock exchange that will ruin thousands. 
In these cases the actual force required in striking the match or in writ- 
ing the telegram is governed by the law or conservation of energy; but 
the vastly more momentous part, which determines the words I use or 
the material I ignite, is beyond such a law. It is probable that no 
expenditure of energy need be used in the determination of direction 
one way more than another. Intelligence and free will here come into 
play, and these mystic forces are outside the law of conservation of 
energy as understood by physicists. 

The whole universe, as we see it, is the result of molecular move- 
ment. Molecular movements strictly obey the law of conservation of 
energy, but what we call “law” is simply an expression of the direction 

along which a form of energy acts, not the form of energy itself. We 
may explain molecular and molar motions, and discover all the physical 
laws of motion, but we shall be as far as ever from a solution of the 
vastly more important question as to what form of will and intellect is 
behind the motions of molecules, guiding and constraining them in defin- 
ite directions along predetermined paths. What is the determining cause 
in the background? What combination of will and intellect outside our 
physical laws guides the fortuitous concourse of atoms along ordered 
paths culminating in the material world in which we live? 

In these last sentences I have intentionally used words of wide signi- 
fication—have spoken of guidance along ordered paths. It is wisdom to 
be vague here, for we absolutely cannot say whether or when any diver- 
sion may be introduced into the existing system of earthly forces by an 
external power. We can no more be certain that this is not so than I 
can be certain, in an express train, that no signalman has pressed a 
handle to direct the train onto this or that line of rails. I may compute 


Fa 
44 


366 PSYCHOLOGY 


exactly how much coal is used per mile, so as to be able to say at 
any minute how many miles we have traveled, but, unless I actually see 
the points, I cannot tell whether they are shifted before the train passes. 

An omnipotent being could rule the course of this world in such a 
way that none of us should discover the hidden springs of action. He 
need not make the sun stand still upon Gibeon. He could do all that he 
wanted by the expenditure of infinitesimal diverting force upon ultra- 
microscopic modifications of the human germ. 

In this address I have not attempted to add any item to the sound 
knowledge which I believe our society is gradually amassing. I shall 
be content if I have helped to clear away some of those scientific 
stumbling-blocks, if I may so call them, which tend to prevent many of 
our possible coadjutors from adventuring themselves on the new illim- 
itable road. 

I see no good reason why any man of scientific mind should shut his 
eyes to our work or deliberately stand aloof from it. Our proceedings 
are, of course, not exactly parallel to the proceedings of a society deal- 
ing with a long-established branch of science. In every form of research 
there must be a beginning. We own to much that is tentative, much 
that may turn out erroneous. But it is thus, and thus only, that each 
science in turn takes its stand. I venture to assert that both in actual 
careful record of new and important facts, and in suggestiveness, our 
society’s work and publications will form no unworthy preface to a pro- 
founder science both of man, of nature, and of “worlds not realized” 
than this planet has yet known. 


367 


PHILOLOGY 


PHILOLOGY may be said to have made its first beginning as a science 
when Bopp (1791-1867) in 1816 showed the original identity of per- 
sonal endings of verbs with personal pronouns, and of the endings of 
what are called in Gothic weak verbs with the verb to do. The second 
great step was Grimm’s law of consonant permutation (1822), which 
showed that there are regular consonant changes and correspondences 
between the Teutonic and other so-called Aryan languages. The law 
and illustrations of it are given below. The law established an Aryan 
family of languages, and subsequent scholars have done much to trace 
out the primitive Aryan civilization through the study of the words 
that can be traced back to that prehistoric time. In 1877 Karl 
Verner showed that the apparent exceptions to Grimm’s law depended 
on an original difference of accent. Verner’s law is given below. This 
emphasized the fact that there is a cause for all changes in language, 
and that all are conformable to regular law. In pursuance of this idea, 
philologists have since traced the history of the vowels and found them 
as regular as the consonant mutations. 

The histories of the Germanic and Romance languages have been 
written. The wonderful changes undergone by Latin words in being 
mouthed over by the Gauls at the time of the Roman occupation of 
France have been shown regular for each class. This forms the basis 
of modern French. The history of English is another great result of the 
science, and there are few words in English that cannot be shown to 
correspond on the one hand if native to German or classical cognates, or 


on the other if derived, traced back either directly or through French to 
their classsical originals. 


368 PHILOLOGY 


It must be remembered that all this is the study of the ideas of the 
race as well as of words or forms, because the words carry in them the 
primitive conceptions of their originators. Comparative philology has 
lent a great interest to the study of Sanscrit and Persian, and our knowl- 
edge of the Indian and Persian classics, of Brahmanism, Buddhism, 
Zoroasterism, is all due to the advance in the science of language. 


THE CONSONANTS 


We will discuss the subject but briefly. The most noticeable cor- 
respondences of English and German, and of English and Latin and 
Greek, are those included under Grimm’s Law and Verner’s modifica- 
tion of it. 

Grimm’s Law may be most briefly stated as follows: 

Take the following series of mutes: 


Dentais eid Woeueac er ce nieces piel als me ate aici sisiaiedie bee ae € dh ad 
Labials ee @eecee @eeeeeoecoeoeo ee eee @eeeeee eeceeeoe es eeeoe eevee e b p bh b 
Palatale porn evweses iat bin Bieter oieie tele meta abies Wilal'e wate Viele wlate were anes k gh g 
VOIBES “ileeisieGie salca es os ciets i > lel ee siivais sie is ele cooseee SW QU ghw gw 


Then, if a native netsh and a Pain or Greek word go back to 
the same original, where the Latin or Greek word has any letter of the 
above series, the native English word will have the one following. 

This law is subject to some regular special modifications in the 
different languages. German has often shifted one step further than 
English and this has regularly taken place in the dental series. Teutonic 
t becoming German z or s. Teutonic p is usually German f. The fol- 
lowing tables show the principal correspondences in the languages in 
which we are most interested: 

Aryan GREEK Latin’ Goruic A.S§S. Ena. O.H.G. Gzgrman 


D 
decmt déka decem taihun ten ten zehan zehn 
duo duo duo twai twa two z2weint. zwei 
dakru dakru lacrima tagr tear tear zahar Zahre 
lingua  tuggo tunge tongue zunga Zunge 

domos domus tam tame zam zahm 
dnt, dont odonta (ace. SEH TORT AcC) CURDS toth tooth zan(d) Zahn 
edo dérein (flay) getairan teran tear (vb.) firzeran zehran 

edo edo itan etan eat ezzan essen 
pod, ped- poda (acc.) pedem fotus fot foot fuoz Fuss 
vie)id oida, idein videre wait wat wot wizzan wissen 
sed- hézomia sedeo sitan sittan sit sizzen sitzen 
kard- kardia ecordem~ kairto heorte heart herza Herz 
swad- hadus suavis *swotus swete sweet suozi sliss 
sw(o)id- hidros sudor *swaid swat sweat sweiz Schweiss 
udra hudra -unda *utrs otor otter ottar Otter 

a hy 

teg,- tog- tégos _tegere, toga *thak thaec thatch dah Dach 
tn,- ten- teino tenuis thunnus thynne thin dunni ditinn 
treyes treis tres _ thrija, threis* hreo three dri drei 
tu tu, su tu thu thou du du 
ten, ton- tonos tonare *thunara thunor thunder donor Donner 


esti esti est ist is is ist ist 


PHILOLOGY 369 
ARYAN Greek Latin GotHic A.S. Ena O.H.G. German 
str- storénnumi sterno straujan streowian strew strewen  Streu 
sta- histami stare standan standan~ stand _ sten stehen, Stand 
pet- pétomai penna *fithra fether feather fedara Feder 
mrt- brotos mortem morthor murder mord Mord 
DH 
dh(o)igh teichos fi(n)gere deigan dah dough teic(g) Teig 
dhe,- dho- tithemi feci, condo taujan don do tuon thun 
dhur- thura  foris(pl.) daurons(pl.) duru door turi(pl.) thiir 
eruthros ruber rauths read red rot rot 
udhr outhar uber uder udder utar EKuter 
medhyos més(s)os medius midjis midd mid mitte Mitte 
wrdho- verbum waurd word word wort Wort 
widhewa aitheos vidua widuwo widuwe widow wituwa Wittwe 
B 
turba turba thaurp’thorp thorp dorf Dorf 
labi iam slaepan sleep slafan Schlaf 
hupnos somnus 
P 
patér pater pater fadar(rare)faeder father fater Vater 
per,- por- poros peritus faran faran fare faran fahren 
porkos (porkos) porecus *farha- fearh farrow farah  Ferkel 
pu puon pus fuls ful foul ful foul 
pel pélla pellis fill fell fell(——hide) fell’ fell 
ped- péda pedica feter fetters fezzil Kessel 
plu- pleuso (fut.) pluo fi(jijutan fleotan fleet fliozzan fliessen 
polos pullus fula fola foal folo Fohlen 
penqe pénte quinque fimf fit five funf fiinf 
peku pecus faihu feoh fee fihu Vieh 
skapto skaban(b—v)sceafan shave scaben schaben 
hupér super ufar ofar over ubir uber 
apo apo ab af of of, off aba ab 
BH 
bhéro phéro fero gubairan beran bear giberan gebiren 
bheu phuo fui, fio beo be bin bin 
bhrator phrator frater brothar  brothor brother bruodar Bpryder 
phagos fagus *boka boe, bece beech buohha Byche 
bhrewa eae bru brow braw& Braue 
bhru findere beitan bitan bite bizzan __— Heissen 
phlegein flagrare *blikan  blaec black blecchassen Blitz 
flos bloma blostm blom f bloom bluoma Blum 
blossom 
phami phaton fari bann ban ban (a) Bann 
fiber *bibrus beofor beaver bibar Biber 
grapho *kairfan eceorfan carve kerben 
glubh- glupho glubo *ki(ijuban cleofan cleave chlioban klieben 
l(e)ubh- lubet _liufs leof lief liob lieb 
G 
gno,- gen- gignosko nosco kunnan , chnawan seni chunnan kénnen 
cunnian can 
génos genus kuni cynn kin ehunni Kind 
gopu genu kniu cneo knee’ chniu Knie 
geuo gustus kiusan ceosan choose chiosan  kiesen 
amélgo mulgere *milkan melcan milk melchan melken 
wrg, werg, e(i)rgo urgeo wrikan wrecan wreak rehhan  richen 
ego ego ego ik ic ih ich 
frangere brikan brecan’ break brehhan brechen 
stig-ma  instigare sticca stick steccho Stecken 
K 
erntom hekaton centum hund  hundret hundred hundert Hundert 
kr, ker kéras cornu haurn horn horn horn Horn 
krd- kardia ecordem hairto heorte heart  herza Herz 


X. 24, 


370 PHILOLOGY 
ARYAN GREEK Latin Gotuic A.S8. Ene. O.H.G. GERMAN 
kuon canis hunds hund hound hunt Hund 
caput haubith heafod head houbit Haupt 
kratus hardus heard hard hart hart 
klutos inclutus *hluda hlud loud lut laut 
capio hafjan hebban heave hebban heben 
klino inclinare hlinian lean 
octe okto octo ahtau eahta, eight ahto acht 
orektos rectus’ raiths reoht right reht recht 
keimai__ civis hyf hive 
GH 
chortos hortus garda geard yard garto Garten 
ghans- chan (h)anser *gans gos goose gans Gans 
cholos_ fel *zallo gealla gall galla Galle 
ghel- chloa  helvus geolo yellow gelo Gelb 
chaino hiare ganian yawn 
ghyes- chés  hesternus gistradagis gistrandaeg yesterday gesteron gestern 
wegh- ochos veho gawigan waegen ‘wain wegan wegen 
GW 
geranos grus eran crane cranuh Kranich 
genus gena kinnus cin chin chinni Kinn 
guna qino cwén queen 
gelu kalds c(ejald cold kalt kalt 
jugwom zugon jugum juk geoc yoke joh Joch 
augeo aukan eacan eke ouhhon auch 
teg-tog- tégos tegere, toga *thak thaec thatch dah Dach 
gwios bios vivus qius ewicu quick chee keek 
gwem- baino  venio qiman cuman come cheuman kommen 
Q 
a(e)rt kurtia crates haurds *hyrd hurdle hurt(di) Hurde 
qreu- kréas  cruor *hrawa  hrea raw ro roh 
karpos carpo haerfest harvest herbist Herbst 
kolonos collis hallus hyll hill 
ogkos ancus kals-agga angul angle angul Angel 
leukos  lucere liuhath léoht light lioht heht 
kaleo calare *gehalian hale holon holen 
akouo (cavere?) hausjan heran hear horen héren 
kalamos calamus healm halm halm Halm 
go,-qe- pote quod hvas hwaet what ‘waz was 
seq- hépomai sequor saihwan seon see sehan sehen 
penge pénte quinque fimf fif five funf fiinf 
penqtos pémptos quintis fimfta fifta fifth fimfto fiinfte 
qetuer- tétteres quattuor fidwor feower four fior vier 
wlqo- lukos (lupus) wulfs wulf wolf wolf Wolf 
GHW 
ghwostis hostis gasts gest guest gast Gast 
stighw  steicho vestigium steigan stigan style stigan steigan 
léchos (lectus) ligan licgan lie ligan liegen 
ghever- thermos formus *warms warm warm warm warm 
onuchos (gen.) unguis *nagis naegel nail nagal Nagel 


There is one class of words which Grimm’s law does not explain. 
For instance, why Greek kratts, A. S. heard, English hard, German 
hart. To cover such exceptions, Karl Verner, in 1875, formulated a 
law which may be roughly stated as follows: 

The Aryan surds (or tenues, t, p, k, s,) if they do not follow the 
accent undergo a second shifting in Teutonic, i e., to d, b, g, r. 

Examine the following examples: 


PHILOLOGY 371 


Aryan Greek Latin Goruic A.S§S, Ea. O. H. G. GERMAN 
kratus hardus heard hard hart hart 
pater pater fader faeder father fater Vater 
klutos inclutus *hluda hlud loud lut laut 


A. S. risan, > *rasjan, > raeran rear 


THE VOWELS. 


The most striking changes in the vowels are in the history of 
Anglo-Saxon a (long), ea (long), and o (long). 


A (long) 
A.S. Ene. Ger. O.H.G. Gora. Tzvt. Lat, GRE. I. E. 
a2 Oo ei, e(h) ei, e ahi ak ae ai ai 
oi, oe, u oi oi 

an one ein ein “ agains ainos unus,oinos,oenosoinos oinos 
wat wot weiss weiz vait waite vidit oide woid- 

laios 
slaw slow sléo (dull) slaiw- (s)laevos (slaiwos) slaiwos 

aion 
awo (cf.aye)ewig ewig aivs aiw- aevom (siwon) aiw 


A. S. a had at first its true Latin value, was later narrowed and 
rounded until it had approximately the sound of au in aught (cf. the 
slurred pronunciation of children in paw and maw for pa and ma. 
Sweet says this particular narrowing is a climatic effect and noticeable 
in all northern climes.) When the Norman French came and rewrote 
Anglo-Saxon they used their 0 to represent this ou sound. Since then 
the rounding has continued until we now have our o representing an 
original A. S.a. . . . In about a dozen words the au sound has 
been retained ;—cf. wroth, cloth, aught, thaw, naught, or, nor, ought. 
? In about the same number the vowel has become still shorter :-— 
holiday, sorrow, not, gone. . . . In three or four the shifting to o 
took place so early that the second shifting of 0 to oo (see below) oc- 
curred :—who, two, whom, hood. 

Note the English form and the German cognate for each of the 
following A. S. words in a: twa, hal, halig, (ge)dal, ath, lath, lathian, 
clath, bathie, has, gast, draf, an, nan, scan, stan, ban, ham, ac, stracian, 
tacen, agen, dag, hat, smat, wrat, had, rad, strad, brad, rap, sape. 

Also for each of the following: ra, sta, wa, gan, ta, har, lar, sar, mare. 

A comparison of such Eng. and Ger. forms with their cognates in 
the several Teut. dialects, proves that the Tuet. original of A. S. a, Ger. 
ei, e(h), was a diphthong, ai, pronounced as Eng. i in wine. Notice 
that Ger. ei has the same sound, that A. S. a is simply the first element 
of the diphthong, and that Gothic retains both the original sound and 
character. Cf. Gothic, twai, hails, wai, dails, ains, aiths, stains. | 

Philologists have determined that the Aryan original of Teut. ai 
was sometimes ai and sometimes oi. In other words Aryan ai and oi 
fell together as ai in Teutonic. . . . In the oldest Latin inscription 
oi is frequently found as the representative of Aryan ai. In later Latin 
this gives place to ae and, in originally unaccented syllables to i. Cf. 
magnai rei publicai gratia (Plautus). Cf. caedo and incido. : 
Aryan ai became Greek ai. . . . Give Greek cognates for aedes, 


ata PHILOLOGY 


prae, aevum. . . . Compare case suffixes of Dec. I in Latin with 
those of Dec. I in Greek. . . . Aryan oi in syllables having the 
chief accent became in Latin oe, u, andi (?). Cf. oinos, oenos, unos. 
C£. moenia and munia. Cf. Lat. vinum and Greek oinos, Lat. vicus and 
Greek oikos. In unaccented syllables Latin i occurs. Cf. Greek hippois 
and: bat: eqtis.) a oie! ).) Atyan on became (Greck oti. Mrs Case 
endings of Dec. II in Lat. with those of Dec. I] in Greek. . . . Cf. 
fidus and pe-poith-a, is(ti) and toi. . . . Cf. English drove, A. S. 
draf, O. H. G. treib, Goth. draib and such parallel post-formations with 
the Greek root Joip in leloipa. . . Cf. Greek altho, Latin aedes, O. 
H. G. eit, A. S. ad; Greek nai, Latin nae, ne, A. S. na, Eng, no; Greek 
parai, Latin prae; Latin caedo? O. H. G. sceidan, G. scheiden, A. S. 
sc(e)adan; Greek leloipa, Goth. laihv, O. H. G. leh -lihan), A. S. lah, 
cf, Eng. loan, A. S. lah fr. leon==lihon) (cf. Gk. leipo. 


EA (long) 
A.S. Exc. Ger. O.H.G. Gorn. Trot, Lat. GRE. I. BE. 
eac(conj.) eke auch ouh auk auk— aug-eo augsano aug 


eare ear Ohr ora auso aus— auris ous ous 
ruber roudho 
read red roth rot rauths rauda rufus eruthros ? rudh 


Thus just as I. E. of and ai fell together in Teut. ai, so I. E. ou 
and au became Teut. and Goth. au, O. H. G. ou, and o (before dental 
consonants and '/h’),(G,)-an and ).0, Ad) Seas aA seas ODTpe 
nounced as a diphthong, each letter having its Lat. value) followed the 
fortunes, in its development, of its first component (e, e) and usually 
has now in English the pronunciation of e (we) or of e (men). The 
spelling ea is usually retained, but we may have simply e or even ee. A 
following ev may modify the vowel sound. A very few words have 
developed as though from A. S. a (the latter element of the original 
diphthong). 

Note the Eng. form and the German cognate for each of the follow- 
ing A. S. words in ea: heawan, sceawian, heafod, deaw, bereafian, ge- 
leafa, sceaf, deaf, seam, dream, beam, leac, cage, heap, hleapan, ceap. 
f Also for the following: fleah, death, leas, ceas, east, hreaw, 
streaw, bean, stream, heah, theah, threatian, great, dead, bread. 


O (long) 
(A) AS. Ena. Ger. O.H.G. Gorn. Tzur. Lar. GRE. I.E. 
brothor brother Bruder bruodar brothar brothar frater phrater bhrator 


modor mother Mutter moutar modar mater mater mater 
pod- 
(B.)fot foot Fuss fuoz fotus fot (ped-)  po(d)s } ped- 
bloma bloom Blume pbluoma bloma blom- _ fios bhlo- 
(C.)mona moon Mond mano mena meno- men-siS men men- 
(D.)gos goose Gans~ gans gans (h)anser chan — ghans- 


tanth 

toth tooth Zahn zand tunthus adie dent- odont- ; dnt 
The Anglo-Saxon o (long) retained its Latin value, but in the 

M. E. period there was developed after it a oo sound which finally ab- 
sorbed the preceding o (long). The spelling is usually 00 in English, 
but some words retain the original o (long) either in spelling, or 
sound, or in both (especially beforew). . . . If the vowel is short- 
ened the spelling may be 00,0, u. . . . <A few words shifted from 


PHILOLOGY 313 


0 long to 00 (u) early enough to undergo a second shifting of u (short) 
to ou (cf. A. S. u below). 

Note the English form and the German cognate for the following 
A. S. words ino (long): (A. and B.) sco, to, do, swor, flor, stol, scol 
(Lat.), col, pol (Lat.), rothor, both, brothor, bosm, moste, blostm, 
rowan, growan, glowan, blowan, hof, hof, gedon, loma, -dom, boc, broc, 
sohte, slog, genog, drog, ploh, bog (boh), fot, hod, rod, stod, flod, mod, 
god, brod, blod. (Notice that in a few instances the German vowel has 
the umlant, i. e-—has suffered i-mutation.) 

The Gothic forms show a long o: brothar, stols, fotus, bloma, 
boks, flodus, blotha, for, skohs, gods. . . . The original Teutonic 
vowel was o (long). In other words o (long) and a (long) fell to- 
gether in Tuet. 

Note that under (D) the Anglo-Saxon drops the Aryan nasal and 
lengthens the vowel in compensation. 


THE DERIVATION OF ENGLISH FROM LATIN. 


About two-thirds of our vocabulary comes from Latin. Part have 
come from the Popular Latin brought by the Roman soldiers into Gaul, 
through Popular French into English. These words present the chief 
difficulties. If they are understood the derivation of the words that 
have come from Classical Latin direct into English, or through Classical 
French, which took them direct from Learned Latin, present no 
problem. 

Old French came from the Popular Latin brought by the Roman 
soldiers into Gaul. There were differences between Popular and Lit- 
-erary Latin. 

1. In Vocabulary, while there were Greek words in Learned 
speech, there were “Homespun” words in Popular: 


Lit, Lat, Pop, Lat. Oxp Por. FRENCH ENGLISH 
equus caballum acus. cheval chivalry 
pugna bataliam accus. bataille battle 
iter viaticum accus. voyage voyage 
urbs villam accus. ville vill-age 


2. In Grammar, Popular Latin by the fifth century had dropped 
all cases but the nominative and accusative. 
3. In Pronunciation, 
1. Syllables: Popular Latin had dropped most short unin- 
itial vowels immediately preceding the accent, especially 
between 1, r, and p, d; s and t; m and n; and mutes and 


liquids. 
2. Vowels: 
Lit. L.a,a _ ae, e(short), aee, i(short)i o o,u wv aun, aou 
Pop. L. 2 Oise e Dio 0, u au (aught) 


3. Consonants :—H and final m were dropped. Di became j. 
4. Accent:—“Common” penults were accented. 
This brings us to the great laws of Popular French philology. 
I. Old French kept the Latin accent and accented vowel. 
The vowel might be modified or combined with another, but it was 


374 PHILOLOGY 


not dropped. But the consonant of the accent syllable, unless initial, 
was not necessarily retained. 

2. It kept the first syllable, that is, the initial consonant or first 
vowel or both. Subject of course, to regular modifications. 

3. It started with the consonant and vowel changes begun in pop- 
ular Latin. 

4. It completed eliding the unaccented vowels immediately before 
and after the accent. But a after accent became e, but half pronounced 
when final. If the eliding of a vowel brought three consonants together, 
the middle one was oftenest dropped. 

5. Sometimes instead of dropping a vowel, the consonant between 
two vowels was dropped and the vowels combined. 

6. The most striking vowel and consonant changes were as 
follows: 

Long or short a became e; e (short) or ae became ie; o (long), o 
(short), u (short), became ou, eu; ae, oe, e (long), and i (short) be- 
came 01; all if accented and at the end of a syllable. 

T and d were dropped between vowels and were usually dropped 
or assimilated before a consonant; b, v, and p became v between vowels 
and were usually dropped or assimilated before a consonant, and became 
f when final; c before a became ch; g before a became j; both became 
soft before e and i, but intervocalic g was assimilated before them and 
became i. Both became i before a consonant. Such an i combined with 
the preceding vowel. A nasal developed such an i except after o and u. 

Examples of the dropping of unaccented vowels and intervocalic 
consonants are the following: 


Verbs That Drop an Unaccented Vowel (I Conjugation), 


Exciisp Mip.Ena. FRENCH Latin Latin Der. 
(Note the original meanings.) 
acquaint acqueynten acointer adcognitare ad and cognitare= 
acointen (g) noscere 

acquit aquiten acquiter acquietare ad and quietare—quienus 
bound bondier bombitare bombus—Greek 
chafe chaufen chaufer ealeficare calere and facere 
commence commencer cum and initiare initium—in and ire 
couch couchen coucher, colcher O. collocare cum and locare—iocus 
count conter, compter computare cum and putare 
daunt danten danter, donter domitare domare 
despatch despe(s)cher dispedicare L. L. dis and pedica—pes, pedis 
meddle medlen medler, mesier misculare- miscere 
preach prechen pre(s)cher praedicare prae and dicare—dicere 
sever sevrer separare 

Verbs That Drop an Intervocalic Consonant (First Conjugation). 
ENGLISH Min. Ena. FRENCH Latin Latin Der. 
chasten ; ‘ 
chastise chastier castigare castus (pure) 
covet coveiten coveiter O. cupiditare cupidus—cupere 
cry crien erier quiritare queri 


deny denien denier, deneier O. denegare de and negare 


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soedg ‘“pulm 94} WoOI 


XHAOSOTIHG 


<= 


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OFBPOA OT} POPMOAUT “(FLLT-GPLT) VHOA 


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‘SIT ‘IITA ‘uolsued 
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GENERAL INDEX 
ALPHABETICAL AND ANALYTICAL 


THE GENERAL ARRANGEMENT of this index is alphabetical, but 
the sub-heads under subjects are in chronological order to give a 
better view of the development of the subject. 


A 


Abolition of Slavery (See Slavery, 
excepting in the Case of the 
Abolitionists these references 
are incidental because’ the 
question before about 1860 was 
seriously advocated by the 
leaders in no great party.) 

In the United States Y 
Rise of abolition idea, IX, 42., 
African slave trade abolished, 

Hall, IX, 54, 

Hall on, IX, 61. 

Harriet Martineau, IX, 77. 

Geo. McDuffie against, IX, 83. 

Garrison, IX, 94. 

Wendell Phillips, IX, 104. 

Calhoun against, IX, 114. 

Clay on slavery in the Dist. of 
Columbia, ete., IX, 118. 

Seward on, IX, 123. 

Douglas, IX, 132. 

Appeal of Independent Demo- 
crats, Sumner, Chase, Gid- 
dings, etc., LX, 144. 

The Republican Party, IX, 144. 

Chief Justice Taney. 

The Dred Scott Decision, IX, 
153. 

Abraham Lincoln, IX, 177. 

Jefferson Davis, IX, 196. _ 

The Platforms of 1860, LX, 199. 

Secession, LX, 208. 

Adams, John 

Biography, VII, 243. 

Account of James Otis and the 
Writs of Assistance, WII, 172. 
Account of James Otis’s “Rights of 
the British Colonies’’, VII, 177. 
Account of Samuel Adams’ ‘“Vin- 

dication of Boston,” VII, 178. 

Alien and Sedition Laws, VIII, 97. 

On the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, VII, 248. 

President, VIII, 26, 96. 

Adams, John Quincy, VIII, 28. 

Adams, Samuel 

Biography, VII, 178. 

Part in the adoption of the Con- 
stitution, VII, 248. 


A 
Adams, Samuel 
Vindication of Boston, VII, 178. 
Africa 
Egypt, I, 28. 
Carthage, III, 186. 
Arabs, IV, 240. 
Vasco da Gama rounds, V, 26. 
Ages of the World, The 
Brahman ideas of, I, 200. 
Greek ideas of, II, 28. 
Recent ideas of, X, 182. 
Agni, I, 110, 114, 163. 
Ahura, I, 354. 


Albategnuis 
Calculated the length of the year, 

IV, 278. 
Algebra introduced. by Ben Musa 


(about 93072), IV, 278. 
Alhazen 
Studied Optics, refraction of light, 
used convex lenses, IV, 279. 
Alien and Sedition Laws, VIII, 26, 
27, 96. ; 
All the Asavas, Buddha, I, 245-253. jyeavie 
Ambrose, St. ene 
Letter to Valentinian for the sup- eae 
pression of heathenism, IV, 62. 
America (See under Government, 
Natural Sciences, United States, 
etc.) 
Ampere 
Laws of electricity, VIII, 433. 
Anatomy (See Medicine.) 
Anaxagoras 
Biography, II, 175. 
Extant fragments, II, 175. 
Place in philosophy, II, 186, 
Anaximander 
Biography, II, 140. 
Extant fragments, II, 140. 
Place in philosophy, II, 136. 
Anaximenes 
Biography, II, 148. 
Hxtant fragments, II, 143. 
Place in philosophy, II, 135. 
Anglo-Saxon 
‘Conquest of Britain, IV, 188. 
Conversion, IV, 190, 194. uN 
Victory of the Roman Catholic 
Church, LV, 196. 


2 GENERAL INDEX 


A 


Anglo-Saxon 
Laws and customs, IV, 209-240 
Norman Conquest, IV, 384. 
Philosophy, X, 367. 
Animals, Egyptian sacred, I, 95. 
Appian 
Review of the Roman Contentions, 
BEL 6; 
The Gracchi, III, 77. 
Appian Way built by Appius Clau- 
dius, III, 54. 
Aquinas, St. Thomas 
Biography, IV, 359. 
On the Existence of God, IV, 359. 
Theory of Knowledge, IV, 363. 
Arabs, IV, 240-294. 
Mohammed, IV, 240. 
The Koran, IV, 241. 
Arabian Thought and Thinkers, IV, 
277. 
Moses Maimonides, IV, 281. 
'Archeeology, X. 
Archimedes 
Biographical note, III, 288. 
Discoveries, the principle of the 
lever, water-screw, specific grav- 
ity, etc., III, 288. 
On Floating Bodies, III, 289. 
The Sphere and the Cylinder, IiI, 
288. 
Aristarchus 
Held that the Earth revolves on 
its axis and around the sun, III, 
288.. 
Aristotle 
Biography, I, 344. 
Basis of Ethics, The, II, 364. 
Examination inte Existence, An, 
Ii, 352. 
Fundamental Conceptions in Logic, 
II, 345. 
Enumeration of the Categories, 
II, 345. 
Of Substance, IT, 345. 
Of the Syllogism, II, 350. 
Political Ideas, 
History of the Athenian Consti- 
tution, II, 54-105. 
Origin of the State, IT, 383. 
The Ideal State, II, 386. 
Including Education 
State, II, 411-418. 
any: the Arian Controversy, IV, 


in the 


Asceticism (See Monasticism). 
Buddhist, I, 236, 349. 
Pre-Christian in Egypt, ITI, 364. 
Origin of Christian, 1V, 51. 

Asellius 
Discovers the lacteal circulation, 

VI, 117. 

Astrology (See Astronomy). 
Chaldeans, IT, 188; X, 183. 

Roman, Ill, 294, 


A 


Astrology (See Astronomy). 

Arabians, IV, 278. 

Roger Bacon, IV, 369. 

Tycho Brahe, V, 308. 

Kepler, V, 308. 

Astronomy (See Natural Sciences). 

Chaldean, II, 138. 

Thales (abt. 585 B. C.), II, 138. 

Anaximander (6102-540? B. C.), II, 
140. 

Anaximenes (latter half 6th cea- 
tury), II, 143. 

Empedokles (Ist 5th century B. C.), 
II, 168. 

Anaxagoras (ist 5th century B. C.), 
IT, 175. 

Pythagoreans, II, 185. 

Eudoxus (406-? B. C.), III, 286. 

Aristarchus (3rd century B. C.), III, 
288. 

Erastosthenes (276-? B. C.), ITI, 290. 

Hipparchus (16vu-? B. C.), III, 290. 

Lucretius (95-95 B. C.), I1I, 262. 

Pliny the Elder (23-79 A. D.), III, 
294, 

Ptolemy (70-150 A. '‘D.), III, 290. 

Albategnuis (879-7), LV, 278. 

Roger Bacon (1214-1292), IV, 369. 

Magellan proves world round (1519- 
22), V, 41. 

Copernicus (1473-15438), V, 96. 

Galileo (1564-1642), V, 290. 

Tycho Brahe (1546-1601), V, 308. 

Kepler (1571-1630), V, 308. 

Newton (1642-1727), VI, 123. 

Roemer (1676), VI, 118, 146. 

Huyghens (1609-1695), VI, 141. 

Herschel (1738-1822), VI, 335. 

Laplace (1749-1827), VI, 349. 

Kirebhoff, IX, 389. 

Bunsen, IX, 389. 

Lockyer, X, 270. 


Athanasian Creed, IV, 122. 


Athanasius, St. 
Biography, IV, 71. 
Exposition of the Faith, IV, 71. 
Athenian (See Vol. II or Philosophy, 
Government, Natural Sciences, 
Religion). 

Constitution, customs and constitu- 
tional history, by Aristotle, II, 
54-105. 

Atomic Theory 

Leukippos and Demokritos (460-360 
B.. C.), IT, 187.5 

Lucretius (98-55 B. C.); III, 262. 

Dalton (1766-1844 A. D.), (1804), 
VIII, 368. 

Gay-Lussac (1778-1850), VIII, 375. 

Avogadro (1776-1865), VIYI, 389. 

Dulong and Pettit, VIII, 384. 

Newlands, X, 258. 

Mendeléef, X, 254. 

Lockyer, X, 270. 


GENERAL INDEX 3 


A 


Augsburg Confession of Faith 
Account of, as the statement of the 
German Protestants, V, 151. 
The Text in English, V, 151-179. 
Augustine, St. 
Biography, IV, 75. 
Faith, Hope, and Love, IV, 102. 
God’s Foreknowledge and Man’s 
Free Will, IV, 75. 
Original Sin, IV, 90. 
Redemption, IV, 97. 
Augustus, IIT, 92. 
Aulus Gellius 
On Hortensian Law, III, 53. 
Aurelius, Marcus, 
Biography, III, 406. 
Persecution of Christians under, 
LV; 9. 
Thoughts, III, 407. 
Avogadro 
Biography, VIII, 389. 
Helped develop the atomic theory, 
VIII, 384. 
The Molecules in Gases Propor- 
tional to Their Volume, VIII, 389. 
Averroes 
Arabian Commentator on Aristotle, 
IV, 281. 
Biography and place in philosophy, 
IV, 281. 
Avicebron 
Biography, IV, 280. 
The Will of God the “Final Cause” 
of the World, IV, 280. 
Avicenna 
' Biography, IV, 279. 
Believed in identity of the univer- 
sal intelligence in man, IV, 279. 


B 


Babylonia 
Account of Creation, I, 9. 
Civilization, X, 183. 
Ishtar’s Descent into Hades, I, 22. 
Laws, I, 27. 
Legend ‘of Sargon, 1, 21. 
Penitential. Psalms, I, 25. 
Bacchanalians 
Account of, by Livy, IIT, 65. 
Law against, III, 77. 
Bacon, Francis 
Biography, V, 2383. 
The Novum Organum, V, 234-289. 
Bacon, Roger 
Biography, IV, 368. 
On “Experimental Science, IV, 369. 
Bacteriology 
Von Leeuwenhoeck, VI, 119. 
Devaine, X, 283. 
Pasteur, <i 319. 
IXoch, X, 309. 
Baer, von 
On the embryo, VIII, 394. 


-B 
Balance of Trade 

The mercantile theory of, Vi, 155. 

Thomas Mun, VI, 157. 

Physiocrats on, VI, 392. 

Adam Smith, VI, 399; VII, 117. 

Alexander Hamilton, VIII, 37. 

Baldwin, Abraham- 

In the Federal Convention. 

Thought Senate should represent 
property, VII, 324. 
Ball, John 

Froissart’s account of the Uprising 

under Ball and Tyler, IV, 418. 
Baptism 

Karly Church, IV, 111. 

Protestants (Augsburg Confession) 
on, V, 154. 

Barometer, VI, 117. 

Bastile, VII, 371, 375. 
Baths, Roman, III, 90, 211. 
Bede (or Bada) 

Biographical note, IV, 188. 

The Anglo-Saxon Conquest of Brit- 
ain, IV, 188. 

The Conversion of Kent, IV, 190. 

The Conversion of the East Angles, 
IV, 194. 

The Last of the Irish Church in 
England, IV, 196. 

Bedford, Gunning 
In the Federal Convention. 
The cause of the small states, 
VII, 332, 343. 
Bel, I, 16-21. 
Belief, Theory of 
Protagoras, II, 186, 201. 
Hume, VI, 185. 
Bell, Sir Charles 

Biography, VIII, 424. 

The Nervous Circle (the relation of 
the motor and sensory nerves), 
VIII, 425. 

Bell, Graham, IX, 430. 
Benedict, St. 

Rules of the Order of, IV, 128- 165, 
Ben Musa - 

Introduced Algebra, IV, 278. 
Benton, Thomas 

Biography, VIII, 196. 

On the Nullification Ordinance, 
VIII, 270. 

The Revision of the Tariff of 1828 
and the Rise of the Doctrine of 
Nullification, VIII, 197. 

Berkeley, Bishop George 

Biography, Idealism, VI, 172. 

Place in philosophy, VI, 39. 

Principles of Human Knowledge, 
WI, 173-184. 

Bible, I, 107. 
Bichat 
Biography, VIII, 396. 
The Doctrine of Tissues, WIII, 396. 


B 


Bill of Rights, VII, 10. 
Biology (See Natural Sciences). 
Anaximander (610-540? B. C.), II, 
142, 
Empedokles (ist half 5th century 
B. C.), II, 168. 
Anaxagoras (lst half 5th century 
B. C.), II, 179. 
Hippocrates (420-? B. C.), III, 286. 
Aristotle (384-322 B. C.), II, 344. 
Lucretius (98-55 B. C.), III, 262. 
Galen (131 A. D.), III, 291; VI, 9. 
Paracelsus (1493-?), VI, 5. 
Servetus (1511-1553), VI, 6. 
Caesalpinus (1519-1603), Wi, 6. 
Vesalius (1536-1564), VI, 5. 
Fabricius, VI, 7. 
Harvey (1577-1657), VI, 7. 
Asellius (1622), VI, 117. 
Riidbeck (1649), VI, 117. 
Malpighi and Grew, VI, 118. 
Boerhaave (1668-1738), WI, 242. 
Linnaeus (1707-1778), VI, 247. 
Galvani (1790), VI, 358. 
Jenner (1749-1823), VIII, 404. 
Bichat (1771-1802), VIII, 396. 
Lamarck (1744-1829), VIII, 412. 
Cuvier (1769-1832), VIII, 418. 
Charles Bell (1774-1842), WIII, 425. 
Von Baer, VIII, 394. 
Schwann, IX, 233. 
Lyeil, LX, 214. 
Spencer, IX, 259. 
Darwin, IX, 300. 
Wallace, LX, 300. 
Haeckel, IX, 344. 
Ferrier, X, 337. 
Weismann, X, 285. 
Pasteur, X, 319-336. 
Koch, X, 309-319. 
Black, Joseph 
Brography, VI, 272. 
Latent Heat, VI, 272. 
The Discovery of ‘Fixed Air” (car- 
bonie acid gas), IV, 272. 
Bodin, Jean 
On the rise of prices caused by the 
importation of gold from the 
New World, VI, 155. 
Boerhaave, Hermann 
Biography, VI, 242. 
Physiological Conceptions, VI, 242. 
Studied the absorption by plants of 


substances from the soil, VI, 249. |. 


Book of the Dead, IJ, 29-79. 
Botany (See Biology and Natural 
Science). 
Anaximander (610-549? B. C.), II, 
141. 
Empedocles (ist half 5th century), 
IT, 168. 
Anaxagoras (Ist half 5th century), 
Il, 179. 
Lucretius (98-55 B. C.), III, 262. 


GENERAL INDEX 


B 


Botany (See Biology and Natural 
Science). 
Malpighi and Grew (17th cent. A. 
D), VI, 118. 
Boerhaave (1668-1738), VI, 242. 
Linnaeus (1707-1778), VI, 247. 
Goethe, VIII, 395. 
Boyle, Robert 
Biography, VI, 152. 
Law of the Compressibility of 
Gases, VI, 152. 
Brahmanism, I, 108-218. 
Vedic Hymns, I, 109-115. 
The Upanishads, I, 116-195. 
Laws of Manu, I, 195-218. 
Creation and Ages of the World, 
I, 195-201. 
Castes, I, 201-208. 
Transmigration of Souls, I, 208- 
Brearly, David 
In the Federal Convention, 
res ; equal representation, VIL, 
Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, I, 127. 
Britain (For periods since Anglo-Sax- 
on conquest, see Anglo-Saxon, 
Normans, England, etc.) 
ery a by the Anglo-Saxons, [V, 
Broome, Jacob 
In the Federal Convention 
The necessity of something being 
done, VII, 365. 
Buddha and Buddhism, I, 219-353. 
Bunsen 
Spectrum analysis, IX, 389. 
Burke, Edmund 
Biography, VII, 87. 
ay (Conelliation with ah i Vil, . 
Butler, Pierce ; 
In the Federal Convention 
On a national government with 
two legislative branches, Vil, 
257. 
Against election of Representa- 
tives by the people, VII, 263. 
For balance between the States, 
VII, 263. 
Against restricting the Senate in 
the matter of money bills, Vil, 


274, 
For property representation, VII, 
342, 348, 
C 


Calhoun, John 

Biography, VIII, 211. 

Address on the Relation of the 
States and the General Govern-> 
ment, VIL, 211. 

Texas and Slavery, LX, 111. 


GENERAL INDEX | 5 


Cc 


Calvin, John 
Biography, V, 140. 

Doctrine of eternal election, Vv, avr 

Canon Law, IV, 308-318. 

Canuleian Law, ELLE, 27%, 

Capillaries, VI, 118, 119. 

Carnot, Sadie, IX, 370. 

Carroll, Daniel 
In the Federal Convention. 

On per capita voting in the Sen- 
ate, VII, 367. 

Cartesianism (See Philosophy, and 
Descartes, Geulinex, Male- 
branche, Spinoza, and Leibnitz). 

Carthage, III, 186. 

Castes 
Egyptian, I, 89. 

Brahman, I, 201. 

Cavendish 
Biography, VI, 290. 
ie een of Water, VI, 290- 

Celibacy 
Buddhist, I, 237. 

Early Church, IV, 51, 111, 323. 
Erasmus on, V, 108. 

Luther on, V, 123. 

In the Augsburg Confession, V, 162. 

Cell Theory 
Schwann, IX, 233. 

Weismann, X, 285. 

Censors, III, 34. 

. Chaldaea 

Account of Creation, I, 9. 

Account of Flood, I, 16. 

Ishtar’s Descent into Hades, I, 22. 

Legend of Sargon, I, 21. 

Laws, I, 27. 

Penitential Psalms, I, 25. 

Recent archeological discoveries 
concerning civilazation in, X, 182. 

Charlemagne (Karl the Great) 
Coronation, IV, 205. 

Donation of, IV, 204. 
Palace school of, IV, 206. 

Charles I, V, 391-430. 

Charles II, VII, 5. 

Chartism, X, 7. 

Chase, Salmon P. 

Protest of the Independent Demo- 
crats, IX, 144. 

Chatham 
Biography, VII, 65. 

Against the Right to Tax America, 
VII, 65. 

Chemistry (See Natural Sciences’ 
Leukippos and Demokritos, II, 187. 
Lucretius III, 262. 

Geber (830?-?), IV, 278. 

Roger Bacon (1214-1292), IV, 369. 
Paracelsus (1493-?), VI, 5. 

Boyle (1627-1691), VI, 152. 

Stahl (1660-1734), VI, 151. 
Joseph Black (1728-1754), VI, 272. 


C 


Chemistry (See Natural Sciences) 
Priestley (1733-1804), VI, 278. 
Scheele (1742-1786), VI,’ 284. 
Cavendish (1731-1810), VI, 290. 
Lavoisier (1743-1794), Vi, 297. 
Volta (1745-1774), VI, 358. 

Dalton (1766-1844), VIII, 368. 
Gay-Lussac (1778-1850), VIII, 375. 
Avogadro (1776-1865), VIII, 384. 
Dulong and Pettit (1813), VIII, 384. 
Davy (1778-1829), VIII, 361. 
Faraday (1791-1867), VIII, 399. 
Schwann (1810-1882), LX, 233. 
Helmholtz (1821-1894), IX, 360. 
Kirchhoff and Bunsen, IX, 289. 
Mendeléeff, X, 254. 

Lockyer, X, 270. 

Loeb, X, 254. 


Chloroform, IX, 428. 


Christianity and the Christians (See 
Religion). 
Church (See Religion). 
Cicero 
Biography, III, 215. 
Best Forms of Government, 
III, 228. 
geetcl of Death, The, III, 241- 
262. 


The, 


Principles of Law, The, III, 216. 
Scipio’s Dream, III, 233. 
Twelve Tables, On the, III, 11. 
City, The 
Rise of the, IV, 390. 
Municipal Ownership, X, 76, 101. 
Clay, Henry 
Biography, VIII, 148. 
“American Policy,” The, VIII, 148. 
poproutee of 1820, Part in, VIII, 
148, 
On the Compromise of 1833, VIII, 
285. 
On the Compromise of 1859, IX, 
117, 


Cleisthenes 

Aristotle’s aceount of, II, 69. 
Clinton, De Witt, VIII, 28. 
Clive, Lord Robert 

Biography, VII, 59, 

Conquest of India, VII, 57. 

On His conduct in India, VII, 59. 


Clocks, Pendulum, VI, 141. 
Clubs (See Trade Unions and Guilds). 
Colonial Systems, 
Roman, III, 77, 94; IV, 7. 
English, VII, 55-165. 
Columbus, Christopher, 
Biography, V, D. 
Journal, V; 7. 
Commerce and Trade (See Economics 
and Institutions), 
Egyptian, I, 84-105. 
Brahman, I, 204-5. 
Greek, II, 94, 113. 


K 


\ 
4 


C 


Commerce and Trade (See Economics 
and Institutions) 
Roman, III, 35, 193. 
Mediaeval, IV, 390. 
Modern, 
Spanish, V, 26, 41, 317. 
Bodin (latter half 16th century), 
VI, 155. 
The mercantilists, VI, 155. 
Thomas Mun, VI, 157. 
Physiocrats, VI, 392. 
Adam Smith, VI, 399-427; VII, 
117-165. 
English, VII, 55. 
United States, VIII, 5. 
Hamilton, Alexander, VIII, 37. 
Ricardo, VIII, 305. 
Clay, VIII, 148, 
Benton, VIII, 196. 
Monopolies, X, 6, 8, 9, 44, 52, 76, 
101. 
Karl Marx, X, 10-30. 
Friedrich Engels, X, 31-52. 
The Control of Railroads, X, 52- 
76. 
Municipal and Private Owner- 
ship, X, 76-101. 
English State Socialism, X, 101. 
Commons founded, House of (1265), 
IV, 401. 

Communism (See also Monasticism, 
'. for religious communities) 
Spartan, II, 118. 

Plato, II, 320-338. 
Aristotle, II, 386. 
KKarl Marx, X, 10. 
Friedrich Engels, X, 31. 

Compass, V, 5. 

Compurgations, IV, 308. 

Comte, Auguste 
Biography, VIII, 344, 

The Positive Philosophy, VIII, 345. 

Confucius (Kung-fu-Tsze) | 
Biography, I, 382. 

Sayings, I, 382-411. 

Constitution of the United States, 

The (See Government, and United 
States), 

Forming of, VII, 246-367.. 

Hamilton on, VIII, 31. : 

Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions 
on, VIII, 96. 

And Expansion, Jefferson and Mar- 
shall on, VIII, 108. 

Josiah Quincey on, VIII, 122. 

Noe Hartford Convention on, VIII, 
134, 

John Marshall on, VIII, 161-195. 

Benton on, VIII, 196. 

Calhoun on, VIII, 211. 

Hayne on, VIII, 287. 

Webster on, VIII, 246, 

Vera ation baie ttaby eos on, VIII, 


GENERAL INDEX 


Cc 


Constitution of the United States, 
The(See Government, and United 
States) 

Jackson on, VIII, 274. 
McDuffie on, IX, 83. 
Garrison on, IX, 94. 
Wendell Phillips on, IX, 104. 
Calhoun on, IX, 114. 
Seward on, IX, 123. 
Douglas on, IX, 136. 
Sumner, Chase, etc. on, IX, 147. 
Chief Justice Taney on, IX, 153. 
Lincoln on, IX, 177. 
Jefferson Davis, IX, 196. 
Platforms of 1860, IX, 199.’ 
Secession, LX, 208. 
Conversion 
Of Galerius, IV, 17. 
Of the heathen, IV, 62; 
Of the Franks, IV, 202. 
Of Kent, IV, 190. 
Of the East Angles, IV, 194. 
Co-operation, X, 101. 
Copernican Theory, The 
By Copernicus, Vy 96. 
Galileo on, V, 292. . 
Inquisition against, V, 302. 
Copernicus 
Biography, V, 95. 
The Copernican Theory, V, 96. —<— 
Cortez ft 
Account of the Aztec Civiention. 
V, 317-326. 
Councils of Church, 
Creation, The 
Chaldean account, I, 15. 
Brahman account, I, 195. 
Zoroaster’s account, I, 359. 
Greek account, II, 4. 
Philo Judaeus on, III, 355. 

Creeds (See Religion) 
Origeh’s statement, IV, 29. 
Synod of Elvira, IV, 111. 
St. Athanasius’ Exposition, IV, 171. 
Nicene, LV, 122. 
Athanasian, IV, 122. 
St. Augustine, IV, 75. 
Later Declarations of the Church, 

LV, 323. 

Wycliffite Conclusions, IV, 378. 
Luther’s Ninety-five Theses, V, 112. 
German Protestant, V, 151. 
Wesley, VI, 362. 

Cromwell, V,.392. 

Cronos conquers Uranus, II, 7. 

Crookes 

Telepathy, X, 358. 
Crusades 
History of, IV, 335, 
William of Tyre on Peter the Her- 
mit, IV, 337. 
Wate II, Speech at Clermont, IV, 
8. 
The Truce of God, IV, 341. 


IV, 69. 


IV, 111, 122, 323. 


GENERAL INDEX 7 


C 
Crusades 
Privileges of the Crusaders, IV, 
345. 
Account of the Start, IV, 348. 
Cuneiform writing, X, 188. 
Cuvier 
Biography, VIII, 418. 
The Mutual Relations of Organized 
Beings, WIII, 419. 
Cyprian 
Biography, IV, 35. 
The Unity of the Church, IV, 35-51, 


D 


Daguerre, IX, 426. 
Dalton 
Biography, VIII, 368. 
On the Constitution of Bodies, 
VIII, 368. 
On Chemical Synthesis, VIII, 370. 
Danton 
In the French Revolution, VII, 372. 
Darwin 
Biography, IX, 200. 
Natural Selection, IX, 300-344. 
Davie, William Richard 
In the Federal Convention 
On the choice of the Senate, VII, 
330. 
For equal representation, VII, 
the Senate, VII, 349. 
Davis, Jefferson 
Biography, IX, 196. 
That the territories cannot keep 
out slavery, LX, 197. 
Davy 
Biography, VIII, 361. 
On the discovery of the alkalies by 
electrolysis, VIII, 362-367. 
Dayton, Jonathan 
In the Federal Convention. 
For equal representation, VIi, 
311, 332, 358. 
Decemvirs, III, 13, 15. 
Declaration of Independence = 
Dutch, V, 189. 
American, 
Arguments for and against, VII, 
2357 
Adams on, VII, 243. .- 
Paine on, VII, 209. © 
Declarations of the Church (See 
Creeds). 
Democratic Party (See Government, 
United States, ct 
Demokritos 
Biography, ITI, 187. 
The Atomic Theory, II, 187. 
Descartes 
Biography, VI, 41. 
Meditations, VI, 42-63. 
Dhammapada, I, 322-353. 


D 
Dickinson, John 
Biography, VII, 199. 
Letters of a Pennsylvania Farmer, 

Against the Suspension of the 
New York Legislature, VII, 199. 

Against Direct Taxation, VII, 
2038. 

On Declaration of Independence 

(opposed to), VII, 236. 

On the Constitution, VII, 199. 
In the Federal Convention. 

Moved the appointment of the 
Senate by State Legislatures, 
VII, 265. 

For the preservation of the 
States, VII, 267. 

That representation should be 
proportional to contribution, 
VII, 270. 

Resolution for a stronger Union, 
VII, 286. 

Djafer ‘see Geber), IV, 278. 
Dio Cassius 
The Roman Empire Bstablished 
Fives the Guise of a Republic, 


Diocletian 


Establishment of an absolute mon- 
archy under, III, 95. 

Persecution of the Christians by, 
IV, 14. 

Diogenes the Cynic 

Biography, II, 339. 

Sayings and characteristics of, II, 
339-343. 


Divine Right of Kings (Contrast the~ 


Social Contract Idea and the 
Sovereignty of the People), 
In Greece, II, 111. 
In Rome, III, 93; IV, 6, 35. 
During Middle Ages, IV, 206, 327. 
ar eee: Times, V, 190; VII, 5, 


Doctrine of “Ideas” (See also Ideal- 


ism), 

Plato, II, 239-311. 
Douglas, Stephen 

Biography, IX, 132. 

In United States History, IX, 44. 

“Squatter Sovereignty,” IX, 133. 
Draco 

Aristotle on Draco’s code of ee 


Dred Scott Decision, IX, 153. 


BH 


Ha, I, 16-21. 
Earth (See Geology). 
Helipse (See Astronomy). 
Education 
Brahman, I, 127-, 162-, 185-. 


GENERAL INDEX 


H 


Education 


The education of the Buddhists, I, 
225-245, 253-322. 
Chinese, I, 382-411. 
Spartan, II, 105-135. 
Plato, 
The ideal education, beginning of 
educational theory, II, 320-328. 
Aristotle, 
The ideal education, II, 411-418. 
The education of the Cynics, Stoics, 
and other Greek schools, II, 
339, 418. 
Quintilian on the Ideal Roman Ed- 
ucation, III, 312-326. 
Plutarch on the training of chil- 
dren, III, 370-391. 
The education of the monasteries, 
mediaeval schools, privileges, 
courses of study, student life, 
IV, 206, 350-369; VI, 23. 
Roger Bacon (1214-1294), on the pre- 
vailing education, IV, 369. 
Of the Renaissance, VI, 23. 
John Sturm, (1507-1587). Classical 
scholarship, VI, 24. : 
Montaigne (1533-1592), on the essen- 
tials of education. The educa- 
tion of children, V, 198. 


Francis Bacon (1561-1626). Against 
the principles of the scholastic 
education. The empirical edu- 
cation, V, 234. 

Wolfgang Ratke (1571?-). Rules, Vi, 
24 


Comenius (1592-1670). Educational 
Laws. The development of the 
individual must follow nature. 

Jesuit, VI, 24. 

Rousseau (1712-1778). The return to 
nature in education, VII, 47; 
TX 21. 

Pestalozzi (1746-1847). The new ed- 
ucational spirit, IX, 22-42. 
Froebel (1782-1868). The kindergar- 
ten. Education by doing, IX, 

402-410. 

Horace Mann and educational re- 

form in the United States, IX, 
~ 410-420, 


Economics (See also Institutions. For 
Political Science, see Govern- 
ment) 

Egyptian, I, 84, 105. 

Brahman, I, 202-6. 

Athenian, II, 94-105. 

Spartan, II, 113-118. 

Plato, II, 312-338. 

Aristotle, II, 383-386, 397-417. 

Roman, 

Support of army, III, 25-30. , 
Licinian laws, III, 35-46. 
Sumptuary laws, III, 54-65. 


E 


Economics (See also Institutions. For 


Political Science, see Govern- 
ment) 

Mismanagement of the provinces, 
III, 77-90. 


History of luxury, III, 193-215. 

Nerva’s care of indigent children, 
III, 94. 

Citizenship and taxes extended 
to all (212 A. D.), III, 95. 

Diocletian, III, 99. 

Justinian’s Institutes, III, 100- 
166. 

Mediaeval, 

Laws of the Franks, IV, 177-188. 

Laws of the Anglo-Saxons, IV, 
211-240. 

Economics of the monasteries, 
IV, 128. 

City customs and revenues, LV, 
390. 

Guilds, IV, 395. 

Modern, 
German peasant demands, V, 134. 
England, 
Ship money, V, 396. 
Monopolies, grants, ete., V, 403- 
430. 
Jean Bodin (later half 16th centu- 
ary), 

Ten-fold rise in prices due to im- 
portation of gold from the New 
World, VI, 155. 

The Mercantile Theory, VI, 155. 
Thomas Mun (1571-1644), © 

The Mercantile Theory of bal- 
ance of trade, VI, 157. 

Sir William Petty (1623-1687), VI, 
156. 

Bill of Rights (1689), VI, 10. 

Locke (1632-1704), 

The Basis of Property is, Labor, 
VI, 164-171. 

Physiocratic School, VI, 156, 392. 

Quesnay (1694-1774), WI, 392. 
General maxims. 

tener trading companies, VII, 


Taxation of the colonies, VII, 55- 


Adam Smith (1723-1790), 

Against the Mercantile System, 
VI, 399-427. 

The Colonies and Free Trade, 
VII, 117-165. 

Arthur Young, ‘ 

Economic condition of France as 
the cause of the French Revo- 
lution, VII, 368-. 

William Winterbotham, 

Economic condition of the United 

States (1790), VIII, 15. 
Alexander Hamilton (1757-1804), 


GENERAL INDEX 9 


10) 


Beonomics 


Hamilton, Alexander, 

Financial measures, VIII, 30. 
Report on manufactures: the pro- 
tective policy, VIII, 37-96. 
T. B. Malthus (1766-1834), 
The Principle of Population, 
VIII, 293-305. 
Economie conditions during the 
War of 1812, VIII, 134. 

David Ricardo (1772-1823), 

Theory of Rent, VIII, 305. 

Henry Clay (1777-1852), 

The “American Policy,” VIII, 
148, 

Thomas Benton (1782-1858), 

The Tariff of 1828, VIII, 196. 

Auguste Comte (1798-1857), 
neve Positive Philosophy, VIII, 

Henry Clay, The Compromise of 

1833, VIII, 285. 

Hall: Slave economics, IX, 46-62. 
George McDuffie touches the eco- 
nomic side of slavery, [X, 83. 

Calhoun, 

Condition of free blacks and 
slaves contrasted, IX, 111. 

Seward, LX, 123, 

Sumner, Chase, Giddings, ete., IX, 
144, 

Somers, Robert, Conditions in the 
South, X, 124-134. 

Monopolies and the control of trade, 
X, 6, 8, 9, 44, 52, 76, 101. 

Guilds and trade unions, X, 6, 8, 19, 
36, 46. 

Karl Marx, X, 10-30. 

Manifesto of the Communist 

- Party. Doctrine of surplus 

value. 

Friedrich Engels, X, 31-52. 
Scientific Socialism. 

Interstate Commerce Commission 
The Control of Railroads, X, 
52-76. 

Municipal and private ownership 
compared, X, 76-101. 

H. W. Macrosty (Fabian Society), 
X, 101-123. 

English State Socialism. 

Redfield Procter. 

Conditions in Cuba, X, 135-146. 

F, H. Sawyer, X, 147-181. 

The Philippines. 


Egypt, Ancient, 


Book of the Dead, Osiris worship, 
E29: 

Civilization and Life, by Herodo- 
tus, I, 80. 

Hymn to the Nile, I, 79. 


“Hight Fold Path,” The, I, 220. 


EK 


Elections in the United States, VIII, 
25; IX, 41. 
Electricity (See Physics). 
Ellsworth, Oliver 
In the Federal Convention. 

Did not despair that some good 
plan of government could be 
devised, VII, 319. 

Moved equality in the Senate, 
VII, 3238. 

The rights of the minority, VII, 
327. 

Connecticut federal, VII, 329. 

Looxed to the States for domestic 
tranquility, VII, 334. 

On the legislative power, VII, 
344, 362. 

Elysium (See Immortality, Hades, 
etc.), II, 49. 
Embalming, I, 101. 
Embryo 
Von Baer, VIII, 394, 
Haeckel, IX, 344-360. 
Empedokles 
Biography, II, 160. 
Extant fragments, IT, 160. 
Engels 
Scientific Socialism, X, 31-52. 


England (See Government and under 

Separate heads) 

Anglo-Saxon conquest, IV, 188. 

Anglo-Saxon conversion, LV, 190. 

Anglo-Saxon laws and customs, IV, 
211., 

Feudal, IV, 200. 

Normans and Saxons, IV, 384. 

Rise of the Cities, TV, 390. 

Norman laws and customs, IV, 397. 

The Magna Charta, IV, 401. 

Uprising under Bail and Tyler, IV, 
413. 

Colonies, V, 354, 360; VII, 55. 

Puritan Revolution, V, 391-430. 

Supremacy of Parliament, WII, 5. 

Habeas Corpus Act, VII, 8. 

Bill of Rights, VII, 10. 
Conquest of India, VII, 57, 59. 
English views of the American - 

Revolution, VII, 66, 165. 
Abolishes slavery, IX, 79, 112. 
State Socialism in, X, 101. 


Epictetus 
Biography, III, 392. 
Discourses, III, 392-407. 
Epicurus 
Biography, II, 426. 
Letter on Happiness as the Great- 
est Good, II, 426. 
Hrasmus 
Biography, V, 103. 
Satires, 
Benefice Hunting, V, 104. 
The Penitent Virgin, V, 108. 


10 GENERAL INDEX 


19) 


EKrastosthenes 
Biographical note, III, 290. 
Measured the circumference of the 
Earth, III, 290. 
Ether (See Physics) 
Huyghens (1609-1695), VI, 141-150. 
Thomas Young (1773-1829), VIII, 
442, 
Jas. Clerk, Maxwell, X, 208, 
Hertz’ Waves, X, 215. 
Crookes, X, 358. 
Ethical Rules of Life, 
Chaldean, I, 25-29. 
Egyptian, I, 72-75. 
Brahman, I, 201-218. 
Buddha, 

Conduct, not knowledge, I, 225 
245. 

Rules of conduct, I, 236-2438. 

Ideas to be avoided, I, 245-253. 

Confucius, I, 382-411. 
Hesiod, II, 30-34. 
Seneca, III, 327. 
Epictetus, III, 392. 
Marcus Aurelius, III, 406. 
Harly church, IV, 111. 
Monasticism, IV, 128. 
Protestantism, V, 111-151. 
Wesley, VI, 365. 
Huclid 
Founded geometry, III, 288. 
Eudoxus, III, 288. 
Evolution 
Lamarck (1744-1829), 
Evolution by use, VIII, 412. 
Goethe, 

Transformation in plants, VIII, 
394. 

Cuvier (1769-1832), VIII, 418. 

Discovered fossils of extinct 
species but believed in special 
creation of each species. 

The Mutual Relations of organ- 
ized Beings. 

St. Hillaire (i772. -1844), 
Unity of plan in animals) VIII, 
395. 
Von Baer, VIII, 394. 
Development of the embryo.(1828) 
Charles Lyell (1797-1875), 

Past changes in the earth the re- 
Bult of causes now acting, IX, 
214, 

Schwann 1810-1882), 

Cell theory, IX, 233. 

Herbert Spencer, IX, 259-300. 
Progress: Its Law and Cause. 
A. R. Wallace: Natural Selection, 

IX, 300. 

Charles Darwin, 
Natural Selection, TX, 300-344. 
Haechel, . 

‘Fundamental Law of the Evolu- 

tion of organisms, IX, 344-360. 


BE 


Evolution 
Weismann, 
Theory of Heredity, X, 285-308. 
Expansion, VIII, 108-134. 


EF 
Fabricius : 
Discovered the valves in the veins, 
Wigs 
Haraday 


Biography, VIII, 390. 
Liquification of Chlorine, VIII, 390. 
Electricity from Magnetism, IX, 
17-21. 
Ferrier 
Localization of Functions in the 
Brain, X, 337. 
Feudalism, IV, 300-318. 
Forms of dependence of the seris 
and freemen, IV, 300. 
Private jurisdictions, IV, 301. 
Homage and fealty, IV, 303. 
Mutual duties, IV, 306. 
Authority of the lord, IV, 307. 
Compurgation, LV, 308. ’ 
Ordeals, IV, 309. . 
Wagers of battle, IV, 315. 
Fichte 
Biography VIII, 318. 
Outlines of the ‘Doctrine of Know- 
ledge, VIII, 319-330. 
Finance (See Heonomics). 
Flavio Giopo 
Invented the mariner’s compass, V, 


6. 
Flood, The 
Chaldaean account, I, 19. 
Foundation of the Kingdom of Right- 
eousness, Buddha, I, 220. 


’ Francis, St., V, 123. 


Franklin, Benjamin 
Biography, VI, 261. 
Account of His Electrical Experi- 
ments, VI, 262. 
Identity of Lightning and Electri- 
tone The Lightning Rod, VI, 
The Kite Experiment, VI, 270. 
Examination on the Stamp Act, 
VII, 185-198. 
Information to Those about to Em- 
igrate to America, VIII, 5. 
In the Federal Convention. 
On the question of representa. 
tion, VII, 271. | 
For prayer for the convention, 
VII, 315. 
Compromise, VIII, 330, 349, 352. 


Franks 
Laws and customs, IV, 177-188, 
Conversion, IV, 202. 
Pippin, LV, 203. 
Karl the Great, IV, 204. 


GENERAL INDEX 


Free Trade and Protection 
Mercantilists and Thomas Mun 
A eer VI, 155-163; VII, 55, 
Physiocrats (1750) on, VI, 392-399. 
Adam Smith (1776), VI, 399-427; 
VII, 117-165. 
Alexander Hamilton on, VIII, 37-96. 
Free Will 
St. Augustine, IV, . 
Calvin, V, 141. 
Spinoza, VI, 63. 
Hobbes, VI, 93. 
Leibnitz, VI, 78. 
_Kant, YL 40, 201, SEL 
Froeper © 
The Reina eoneienl IX, 402-410. 
Froissart |. 
oot rye under Ball and Tyler, IV, 


G 
Galen 

Biography, III, 291. 

Discoveries, III, 291. 

Harvey quotes, VI, 9. 

Galerius 
Christians persecuted by, IV, 14. 
Edict of Toleration by, IV, 1%. 
Galileo 
Biography, V, 290. 
Discoveries, V, 290. 
For the Copernican System, V, 292. 
Condemnation by the Inquisition, 
V, 302. 
-Recantation, V, 306. 
Gallatin 

See. of Treasury, VILL, 27. 
Galvani 

Electrical discoveries, WI, 358. 
Gama, Vasco da 

Biography, V, 26. 

Account of His Voyage round 
Africa to India, V, 26. 

Garrison, William Loyd (1805-1879) 

The Liberator (1831), LX, 95. 

The Constitution a “Covenant with 
Death and an Agreement with 
Hell’? (1842), IX, 97. 

No Union with Slaveholders (1842), 
IX, 98. 

In Defence of the American Anti- 
Slavery Society (1844), LX, 99-104. 

Gas, IX, 422. 
Gathas of Zoroaster, I, 354-381. 
Gay-Lussac 

Biography, VIII, 375. 

On the Combination of Gaseous 
Substances with each other, 
Wit. 375. 

Geber 


Alchemist: made nitric and sul- | 


phurie acid, IV, 278. 
Geography (See Astronomy and Bi- 
ology 


il 


G 


Geography (See Astronomy and Bi- 
ology) 
Anaximander, II, 148. 
Aristarchus, III, 288. 
Hrastosthenes, III, 290. 
Pliny the Elder, III 293. 
Columbus, V, 7. 
Vasco da Gama, V, 26. 
Magellan, V, 41. 
Cortez, V, 317. 
Mendoza, V, 327. 
Champlain, V, 342, 
Geometry, III, 288. 


“Ga {Germans 


Tacitus on the, IV, 165. 
Anglo-Saxon customs, 
Feudalism, IV, 300. ‘* 
State and Church, IV, 318, 423. - 
Reformation, V, 102. 
Socialism, X, 5. 

Germ Theory, 
Devaine, X, 285. 
Pasteur, X, 319. 
Koch, X, 309. 

Gerry, Elbridge 
In the Federal Convention 

Against the excess of democracy, 
VII, 261, 262. 

For the election of Senators by 
the State legislatures, VII, 266, 
268. 

The States never independent. 
For proportional representa- 
tion, VII, 322. 

The people should hold the purse 
strings, VII, 274, 351. 

Report of compromise committee, 
VII, 339, 340, 345, 351. 

On equality in the Senate, VII, 
353, 354, 357. 

Against a confederacy of part of 
the States, VII, 358. 

Geulinex 
Non-interaction but harmony of 
matter and mind, VI, 38. 
Gilgamesh, I, 16. 
Glenn: Speech in the- Democratic 

Convention, 1860, IX, 199. 

God (See Religion, Immorality, Phil- 
osophy, Soul, etc.) 

God, To the Unknown, I, 109, 
Goethe 

Stamens and pistils are trans- 

formed leaves, VIII, 394. 

Gorham, Nathaniel 

In the Federal Convention 

The absolute necessity of federa- 
tion, VII, 318. 

Committee report, VII, 275. 

On the compromise, VII, 340. 

For proportional representation, 
VII, 347. 


V,, 21g, 


— 12 


GENERAL INDEX 


G 


Gorham, Nathaniel 


Hor several Senators from 4a 
State, Vil, 367. 


Government 
Under this head we shall index, 


first, the science of govern- 
ment or political science; sec- 
ond, institutions, and politi- 
cal ideas. 

See also economics, laws, 
education, inventions, and 
sociai science, 


The Science of Government or 


Political Science, proper, 

Plato (429-348, B. C,), began poli- 
tical science. 

Origin of the State, II, 311-320. 

Education by the State, Ii, 
320-328, 

Community in the State, II, 
328-338. 

Aristotle (384-322 B. ©.) 

Origin of the State, IT, 383-386. 
The Ideal State, Li, 386-418. 
Education in the State, II, 411- 
418, 
History and description of the 
ete constitution, IT, 54- 
Polybius (204-122 B. C.) 
Analysis of the Roman Govern- 
ment, III, 166-193. 
Cicero (105- -43 B. C.), III, 215- 262. 
as Principles of Law, III, 216- 
28. 
The Best Forms of Govern- 
ment, III, 228-233. 

Marsilius of Padua (latter half 
13th century). The beginning 
of the modern theory of the 
state, IV, 423. 

Machiavelli (1469-1527). 

Mediaeval and early modern 
political ideas. 
The Prince, V, _58- 95. 


yor 


dence: The Duty of Rulers, 
V, 189. 

Hobbes (1588-1679). Social Con- 
tract Idea of Society, VII, 19- 
25. 

The supremacy of parliament in 
England, VII, 5 

The Habeas Corpus Act, WII, 8. 
(1679). 


The Bill of Rights (1689), VII, 10- 
16. 


Locke (1638-1704). 
The Basis of Property is Labor, 
VI, 164-171. 
The Origin of Political Socie- 
ties and the Right of the Peo- 
ple to Revolt, VII, 25-35. 


G 


Government 


Montesquieu (1689-1755), VII, 35- 
46, 

The principle of the separation 
of powers. 

The physiocratic school, led by 
Gournay and Quesnay. 

Quesnay (1694-1774), VI, 392-300. 
General Maxims. 

Rousseau (1712-1778) 

The Contrat Social (1762): The 
ruler only the instrument of 
the people, who are always 
sovereign, VII, 47-55. 

American Revolutionary Ideas, 
VII, 166-245. 

Forming of the Constitution, VII, 
246-367, 

French Revolutionary Ideas, VII, 
368-432, 

Development of the American 
Political Ideas, VIII, 25-291; 
IX, 42-213. 


Karl Marx 


Manifesto of the Communist 
Party, X, 10. 
Friedrich Engels 
Scientific Socialism, X, 31. 
Public ownership and control, 
X, 52, 76 
H. W. Macrosty 
English State Socialism, X, 101. 


Institutions and Political Ideas, 


Chaldaea and Babylonia. 
Babylonian Laws, I, 27. 
Recent archzeological discover- 
ies in Babylonian society in 
vol. X, 184. 

Egypt. 

HKgyptian life described by He- 
rodotus . (400 B. C.), I, 80-108. 

The Jews. 

See Exodus, Leviticus, Num- 
bers, Deuteronomy. 

China. 

Many of the customs and rules 
of propriety of China to-day 
date back to Confucius (551- 
478 B. C.), I, 382-411. 

The Brahmans. 

Laws and life of the castes, I, 
201-208. 

Education, I, 127—, 162—, 
185—. 

Buddha (5th century B. C.) 
Rules of conduct, I, 233-245, 
Customs of Buddha, I, 253-322, 
Proverbs, I, 328-353. 

Greece. 
Life and institutions of the 

Spartans, II, 105-135. Spar- 
tan education. 

Life and institutions of the 
Athenians, II, 54-105. 


GENERAL INDEX 13 


G 


Government 
Institutions and Political Ideas. 
. Draco (621 B. C.), II, 56. 
Solon (594 B. C.), 
. Laws, II, 57-63. 
Sociological poems — extant 
parts. 
Peisistratus (560 B. C.), II, 63- 
67 


Cleisthenes (608 B. G.), II, 69- 
72 


Pericles (460-429 B. C.), II, 75—. 


Rome, Republic. 

Appian’s review of the Roman 
contentions, III, 5. 

Origin of Roman law, III, 9.— 
Justinian’s Digest. 

The Quaestor (before 509 B. C.), 
ITI, 52. 

The right of appeal to the peo- 

. ple in capital cases, 509 B. CG., 
Ill, 12.—Cicero. 

mer Tribunes, 494 B. C., ITI, 3, 

The Decemvirs, 451-449 B. C., 
IfI, 183—, 15—. 

Fragments of the Twelve Tab- 
les, 449 B. C., III, 9—. 

Laws passed by the people as- 
sembled in tribes to be bind- 
ing on all, 449 B. C.—Diony- 
sius Halicarnassus. 

Renewal of the sacredness of 

- the Tribunes, 449 B. C., III, 
16. 

Right of intermarriage— the 
Canuleian Law-—B. C. 445, 
III, 17-25. 

The Military Tribunes, 444 B. 
C., III, 24. 

The Censors established, 443 B. 
C., III, 34. 

A regular army. established, 
the troops paid, and winter 
campaigns begun, 406-400 B. 
C., III, 25-30, 

The Praetorship, 367 B. C., 
III, 46. 

The Licinian Law, 361 B. C., 

- compromising the land ques- 
tion; one consul a pleb; in- 
terest deducted from the 
principal of debts; slave lab- 
or, and amount of land held 
limited, ILI, 35-46, 

All offices thrown open to the 
plebeians by the Publilian 
laws, 8386 B. C. Orders of 
commons binding on all. III, 


The censorship, 312 B. C.; also 
publie road building by Ap- 
pius Claudius, IIT, 54. 

Priesthood opened to plebeians, 


G 


Government 
Institutions and Political Ideas. 


300 B. C., III, 48. 

Hortensian Law, 287 B. C.,, 
made all laws passed by the 
plebs alone binding on all. 
III, 58.—Aulus Gellius. 

Annexation of Sabine territory, 
290 B. C. 

War with Pyrrhus and Taren- 
tum. All Italy made part of 
the growing empire, 272 B. C. 

First Punic War, 264-241 B. C. 

Second Punic War, 218-201 B. - 
C. Spain acquired. 

Second Macedonian War, 200- 
196 B. C. Greece “‘liberated.’’ 

The Bacchanalian revelers re- 
pressed, 186 B. C., III, 65-77. 

Third Macedonian War, 172-168 
B. C. Macedonian divided. 

Destruction of Carthage, 146 B. 
C., III, 166. 

Destruction of Corinth, 146 B. 
C., III, 166. 

Strictures on dress and food, 
145 B. C., ITI, 54-65. 

The Gracchi, 133-121 B, C., ITI, 
77-90. 

Mismanagement of the provin- 
ces, III, 77-90. 

Rome after the Punic Wars, by 
Polybius. An analysis of the 
Roman government, military 
institutions, ete., III, 166-193. 
Rome and Carthage com- 
pared. 


Transalpine Gaul made a prov- 
ince, 120 B. C. 

The Social War, 90-89 B. C. 
Allies admitted to citizenship, 
IIT, 90, 91. 

Marius and Sulla, 88-79 B. C. 

Cicero (105-43 B. C.), III, 215. 

The First Triumvirate, 60 B. C. 

Civil War between Caesar and 
Pompey, 49 B. C. 

The Second Triumvirate, 43 
B.C. 


Rome, Empire. 


Growth of luxury at the close 
of the republic, III, 193.— 
Lucan Augustus. 

The empire established under 
the guise of a republic, 27 B. 
C., III, 32—Dio Cassius. 

Elections taken from the peo- 
ple and given to the senate, 
14 A. D., III, 92. 

Luxury increased from the 
time of Actium (81 B. C.) to 
Tiberius; then began to de- 
cline among the _ senators, 
though the extravagance of 


14 GENERAL INDEX 


G G 
Government 
Institutions and Political Ideas 


Middle Ages. 
Monasticism. St. Benedict’s 


Government 
Institutions and Political Ideas 
Rome, Empire 
the emperors, increased 


through the time of Nero (54 
A. D.); and with Vespasian 
a period of parsimonious 
living began, lasting about 
100 years. III, 194-. 

Growth of royal power under 
Vespasian, 69 A. D., ILI, 93. 

Quintilian (35-95 A. D.). The 
Ideal Roman Hducation, III, 
312-326. 

Nero (64 A. D.). Persecution of 
Christians. 

Nerva, care of indigent chil- 
dren 96-97 A. D., III, 94. 

Trajan, 98 A. D. The empire 
at its widest extent. Perse- 
cutions of Christians. The 
paternalism of the empire, 


Plutarch (50 A. D.-120 A. D.) 
The training of children III, 
370-391. 

Marcus Aurelius, 161 A. D., 
IV, 9. 

Persecution of the Christians. 

Caracalla extends citizenship 
to all inhabitants of the em- 
pire (212 A. D.) in order to 
include ali in certain tax- 
ation. 

Persecution upder Valerian 
.(254 A. D.), IV, 138. 

Diocletian (284 A. D.). An ab- 
solute monarchy, III, 95-99. 
Persecution of Christians. 

Edict of Toleration by Galerius 
303 A. D., IV, 17. Decree of 
Milan 318 A. D., IV, 19. 

Synod, of Hivira, Problems of 
the Church, [V, 111. 


Fourth century Roman life, by 
Ammianus Marcellinus, III, 
202. 

Asceticism, Origin of, IV, 51-62. 
Constantine the Great founds 
Constantinople (828 A. D.). 
Theodosius, 878-395 A. D. Code, 

IV, 69. 

The customs of the Germans, 
by Tacitus, IV, 165. 

The Anglo-Saxon Conquest of 
Britain, by Bede, 449-456 A. 
D., IV, 188. 

Overthrow of Empire, 475 A. D. 

Justinian (527-565). Eastern em- 
peror codifies Roman Law. 
Justinian’s Institutes, III, 
100-168. 


Rules, about 500 A. D., iV, 
128-165. 

The Salic Law, the laws of the 
Franks, IV, 177-188. 

Conversion of the Franks (496 
A. D.), IV, 202, (by Gregory 
of Tours). 

Conversion of Kent, 596 A. D., 
IV, 190. (By Bede.) 

Conversion of Hast Angles, 627 
A. D., IV, 194. (By Bede). 


Arabs, Middle Ages. 


Mohammed (570-632). Begin- 
ning of the Era of the Arabs 
in Asia Minor, Africa, Spain, 
and Turkey, LY, 240-298. 


Christian Europe, Middle Ages. 


The laws of the Anglo-Saxons, 
of King Aethelbirht of Kent 
(560-616) of Hlothhaere and 
Eadric (673-686), of Wihtraed 
(690-725), of ~.lfred (871-924), 
Edward (901-924), with Guth- 
rum the Dane, of Aethel- 
stan (294- ? ), Edmund and - 
Edgar, IV, 211-240. 

Donation of Pippin, 756 A. D., 
IV, 203. 

Donation of Charlemagne, 774 
A. D., IV, 204. 

Coronation of Karl the Great, 
800 A. D., IV, 205. 

School of Karl the Great, IV, 
206. 

Treaty of Verdun, 843 A. D., 
the divisions of modern Hur- 
ope formed. 

Feudalism. The disintegration 
of Europe left the barons 
each to govern his own coun- 
ty with but slight dependence 
on the higher duke or king. 
Forms of dependence of the 

serfs and freemen, IV, 300. 

Private jurisdictions, IV, 301. 

Homage and fealty, IV, 3038. 

Mutual duties, IV, 306. 

Authority of the lord, IV, 307. 

Compurgation, IV, 308. 

Ordeals, IV, 309. 

Wagers of battle, IV, 315. 

The Struggle between Church 
and State, IV, 318. 

Program of Gregory VII, 
(1073-1085), IV, 320. Claims 
of the pope. 

Declarations of the Church 
on lay investiture, celibacy, 
simony, annual confession, 
transubstantiation, LV, 321, 


GENERAL INDEX 15 


G 


Government 
Institutions and Political Ideas 
Middle Ages. 
Gregory VII. vrs. Henry IV., 
LV, 323. 
The Crusades, IV, 335-350. ~~. 
William of Tyre on Peter the 


Hermit. : 
Urban II, Speech at Cler- 
mont, 1095. 


The Truce of God. 
Privileges of the Crusaders. 
Account of the Start. 

Mediaeval Universities, IV, 350. 
Privileges, Frederick I, 1158 

A. D. 
Gregory IX, for the Univer- 
sity of Paris, 1231 A. D. 
Course of Study, Robert de 
Courcon, 1215 A. D. 
Life of Students. 
Saxons and Normans, by Wil- 
liam of Malmesbury, IV, 
384, 

Rise of the Cities, IV, 390-397. 
English city customs. 
Typical charters. 

A typical guild. 
Norman Judicial Customs, 1166 
A. D., IV, 397. 

The Magna Charta, 1215, A. D., 
- TY, 4 

Uprising under Ball and Tyler. 

by Froissart, IV, 413. 

Wycliffe (1320-1384) and Greg- 

ory XI., IV, 377. 
Renaissance, V 5, 103. 
Fall of Constantinople (1453) 
and diffusion of Greek 
knowledge in Western Hur- 
ope, V, 5. 
Sixteenth Century. 

The New Countries. 

Cortez: Account of the Aztec 
Civilization in 1520, V 
317-326. 

Mendoza: Founding of St. 
Augustine (1565), V, 327- 
341. 

The Reformation, V, 102. 

Erasmus (1466 ? -1536), V, 103- 

110. 
Translated the New Testa- 
ment. 
satirized the foibles of the 
church and clergy. 
Benefice-Hunting. 
The Penitent Virgin. 

Martin Luther (1483-1556), V 
111-134. 

Ninety-five Theses (1517), 
V, 112. 
Against Catholicism, V, 119 


, 


G 


Government 


Institutions and Political Ideas 
Justification by Faith, V, 
127. 
The Peasant Revolt (1525), ¥, 
134. 


The Twelve Articles (De- 
mands) of the Peasanis, 

V, 185. 
oP an (1509-1564), V. 


Doctrine of eternal elect- 
ion, V, 141-150. 

The whole case of the Pro- 
testants as given to the 
world in the Augsburg 
i (1530), V, 151- 

Loyola (1491-1556), V, 179. 

The Jesuit Constitution, V, 
180-188. 

Revolt of the Protestant 

. etherlands, 1566-1609, V, 


Seventeenth Century 


New Countries. 
Jamestown founded (1607). 
Quebec; account by Cham- 
Plain (1608), V, 342-354, 
Morton: Customs of the In- 
dians in 1637, V, 360-376. 
The First Written Constitu- 
tion, Connecticut (1638), V, 
354-360. 

Hooker: Church Questions in 
New England, V, 378. 

The English Revolution (1628- 

1649), V, 391. , 

The Petition of Right (1628), 
V, 393. 
First Writ of Ship-Money, 
Specimen, (1635), V, 396. 
Pym against Strafford, (1641), 
V, 399. 

The case of parliament in the 
Grand Remonstrance 
(1641), 403-430. 


Eighteenth Century 
English Colonial System, VII, 55- 
165. 
See also American Revolution 
below. 
Clive (1725-1774), VII, 59-65. 
Conquest of India. 
On His Conduct in India. 
American Revolution, VII, 166- 
245, 
See also English Colonial Sys- 
tem above. 
James Otis and the Writs of As- 
sistance (1761), VII, 167, 172- 
Ages 


16 


GENERAL INDEX 


G 


Government 
Institutions and Political Ideas 


The Rights of the British Colon- 
ies (1764), VII, 177-178. 

Samuel Adams (1722-1803). 

Vindication of Boston (1764), 
VII, 178-9. 
Against the Stamp Act. 

Patrick Henry (1736-1799). Vir- 
ginia Resolutions against the 
Pate Act (1765), VII, 179- 
184. 

Franklin examined on the effect 
of the Stamp Act (1766), VII, 
185-198. 

Chatham (1708-1778). Against the 
right to tax America (1766), 
VII, 65-77. 

Grenville (1712-1770). Answer to 
Chatham and against repeal 
of Stamp Act (1766), VII, 70- 
72, 

Mansfield (1705-1793). In favor 
of the Right to Tax America 
(1766), VII, 77-86. 

John Dickinson (1732-1808). 

Against the suspension of the 
New York legislature and 
internal taxation. 

Letters of a Pennsylvania Far- 
mer (1767), VII, 199-208. 


Edmund Burke (1729-1797). On 
Conciliation with America, 
VII, 87-11. 

Thomas Paine (1737-1809). 

Common Sense (1776), VII, 209- 
229. 

Thomas Jefferson (1748-1826). 

A Summary View of the Rights 
of British America (1774) 
VII, 230-235. 

The passing of the Declaration 
and the arguments used for 
and against it, VII, 235-421. 

John Adams (1736-1826). 

On the Declaration of Indepen- 
dence, VII, 248. 

Adam Smith (1723-1790). 

The Principle of the Commer- 
cial or Mercantile System, 
VI, 399-427, 

Free Trade and the Colonies, 
VII, 17-165. 

Debates on the Federal Constitu- 
tion, 1787, VII, 246-367. 

Those who attended were: 
Virginia: 

Geo. Washington, Edmund 
Randolph, James Madi- 
son, John Blair, Geo. 
Mason, Geo. Wythe, 

James McClurg. 


G 
Government 
Institutions and Political Ideas 
Massachusetts: 
Elbridge Gerry, Rufus 

King, Caleb Strong, 
Nathaniel Gorham. 

Pennsylvania: 


Benjamin Franklin, Robert 
Morris, Gouverneur Mor- 
ris, James Wilson, Jared 
Ingersoll, Thos. Mifflin, 
Thos. Fitzsimons, Geo. 
Clymer. 

New York: 

Alexander Hamilton, Rob- 

ert Yates, John Lansing, 


Maryland: 
Luther Martin, James Me- 
Henry, Daniel Carroll, 


Daniel of St. Thos. Jeni- 
fer, John Francis Mercer. 
North Carolina: 
Alexander Martin, Wm. 
Richardson Davie, Wm. 
Blount, Richard Dobbs 
Spaight, Hugh William- 
son. 
South Carolina: 
John Rutledge, Chas. 


Cotesworth Pinckney, 
Chas. Pinckney, Pierce 
Butler. 

Connecticut: 

Roger Sherman, Oliver 
HUsworth, Wm. Samuel 
Johnson. 


New Jersey: 

William Patterson, William 
Livingston, David Brear- 
ly, Jonathan Dayton. 

Delaware: 

John Dickinson, Geo. Read, 
Gunning Bedford, Rich- 
ard Bassett, Jacob 
Broome. 

Georgia: 

William Few, Abraham 
Baldwin, William Pierce, 
William Houston. 

New Hampshire: 

John Langdon, 
Gilman. 

The French Revolution 
Montesquieu (1689-1755). 
The Separation of Powers, 

VII, 35-46. 

The Physiocrats. 
Quesnay (1694-1774). 

General Maxims, VI, 392- 
399. 

Rousseau (1712-1778). 


Nicholas 


GENERAL INDEX 17 


G 


Government 
Institutions and Politieal Ideas 


The Social Contract, VII, 47- 
55. 
Louis XVI. came to throne 
(1774), VII, 369. 
Turgot (1727-1781). 
Plans on accepting office, 
VII, 369, 390-394. 
Necker and Calonne, VII, 370. 
Arthur Young (1741-1820). 
The Condition of the French 
People, VII, 374-390. 
Siéyes (1748-1836). 
“What is the Third Estate?” 
VII, 394-398. 
States General (1789), VII, 370. 
National Assembly (1789), VII, 
371, 
Complaints of the People, VII, 
398-411. 
Capture of the Bastile July 14, 
1789, VII, 371. 
Abolition of Feudal Privileges 
(Aug. 11), VII, 871, 411-414. 
Declaration of the Rights of 
Man, Vil, 415-417. 
Origin of the Jacobin club, VII, 
428-430, 
Mirabeau, 
The Condition of Affairs Oct. 
15, 1789, VII, 417-428. 
Danton, Marat, and Robes- 
pierre, VII, 372-373. 
The Republic (Sept. 21, 1792), VII, 
Execution of the King, Jan. 21, 
\ 24; 1793): VIT, 372. 
General War against Republic, 
VII, 373. 
Reign of Terror, VII, 3738. 
Robespierre supreme, VII, 373. 
Worship of Divine Being Re- 
established, VII, 378. 
Napoleon, VII, 373. _ 
American Conditions, 
Benjamin Franklin. 


Information to Those about to. 


Hmigrate to America, VIII, 5. 
W. Winterbotham. 
Conditions in the United States, 
VIII, 15. 
T. B. Malthus (1766-1834). 
Essay on the Principle of Pop- 
ulation (1798), VIII, 293-305. 
The Development of Political 
Ideas in the United States, 
1789-1833. 
Alexander Hamilton, VIII, 30-96. 
The Powers of the Supreme 
Court, WIII, 31. 
Monetary Measures, VIII, 39. 


G 


Government 
Institutions and Political Ideas 


Discussion of a Protective Pol- 

icy, VIII, 37-96. 
Ideas of State Sovereignty, WIII, 

96. 

The Kentucky Resolutions (Jef- 
ferson), VIII, 97. | 

The Virginia Resolutions (Mad- 
ison), 1789, VIII, 103. 

The Kentucky Resolutions of 
1799, VIII, 106. 


Expansion, VIII, 108. 
The Louisiana Treaty, 1803, 
VIII, 109. 
Jefferson on the Louisiana Pur- 
chase, VIII, 112. 
Marchall on the Constitutional- 
ity of Expansion, VIII, 118. 
Northern Tendencies toward Se- 
cession, VIII, 121. 
Josiah Quiney, VIII, 122. 
Against the Admission of 
Louisiana, 1811, VIII, 122. 
The Hartford Convention, 1814, 
VII, 134, 
Henry Clay (1777-1852). 
The “American Policy” of In- 
ternal Improvement, VIII, 
148-160. 


The Compromise of 1820, VIIT, 
148 


(See also on the Compromises 
of 1833 and 1850). 
James Monroe (1758-1831). 
The Monroe Doctrine, 1823, 
VIII, 288. 
John Marshall (1755-1835). 
The Supreme Court Superior to 
State Legislatures, VIII, 151. 


National Law Superior to State 
Law and the Doctrine of Im- 
plied Powers, VIII, 163. 


The Supreme Court the Final 
Judge of the Construction of 
the Constitution, VIII, 186. 


Thomas Benton (1782-1858), VIII, 
196 


The Revision of the Tariff in 
1828 and the Rise of the Doc- 
trine of Nullification (Includ- 
ing selections from Rowan, 
Webster, Benton, Hayne and 
McDuffie), VIII, 197. 

John Calhoun (1782-1850). 

Address on the Relation of the 
State and the General Gov- 
ernment, 1831, VIII, 211-236. 

(See also on Texas and Slavery, 
Vol, IX.) 

Robert Elayne (1791-1349). 


18 GENERAL INDEX 


G 


Government 
Institutions and Political Ideas 
The Doctrine of Nullification, 
VIII, 287. 
Daniel Webster (1782-1852), VIII, 
246. 
the Supreme Court the Final 
Arbiter, VIII, 247. 
The Nullification Ordinance, 1832, 
VIII, 270. 
PRs Jackson (1767-1845), VIII, 
27 
Proclamation against Nullifica- 
tion, VIII, 275. 
Henry Clay, Compromise of 1833, 
VIII, 85. 
Political Ideas in the United States, 
1833-1860, IX, 42. 
Basil Hall (1788-1844). 
cere Conditions (1828), IX, 46- 
2. 
Harriet Martineau (1802-1876). 
Morals of Slavery (1835:, IX, 
638-83. 
Geo. McDuffie (1788-1851). 
The Rights of Slavery, 
William Lloyd Garrison 
1879). 
The Liberator (1831), IX, 95. 


The Constitution a “Covenant 
with Death and an Agree- 
ment with Heil’ (1842), IX, 
Cae 


ey 


IX, 83. 
(1805- 


No Union with Slaveholders 


(1842), LX, 98. 

In Defense of the American 
Anti-Slavery Society (1844), 
IX, 99-104. 

Wendell Phillips (1811-1884). 

The Murder of Lovejoy, IX, 
105. 

John Calhoun. 

Texas and. Slavery (1844), DX, 

a hh 
Henry Clay. 

The Compromise of 1850. IX, 
117. 

William Henry Seward (1801- 
1872). 

The Higher Law (1849-50), IX, 
123-132. 

Stephen A. Douglas (1813-1861). 

“Squatter Sovereignty” (1854), 
TX Vise 

Appeal of the Independent Dem. 
ocrats, Chase, Sumner, Gid- 

dings, etc., 1854), IX, 144. 

The Republican Party, IX, 144. 
Chief Justice Taney (1777-1864). 

The Dred Scott Decision (1858), 

IX, 158. 


G Sy, 


Government 
Institutions and Political Ideas 
Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865). 
Against Squatter Sovereignty 
and the Dred Scott Decision 
(1858), IX, 177. 


Jefferson Davis. 
The Senate Resolutions, IX, 
196. 
The Platforms of 1860, IX, 199. 
Douglas Democratic. 
Southern Democratic. 
Republican. 
Constitutional Union. 
Secession, LX, 208. 
Ordinance. 
South Carolina’s Statement of 
the Case, 
Karl Marx, 
Manifesto of the Communist 
Party. 
Robert Somers, 
Conditions in the South, X. 
Redfield Procter, 
Conditions in Cuba, x. 
KF. H. Sawyer, 
The Philippines. 
Public control and ownership, X. 
Friedrich Engels, 
Scientific Socialism. e 
H. W. Macrosty, 
English State Socialism. 


Gracchi, The 
Account of Sempronius and Gaius 
Gracchus by Appian, III, 77. 
Gracchus, Gaius 
On the mismanagement of the 
Provinces, ILI, 89. 


Gravitation, VI, 105. — 


Greece (see in Chronological Index; 
or under Religion, Philosophy, 
Government, Natural Sciences), 
entire volume II; Til, 285-292. 


Grenville 
Biography, VII, 65. 


Answer to Chatham and against 
the repeal of the Stamp Act, 
VII, 70. 
Grew 
Discovered cells in plants, VI, 118. 


Guericke 
Invented air-pump and first electri- 
cal machine, VI, 118. 
Guilds, IV, 395. 
Gun, IX, 428. 
Gun Cotton, VIII, 427. 
Gunpowder, IV, 369. 
Guttenburg . 
Invented printing, V, 5. 


GENERAL INDEX 19 


me) 


H 
Habeas Corpus Act, VII, 8. 


Hades (See Soul, Immortality, Nirva- 
na, Elysium, etc.) 
Ishtar’s descent into, I, 22-25. 
HKegyptian idea of, I, 29-79. 
Brahinan ideas of future punish- 
ment or reward, I, 208-218; I, 122, 
126,.156, 160. 
Greek: 
' Descent of Odysseus into pur- 
gatory, ete., IT, 35. 
Hadrian 
Persecution of Christians by, IV, 7. 
Haeckel 
The Fundamental Law of the Evo- 
lution of Organisms, IX, 134. 
Hall, Basil 
Slave Conditions, IX, 46. 
Hamilton, Alexander 
Biography, VIII. 
In the Federal Convention 
For representation proportional 
to free inhabitants, VII, 259. 
Speech for a central government, 
VII, 286-295. 
The abolishment of the States, 
VII, 302. 
The closer the Union the less 
danger to the small States, VII, 
« 804, 
The Powers of the Supreme Court, 
VIII, 31. 
The Policy of Protection (Report on 
Manufactures), VIII, 37-96. 
Hampden, John, V, 392. 
Hartford Convention 
Report, VIII, 134-148. 
Harvey, William 
Biography, VI, 5. 
An Anatomical Disquisition on the 
Motion of the Heart Blood, VI, 6. 
Hastings, Battle of, IV, 384. 
Hayne, Robert 
Biography, VIII, 237.° 
Against the Tariff, VIII, 205. 
The Doctrine of Nullification, VIII, 
237, 
Heaven (See Immortality and Reli- 
gion) 
Helmholtz, Hermann von 
Biography, IX, 360. 
The Conservation of Bnergy, IX, 
361. 
Henry, Joseph . 
Electricity from Magnetism, IX, 11. 
Henry, Patrick 
Biography, VII, 179. 
Virginia Resolutions of 1765, VII, 
179. 
Against the Federal Constitution, 
VII, 246, 248. 


H 


Perakleitus 
Biography, II, 148. 
Extant fragments, II, 148-156. 
Herodotus 
Description of Egyptian Life 
(“First Hand Observations’), I, 
80-108. 
Herschell, Sir William 
Biography and Discoveries, VI, 335. 
Discovery of Uranus, VI, 335. 
On Nebulous Stars, VI, 337. 
On the Proper Motion of the Sun 
and Solar System, VI, 347. 
Hertz Electric Waves, X, 215. 
Hesiod 
The Theogony (The Creation, gen- 
esis of the gods, conauest of 
Uranus, conquest of Cronos, 
Prometheus, Pandora, subjection 
of the Titans), II, 4. 
Works and Days (Prometheus, Pan- 
dora, four ages, rules of life), II, 
27. 
Hippias and Hipparchus 
Aristotle’s account of, IT, 67. 
Hippocrates 
Biography, III, 286. 
Maxims, III, 286. 
Hobbes, Thomas 
Biography, VI, 93. 
Of Man (Motion the cause of all 
consciousness), VI, 94. 
The “Social Contract’ as the Basis 
of Society, VII, 19. 
Homer 
Descent of Odysseus to Hades, II, 
35-49. 
Hooker, Thomas 
Review of Church Questions, V, 
378. 
Hume 
Biography, VI, 185. 
Place in Philosophy, VI, 40. 
Against the Principle of Cause and 
Effect, VI, 185. 
Against Personal Identity, V1, 189. 
Hunter, John, VIII, 404. 
Huss, IV, 377. 
Hutton, James 
Biography, VI, 312. 
Theory, VI, 313-334. 
Huyghens, Christian 
Biography, VI, 141. 
The Wave Theory of Light, VI, 142- 
150. . 


if 


Idealism 
Brahmans, I, 116-195. 
Xenophanes, II, 146-147, 
Parmenides, II, 156-160. 
Anaxagoras, IJ, 175-180, 


20 


I 


Idealism 


Pythagoreans, II, 185. 

Plato, II, 239-311. 

Aristotle, II, 352-363. 

Locke, VI, 101. 

Berkeley, VI, 172. 

Kant, VI, 201. 

Fichte, VIII, 318. 

Schelling and Hegel, VIII, 330. 

Immortality, Ideas of (See Soul, 
Hades, Religion, Philosophy) 

Chaldean, I, 22-25. 

Egyptian, I, 29-79. 

Brahman, I, 116-195, 208-218. 


Soul, I, 126, 154- 160, 185, 194, 217. 


Zor oaster, ie 371, 
Buddha 


The question of immortality not |... 


to be thought upon, I, 247. 

Accepted, however, the Brahman 
idea of Nirvana, and transmi- 
gration of Souls, I, 2238, 244, 
265, 277. 

Confucius 

Avoided spiritual slibjects, I, 391, 
399. 

Ancestor Worship, I, 384, 386, 409, 
ete, 


Greek 
Early ideas of immortality, ITI, 35. 
Pindar, II, 50. 
The Mysteries, II, 52. 
Thales, II, 139. 
Plato, Il, 249-311. 
Aristotle, II, 352-363. 
Epicurus (against personal im- 
mortality), Il, 427. 
Roman 
Cicero, III, 233-262. 
Lucretius (against), LII, 275-285. 
Aurelius, III, 416. 
Christian, especially 
Tertullian, [V, 21. 
St. Augustine, LV, 97. 
Arabian, IV, 265, 268, 272, 279, ete. 
Modern 
Luther, V, 127. 
Calvin, V, 141. 
Spinoza, VI, 63. 
Leibnitz, VI, 78. 
Wesley, VI, 362. 
Hume, VI, 189. 
Kant, VI, 40, 201. 


GENERAL INDEX 


I 


Institutions 


Chinese, I, 382-411, 
Greek 
Athenian, II, 54-105. 
Spartan, II, 105-135. 
Roman, III, 5-166. 


Middle Ages, Of the 
German, IV, 165. 

Early Church, IV, 111-122. 

Asceticism, III, 355-369; a 51-62. 

Monasticism (about 500 A. D.), 
IV, 128-165. 

Laws and Customs of the Franks 
(about 500 A. D.), IV, 177-188. 
Laws and Customs of the Anglo- 
Saxons (560-950), IV, 211-240, 

Arabian, IV, 240-299. 

. Feudal, IV, 300-318... 

The Church Empire, Of the, IV, 
318-384. 

The Crusades, Of the, 1V, 335-350. 

Saxon and Norman compared 
(about 1100 A. D.), IV, 384. 

Norman, IV, 397-413. 

City, IV, 390. 

Guild, IV, 395. 

Medieval Political, V, 58-95. 

Modern 

Hindoo (1500), V, 26-41, 

Aztee (1520), V, 317-326. 

Among the Peasants of Germany 
(1625), V, 134-140. 

Church, Protestant views of 
Catholic (1620-1680), V, 119-127; 
V, 151-179. 

Indian (1637), V, 360-876. 

eel (17th century), VI, 155- 


5 


English Political (17th century), 
V, 391-480; VII, 5-16. 

Economic (18th century), VI, 392- 
399, 399-427; VII, 177-165. 

English Political (18th century), 
VII, 55-165. 

American Colonial Political, VII, 
166-245, 

The Condition of France before 
the Revolution, VII, 368-411. 

French Political, VII, 390-432. 

pepe et Political, 1787, WII, 246- 
67. 

American Economie (1787-1800), 
VIII, 5-25. 


India (See Brahmanism and Budd- 
hism) 
Inoculation, WIIT, 404; X, 285, 309, 319. 
Inquisition, VY, 302. 
Institutions 
Babylonian, X, 184. 
Egyptian, I, 80-108. 
Jewish, I, 107. 
Brahman, I, 201-208. 
Buddhist, I, 233-245; I, 253-322. 


American Political (1787-1333), 
VIII, 26-291. 

Slave, IX, 46-97. 

American Political (1833-1860), 
IX, 42. 

The South in 1870, X, 124. 

Cuban before the Spanish-Ameri- 
can War, X, 135. 

Philippine, X, 147. 

. Social, X, 5-146. 


GENERAL INDEX 21 


I 


Inventions 

Ancient, III, 305-310. 

Acid, IV, 278. 

Algebra, IV, 278. 

Convex lense, LV, 279. 
Gunpowder, IV, 369. 
Compass, V, 5. 

Printing, V, 5.) 

Telescope, V, 290. 
Barometer, VI, 117. 

Air Pump, VI, 118. 
Microscope, VI, 118. 
Electrical Machine, VI, 118. 
Calculus, VI, 79, 123. 
Pendulum Clock, VI, 141. 
Lightning rod, VI, 266. 
Steam engine, VI, 305. 
Spinning jenny, [X,421. 
Weaving loom, IX, 421. 
Life boat, IX, 422. 
Balloons, IX, 422. 

Voltaic battery, VI, 358. 
Cotton gin, IX, 422. 

Gas lighting, IX, 422. 
Vaccination, VIII, 404. 
Safety lamp, VIII, 301, LX, 424, 
Are light, VIII, 362, 
Percussion arms, [X, 423. 
Steamboat, IX, 424. 
Locomotive, LX, 424. 
Liquification of a gas, VIII, 390. 
Friction matches, IX, 426. 
Photography, IX, 426. 
Gunecotton, IX, 427, 
Telegraph, LX, 426, 
Reaper, IX, 428, 
Anaesthetics, [X,. 428. 
Spectrum analysis, IX, 389. 

_ Dynamo and motor, IX, 428, 
Bessemer steel, IX, 429. 
Typewriter, LX, 430. 
Telephone, IX, 430. 
Phonograph, IX, 431. 
Electric light (incandescent), IX, 

431. 
X-Rays, X, 227. 
Wireless telegraphy, X, 243. 

Ishtar, I, 22-25. 


Isis, I, 37, 
J 


aackson, Andrew 
Biography, VIII, 274. 
In United States History, VIII, 28- 
29. 
Benton on, VIII, 270, 273. 


Proclamation against Nullification, 
VIII, 275-285. 


Jefferson, Thomas 
Biography, VII, 230. 
A Summary View of the Rights of 
the British Colonies, VII, 230. 


J 

Jefferson, Thomas 
Account of the Passing of the Dec- 
laration of Independence, with 
the Arguments for and against 

it, VII, 235-241. 
ee Leader of the People, VII, 26, 


The Kentucky Resolutions, VIII, 
97-1038. 
Jenifer, Daniel of St. Thomas 
In vi Federal Convention, VII, 
9. 
Jesuit Constitution, V, 180. 
Jews, References on, I, 107. 
Johnson, William Samuel 
In the Federal Convention. 
Comparison of the Virginia and 
New Jersey plans, VII, 304. 
The national and state principles 
should be combined, VII, 317. 
Joule 
LG cahea a of Energy, IX, 


J ustinian 
Institutes of, III, 100-166, 


K 


Karl the Great (see Charlemagne). 
Katha Upanishad, I, 116-126. 
Kepler, John> ‘~ 
Biography, V, 308. 
Laws, Y, 309. 
erat of Astronomy, VY. 311- 
Galileo to, V, 292, 293. 
Khandogya Upanishad, I, 162-195. 
Kindergarten, IX, 402-410. 


King, Rufus 
In the Federal Convention. 
Against ayes and nays, VII, 251. 
Contribution not a proper basis 
of representation, VII, 259. 
On the choice of the Senate, VII, 
264, 
Proportionate representation in 
the House, VII, 270. 
The States not sovereign, VII, 
303. 
House should be chosen by the 
people, VII, 308. 
Against equality in the Senate, 
VII, 331. 
The large vs. the small States, 
VII, 334. 
On new States, VII, 348. 
For a national government, VII, 
358. 
Kirchhoff 
Biography, IX, 389. 
Spectrum Analysis, IX, 389. 


22 GENERAL INDEX 
K | it 


Koch Laws 


Biography, X, 309. 
Theory of Bacteria, X, 210. 
Koran, The, IV, 241-277. 


L 


La Grange 


Worked out the oscillations of the 
solar system, VI, 241. 


Lamarck 


Biography, VIII, 412. 
Hvolution by ‘‘Use’, VIII, 412. 


Langton, Stephen 


Biography, IV, 401. 
The Magna Carta, IV, 402. 


Lansing, John 


In the Federal Convention. 

That the Convention had no 
authority to do anything more 
than amend the Articles of 
Confederation, VII, 280. 

For equality in the House, VII, 
311. 

Laplace 
Biography, VI, 349. 
Gren bdeow © Hypothesis, VI, 350- 

358. 

Last ee of Buddha, Buddhist Gos- 
pel, I ; 203- 321. 


ee 


Biography, hig Mev og 

Place in chemistry, VI, 241. 

The Permanence of Matter, VI, 298. 

The Nature of Combustion, VI, 300. 

Respiration a Combustion, VI, 304. 

Laws (See also Institutions, Govern- 
ment, Constitution) 

Babylonian, I, 27, 

Jews (See Exodus, Leviticus, Num- 
bers, Deuteronomy, Old Testa- 
ment). 

Brahman 
Laws of Manu, I, 195-217. 

China 
Confucius, I, 382- 411, 

Greek 
Laws and institutions of the 

Spartans, II, 105-135. Lycurgus. 
Laws and institutions of the 
Athenians, II, 54-105. 
Draco (621 B. C.) Laws, II, 56. 
Solon (594 B. C.) Laws, II, 57-63. 
Peisistratus (560 B. C.), Changes 
of, II, 63-67. 
Hippias and Hipparchus (527- 
510 B. C.). Changes of, II, 67-69. 


Cleisthenes (508 B. C.,), Laws of, 
II, 69-72. 
Pericles (460-429 B. C.), II, 75. 
Rome, Republic 
Appian’s review of the Roman 
contentions, III, 5. 


Origin of Roman Law, III, 9.— 
Justinian’s Digest. 

The Quaestor (before 509 B. C.), 
III, 52. 

The right of appeal to the people 
in capital cases, 509 B. C., III 
12.—Cicero. 

The Tribunes, 494 B. C., III, 3, 
30. 


The Decemvirs, 451-449 B. C., IIT, 
18—, 15—. 

Fragments of the Twelve Tables, 
449 B. C., III, 3—. 

Laws passed by the people as- 
sembled in tribes to be binding 
on all, 449 B. C.—Dionysius 
Halicarnassus. 


Rome 
Renewal of the sacredness of the 
Tribunes, 449 B. C., III, 16. 


Right of intermarriage—the Can- 
uleian Law—B. C. 445, III, 
17-25. 

The Military Tribunes, 444 B. C., 
Til, 24. 

The Censors established, 443 B. 
C., III, 34. 

A regular army established, the 
troops paid, and winter cam- 
paigns begun, 406-400 B. C., 
III, 25-30. 


The Praetorship, 367 B. C., III, 
46 


The Licinian Law, 361 B. C., 
compromising the land ques- 
tion; one consul a pleb; inter- 
est deducted from the princi- 
pal of debts; slave labor, and 
amount of land held limited, 
III, 35-46. 


All offices thrown open to Plebs 
by the Publilian laws, 336 B. 
C. Orders of commons bind- 
ing on all. III, 47. © 

The censorship, 312 B. C.; also 
public road building by Ap- 
pius Claudius. 

Priesthood opened to eect ie 
300 B. C., III, 48. 


Hortensian Law, 287 B. C., thats 
all laws passed by the plebs 
alone binding on all. III, 53. 
—Aulus Gellius. 


The Bacchanalian revelers re. 
pressed, 186 B. C., III, 65-77. 

Strictures on dress and food, 145 
B. C., III, 54-65. 

The Gracchi, 183-121 B. C., III, 
77-90. 

Mismanagement of the provinces, 
III, 77-90. 


GENERAL INDEX 23 


L 


Laws 

Rome after the Punic Wars, by 
Polybius. An analysis of the 
Roman government, military 
institutions, ete., III, 166-193. 
Rome and Carthage compar- 
ed. 

Transalpine Gaul made a pro- 
vince, 120 B. C. 

The Social War, 90-89 B. C. Allies 
admitted to citizenship, III, 
90, 91. 

Cicero (105-43 B. C.), ITI, 215-262. 

The Principles of Law, III, 216- 

228 


The Best Forms of Govern-. 


ment, III, 228-233. 
Rome, Empire 

Growth of luxury at the close of 
the republic, III, 193.—Lucan 
Augustus. 

The empire established under the 
guise of a republic, 27 B. C., 
III, 92.—Dio Cassius. 

Hlections taken from the people 
and given to the senate, 14 
PGS 1 ape WM a pe 

Luxury, Efforts to control. It in- 
creased from the time of 
Actium (31 B. C.) to Tiberius; 
then began to decline among 
the senators, though the ex- 
travagance of the emperors 
increased through the time 
of Nero (54 A. D.); and with 
Vespasian a period of par- 
simonious living began, last- 
ing about 100 years. III, 
194—., 

Growth of royal power under 
Vespasian, 69 A. D., LIT, 93. 

Nerva, care of indigent children, 
96-97 A. D., LIT, 94. 

Trajan, 98 A. D. The empire at 
its widest extent. The pat- 
ernalism of the empire, IV, 7. 

Marcus Aurelius, 161 A. D., IV, 9. 

Caracalla extends citizenship to 

. all inhabitants of the empire 
212 A. D.) in order to include 
all in certain taxation, III, 95. 

Diocletian (284 A. D.). An abso- 
lute monarchy, III, 95-99. 

The. laws and customs of the 
Germans by Tacitus, IV, 165. 

Constantine the Great founds 
Constantinople (828 A. D.). 

Theodosius (378-395). Code, IV, 69. 

Justinian, Eastern Emperor, codi- 
fies existing Roman laws, 
527-565. 

The Institutes of Justinian, the 
yous of Roman law, III, 100- 


L 


Laws 


Middle Ages 

The Salic Law, the laws of the 
Franks, LV, 177-188. 

The laws of the Anglo-Saxons, of 
King Aethelbirht of Kent 
(560-616), of Hlothhaere an@ 
Hadric (6738-686), of Wihtraed 
(690-725),.0f Alfred (871-924), 
Edward (901-924), with Guth- 
rum the Dane, of Aethelstan 
(294- ?), Edmund and Edgar, 
TV, 211-240. 


Feudalism. The disintegration 
of Europe left the barons 
each to govern his own | 
county with but slight depen- 
dence on the higher duke or 
king. 

Forms of dependence of the 
serfs and freeman, IV, 300. 
Private jurisdictions, IV, 301. 
Homage and fealty, IV, 303. 
Mutual duties, IV, 306. 
Authority of the lord, IV, 307. 
Compurgation, LV, 308. 
Ordeals, IV, 309. 
Wagers of battle, IV, 315. 

Crusades, 

Privileges of the Crusaders, IV, 
345. 


Mediaeval 

Saxons and Normans by William 
of Malmesbury, IV, 384. 

Rise of the Cities, IV, 390-397. 

English city customs. 
Typical charters. 
A typical guild, 

Norman Judicial Customs, 1166 
An Ds, TV, 397: 

The Magna Charta, 1215 A. D., 
IV, 401. 

Marsilius of Padua (latter half 
13th century). The beginning 
of the modern theory of the 
state, IV, 423. 

Modern 

Peasant demands in Germany, 
(1525), V, 134. 

Cortez: Account of the Aztec 
laws and customs in 1520, V, 
317-326, 

Morton: Customs of the Indians 

in 1637, V, 360-376. 

The First Written Constitution, 
Connecticut (1638), V, 354-360. 

The HEnglish Revolution (1628- 
1649), V, 391. 

et a of Right (1628), V, 

First Writ of Ship-Money, 
Specimen, (1635), V, 396. 

Pym paaiae Strafford (1641), 
V, 399. 


mal 


\ 


24 GENERAL INDEZ 


L 


Laws 
The case of parliament in the 
Grand Remonstrance (1641), 
403-430. 


Supremacy of parliament, 
Habeas Corpus Act (1679), VII, 


8. 
The Bill of Rights (1689), VII, 
10 


Mercantile laws, VI, 155. 
Physiocratic, VI, 392-399. 
United States 

Tax laws as causes of the Ameri- 
ean Revolution, VII, 55-246. 

The forming of the Constitution, 
VII, 246-367. 

Laws of France before and dur- 
ing the Revolution, Vit, 368- 
430. 


Hamilton, 
Powers of the Supreme Court, 
VIII, 31. 
Financial measures, VIII, 30, 
37-96. 
Alien and Sedition Laws and the 
Kentucky and Virginia Resolu- 
tions, VIII, 96. 


Jefferson, 

On the question of the consti- 
tutionality of expansion, 
VIII, 112. 

Quincy, 

Unconstitutionality of expan- 

sion, VIII, 122. 
Marshall, John (1755-1835), 

The Constitutionality of expan- 
sion, VIII, 118. 

The Supreme Court Superior to 
ie State ae cakes VIII, 

1, 


Na ili Law Superior to State 
aw. Also the Doctrine of 
Implied Powers, VIII, 163. 
The Supreme Court the Final 
Judge of the Construction of 
the Constitution, VIII, 186. 
Thomas Benton (1'782-1858), 
The Revision of the Tariff in 
1828 and the rise of the 
Doctrine of Nullification. (In- 


cluding selections from 
Rowan, Webster, Benton, 
pir and McDuffie), VIII, 


John Calhoun (1782-1850), 
Address on the Relation of the 
State and the General Gov- 
ernment, VIII, 211-236. 
Robert Hayne (1791-1840), 
The Doctrine of Nullification, 
VIII, 237, 
Daniel Webster (1782-1852), 


L 


Laws 
United States. 
The Supreme Court the Final 
Arbiter, VIII, 247. 
Nullification Ordinance (1832), 
VIII, 270. 
Andrew Jackson on Nullification, 
VIII, 275 


Henry Clay, 
Compromise of 1833, VIII, 285, 
Harriet Martineau: Laws against 
Abolition in the Slave States, 
IX, 81. 
McDuffie: Slave laws, IX, 91. 
Compromise of 1850, IX, 117. 
Interstate commerce laws, X, 52. 
Leeuwenhoeck 
Biography and discoveries, VI, 119. 
Observations on Animalcula, VI, 
119. 


Leibnitz, Gottfried, Wilhelm, 
Biography, VI, 78. 
Place in philosophy, VI, 39. 
The Monadology, VI, 79-92. 
Leo I, IV, 125. 
The Petrine Theory of the Papacy, 
IV, 125. 
Leukippos 
purrs of the Atomic Theory, 
Licinian Law 
Livy on the, III, 35-46, 
Lincoln 
Biography, IX, 177. 
Pore in United States History, IX, 
Against “Squatter Sovereignty” 
and the Dred Scott Decision, 
IX, 178. 


Linnaeus, Carolus (Carl von Linné) 
Biography, VI, 247. 
A Dissertation on the Sexes of 
Plants, VI, 248-261. 
Locke, John 
Biography, VI, 101. . 
Place in philosophy, VI, 89. 
Ideas (All ideas from sensation and 
reflection), VI, 102. 
Ideas and Things (Relations be- 
tween), WI, 106. 


Substance (An assumption to ac- 
count for ideas. As clear an 
ie of spirit as of body), VI, 

The Basis of Property is Labor, VI, 
164-171. 

The Origin of Political Societies 
and the Right of the People to 
Revolt, WII, 25-35. 

Logic, II, 345. 
Loeb, X, 254. 
Louisiana, VIII, 108-133. 


GENERAL INDEX 25 


L 


Loyola 

Biography, V, 179. 

he Neen ee of the Jesuits, V, 180- 
Lucan 

Growth of Luxury at the close of 

the Republic, III, 193. 

Lucretius 

Biography, III, 262. 

The Atomic Theory, IIT, 262. 

On Immortality, III, 275-285. 
Luther, Martin 

Biography, V, 111. 

Ninety-five Theses, V, 112. -— 

Against Catholicism, V, 119. 

Justification by Faith, V, 127. 
Luxury 

In Greece, II, 118. 

In Rome, III, 193. 
Lycurgus, II, 105-135. 
Lyell, Charles 

Biography, IX, 214. 

Uniformity in the Past Changes of 

the Harth, IX, 214. 


M 


McCormick, IX, 428. 
MeDuffie, Geo. 
Biography, TX, 83. 
Against the Tariff of 1828, VIII, 
—» 206. 
The Rights of Slavery, IX, 88. 
Machiavelli 
Biography, V, 58. 
The Government of a Prince, V, 
59-94, ~ 
Macrosty, H. W. 
Engish State Socialism, X, 101. 
Madison, James 
Biography, VII, 249. 
Debates in the Federal Convention, 
VII, 250-367. 


In the Federal Convention. 

Against equality of representa~- 
tion, VII, 259, 260, 312, 319, 360. 

For the election of the House by 

" the people, VII, 262. 

On the election of the Senate, 
VII, 264. 

Against the election of the Senate 
by the State legislatures, VII, 
266, 268, 332. 


‘Against restricting the Senate in 
money bills, WII, 274. 

For a national government, VII, 
295-302, 312, 319. — 

Less danger of encroachment by 
the General Government than 
by the States, VII, 306, 312. 

The real danger lay in difference 
between the Northern and 
Southern States, VII, 329, 361. 


M 


Madison, James 
Opposed, eommitment, VII, 339. 
Against #estri¢aing the origina- 
tion of money bills to the 
House, VII, 340. 

Virginia Resolutions, VIII, 103. 
Magellan, Ferdinand 

Biography, V, 41. 

Account of the Genoese pilot of 
Magellan’s voyage round the 
world, V, 42-57. 

Magna Carta 

Account of the, IV, 401. 

Text (in English), IV, 402-412, 
Magnetism (See Physics). 
Maimonides, Moses 

Biography, IV, 281. 

Method of Proving God’s Bxis- 
tence, IV, 282. 

A Parallel between the Universe 
and Man, IV, 284. 

Propositions Admitted, IV, 2938-299. 

Malebranche 

Place in philosophy, VI, 38. 

“We see all things in God”, VI, 38, 
Malpighi 

Discoveries, VI, 118. 

Malthus, Thomas B. 
Biography, VIII, 293. 
Hssay on the Principle of Popula- 
tion, Vill, 294. 
Mann, Horace 

Lessons from Europe, IX, 410. 
Mansfield, Harl of 

Biography, VII, 77. 

In Favor of the Right to Tax 
America, VII, 77-86. 

Manu,’ Laws of, I, 195. 
Marat’ 

In nacen at Revolution, VII, 372- 
Marcus Aurelius 

Biography, III, 406. 

Persecution of the Christians un- 
der, IV, 9. 

ThougLts, ITI, 406. 

Marduk, I, 9-15. 
Marriage (See Celibacy), 


Marsilius of Padua 
Biography, IV, 423. 
Theory of the State, IV, 423-432. 
Martin, Luther 
In the Federal Convention. 
Independence, sovereignty, and 
eee) of the States, VII, 303, 
The General Government should 
be formed for the States, not 
individuals, VII, 309. 
Against federation unless on an 
equal footing, VII, 332, 336, 357. 
Against per capita vote in the 
Senate, VII, 367. 


26 GENERAL INDEX 


M 


Martin, Luther 
Left the Convention, VII, 247. 
Against the Constitution, WIT, 248. 


Martineau, Harriet 
Biography, LX, 62. 
Comte’s Positive Philosophy (trans- 
lation), VIII, 345. 
The Morals of Slavery, LX, 63. 


Maruts, To the, I, 110, 111, 112, 114. 
Marx, Karl 
Biography and place in economics, 
M7; 10, 
Manifesto of the Communist Party, 
Go bi is 


Mason, George 
In the Federal Convention 

Necessity of a government that 
could operate on individuals, 
VII, 258. 

For the election of the House by 
the people, VII, 261, 308. 

For the appointing of the Senate 
by the State legislatures, VII, 
269. 


Necessity of some plan of general 
government, VII, 345. 

New States ought to be subject 
to no discrimination, VII, 346. 

On the compromise, WII, 350. 

Against three Senators, VII, 367. 

Against the Constitution as not 

strong enough, VII, 248. 


Matches, IX, 426. 

Materialism 
Leukippos and Demokritos, iL, 187. 
Hpicurus, If, 426. 
Lucretius, II, 262, 285. 
Hobbes, VI, 93. 


Matter (See Philosophy). 


Maxwell, James Clerk, 
Biography, X, 208. 
Blectricity a Wave in the Either, X, 
209. 
Mayer, J. R. 
Conservation of Energy, TX, 370. 


Medicine (See Natural Sciences, Biol- 
ogy, Chemistry) 
Hippocrates (460-377? B. C.), 
Greek medicine, ITI, 286. 
Galen (131-210? B. C.,), 
Roman medicine, III, 291; VI, 9. 
The Arabian physicians, 
Avicenna, Geber, Alhazen, etc., 
IV, 279. 


Paracelsus (1491-1524), 
Alchemist, VI, 5. 
Servetus (1511-1553), VI, 6. 
Caesalpinus (1519-1603), VI, 6. 
Vesalius (1514-1565), 
The new anatomy, VI, 5. 
Fabricius, VI, 7. 


M 


Medicine 
Harvey (1578-1657), 
ay circulation of the blood. VI, 


Asellius (1622), 

The lacteal circulation, VI, 117. 
Riidbeck (1649), 

The lymphatics, VI, 118. 
Boerhaave (1668-17388), 

Organic chemistry and medicine, 

VI, 242. 

Hunter (1728-1809), 

Scientific surgery, VIII, 404. 
Jenner (1749-1823), 

Vaccination, VIII, 404. 
Galvani (1737-1798), 

Hlectricity and medicine, VI, 358. 
Bichat (1771-1802), 

Doctrine of tissues, VIII, 396. 
Bell (1774-1842), 

The Nervous Circle, VIII, 425. 
William Morton 

Anaesthesia (1846), IX, 428. 
Theodore Schwann (1810-1882), 

Cell Theory, IX, 233-259. 
von Helmholtz (1821-1895), 

Theories of sight, IX, 360. 
Pasteur (1822-1895), 

On Fermentation, X, 320. 

ReaD for Hydrophobia, X, 
Lord Lister (1827- ). 

Antiseptic doctrine, X, 319. 
Koch (1848- ), 

Theory ef Bacteria, X, 319. 
Behring (contemp.), 

Antitoxin, X, 285. 

Melanchthon, V, 151. 

Mahe raat Confession, V, 152- 


Melissos 

Biographical note, II, 182. 

Extant Fragments, II, 182-185. 
Mendeléef 

Biography, X, 254. 

The Periodic Law, X, 254, 
Mendoza — 

Sine ser: of St. Augustine, V, 327- 


Methodism, VI, 362. 
Microscope, VI;.118. 
Mirabeau 

In the French Revolution, VII, 372. 

The State of Affairs, VII, 417. 
Mohammed 

Biography, IV, 240. 

The Koran, IV, 241-277. 
Molecular Theory, VIII, 384. 
Monasticism 

Buddhist, I, 255, 282-286. 

Early Christian, IV, 128, 165. 

Luther on, V, 119. 

Augsburg Confessionen, V,, 151-179. 
Money (‘See Economics), . 


GENERAL INDEX 27 


M 


Monopoly 
Ancient, V, 392, 419; VII, 55. 
Recent, X, 5-124, 
Monroe Doctrine, VIII, 288. 
Monroe, James 
Biography, VIII, 288. 
In United States History, VIII, 28. 
The Monroe Doctrine, VIII, 288. 
Montaigne, Michel de 
Biography, V, 198. 
On the Education of Children, V., 
199-232. 
Montesquieu 
Biography, VII, 35. 
The Separation of the Legislative, 
Executive, and Judicial Pow- 
ers, VII, 36. 
Montfort, Simon de 
‘The House of Commons, IY, 401. 


Morris, Gouveneur 
In the Federal Convention 

For a supreme national govern- 
ment, VII, 258, 260, 354. 

Hor appointment of a Senate for 
life by the Executive, VII, 336. 

Against considering the States, 
VII, 342. 

For apportionment by property 
and keeping the balance of 
power in the Atlantic States, 
WII, 345. 


Against restricting the origina: 
tion of money Dills to the 
House, VII, 350, 351. 

Against equality in the Senate, 
VII, 355 

For three Senators from a State, 
VII, 367. 

Morse 

The Telegraph, IX, 426. 
Morton 

Customs of the Indians (16387), V, 

360-376. 

Mun, Thomas 

Biography, VI, 157. 

The Mercantile Theory, VI, 157-163. 
' Place in economics, VI, 155. 
Mysteries, II, 52. 


N 


Nakiketas, I, 116. 
Natural Sciences 
In tracing the development of the 
natural sciences we have not 
attempted to separate them un- 
til they were actually consider- 
ed apart. 
Chaldea (400-500 B. C.), I, 9. 
Named the 12 signs of the zodiac. 
Discovered the cycle of 223 
lunar months in which eclipses 
recur in regular order, II, 1388. 


N 


Natural Sciences 
Knew about squares and cubes 
of numbers from 1-60. 
Built in brick. 
Egypt (4000-500 B. C.), I, 28. 
Mensuration and art of building 
shown in the pyramids. 
Marked the length of the year. 


Greece 

The Greeks made many brilliant 
scientific guesses, but without 
proof, the true could not be told 
from the false. 

Thales (about 585 B. C.) knew 
something about mensuration. 
Foretold eclipses by means of 
the Babylonian. cycle of 223 
lunar months. Marked solstices 
and equinoxes, II, 138. 


‘Anaximander (610- about 540 B. 
C.) thought the heavenly 
bodies wheels of fire. Rain 
moisture drawn up by the sun. — 
Living creatures first came to 
exist in the sea. Man evolved 
from lower animals, shown by 
the weakness and length of his 
infancy. The earth cylindrical. 
II, 140-143. 
Made map of the worid and 
sun-dials. 

Anaximenes (latter part 6th cen- 
tury B. C.) thought all things 
came from air, Ii, 148-145. 

Empedokles: (ist half 5th cen- 
tury B. C.) the structure of the 
pores, II, 168. The senses, II, 
174. Trees the first living 
things, II, 173. 

Anaxagoras (ist half 5th cen- 
tury B. C.) thought the earth 
flat, the sun a stone the size 
of the Pelopennesus. The moon 
gets her light from the sun. 
Planets move. Cause of eclip- 
ses, the intervention of the 
earth or moon, II, 175-180. 

The Pythagoreans thought the 
earth round and to go around 
the sun, II, 185. 

Leukippos and Demokritos (460?- 

360? B. C.), 
The atomic theory, II, 187. 


Medicine 
ote (420 ?), ILI, 286- 


Showed that diseases come 
not from the anger of the 
gods, as formerly thought, 
but from natural causes. 

Astronomy 
Eudoxus (406- ? ). 


28 GENERAL INDEX 


N 
Natural Sciences 
Studied the movements and 


return of the planets, III, 
288. 


Zoology 
Aristotle (384-322 B. C.), 
Made great zoclogical collec- 
tions, II, 344. 


Graeco-Roman Science 


Astronomy 
Aristarchus (8rd century B. C.) 
held the Copernican theory 
that the earth revolves on 
its own axis and about the 
sun, III, 288. 


Mathematics (Geometry) 
Euclid (800 B. C.?) founded 
geometry, ITI, 288. 


Physics 
Archimedes (287-212 B. C.), dis- 
covered the principle of the 
lever, specific gravity, the 
water-serew, etc., thus found- 
ing mechanics, III, 288-290. 


Astronomy 
Hrastosthenes (276- ? B. C.,), 
measured the circumference 
of the earth, III, 290. 


Hipparchus (160 ? B. C.), cat- 
alogued the stars, III, 290. 
Noted the precession of the 
equinoxes. 


General scientific theory 
Lucretius (98-55 B. C.), the 
atomic theory, III, 262-275. 
Pliny the Hider (23-79 A. D.), 
Ill, 293. 
The Scientific Ideas of the 
Time. . 
The Inventors of Various 
Things. 
Astronomy 
Ptolemy (70-150 A. D.) Theory 
of the heavens, III, 290. 


Medicine and Anatomy 
Galen (131 A. D.—?) vastly in- 
creased the knowledge of 
the body, Iil, 291. 
Distinguished and _ studied 
veins and arteries, WI, 9. 


Arabian 
Chemistry (Alchemy), 
Geber (Djafer) (830 ?- ?). 
Alchemist; made nitric and 
sulphuric acid, IV, 278. 
Astronomy 


Albategnuis (879 ?-?) calculated 
the length of year with 
great exactness, IV, 278. 

Mathematics (Algebra), 


N 


Natural Sciences 
Graeco-Roman 
Ben Musa (300 ?- ?) introduced 
algebra and Indian numer- 
als; afterwards brought in- 
to Hurope by Gerbert, Pope 
Sylvester II, IV, 278. 
Physics 
Alhazen (1000 ? - ? ). Opties, 
refraction of light, used 
convex lenses, IV, 279. 


Mediaeval 

Roger Bacon (1214-1292), 

On Experimental Science, IV, 
369. 

Flavio Giopa (1300 ? - ? ), 
Invented mariner’s com- 
pass, V, &. 

Fifteenth Century (1400-1500) 
Invention and Discovery 

Guitenburg invents printing, 
1488, V, 5. 

Columbus discovers America 
(1492). Journal of his first 
voyage, V, 7-26. 

Vasco de Gama rounds Africa 
to Indie ‘i498), V, 26-41, 

Sixteenth Century 
Astronomy 

Magellan rounds world. (1519- 
1522). Account by Genoese 
pilot, V, 41-58. These geo- 
graphical discoveries set- 
tled the question of the 
rotundity of the earth. 


Copernicus (1473-1548), argued 
that the earth goes round 
the sun. Though the know- 
ledge of the time was not 
sufficient to prove this, yet 
tae theory steadily grew, V, 

Medicine ‘ 

Paracelsus (1492- ?). 
Alchemist, but turns alchemy 
to aid of health. Introduced 
antimony, VI, 5. 
Servetus (1511-1553), VI, 6. 
Caesalpinus (1519-1603), VI, 6. 


Vesalius (1536-1564), 

Corrected Galenic ideas of 
anatomy by observation of 
the human skeleton itself. 
Held the ancient belief that 
arteries contain vital 
spirits. VI, 5. 

Fabricius ( ? - ? ) discovered 
valves in veins. This led 
ee to Harvey’s discovery, 

sds 
Physics 

Baptiste Porta (1545- ? ). In- 

vents the camera obscura. 


GENERAL INDEX 29 


N 


Natural Sciences 


Dr. Gilbert (1540-1603). Made 
the first few experiments 
on electricity. Found that 
eertain substances attract 
when rubbed. 

Seventeenth Century 
General Theory 

Francis Bacon (1561-1626). All 
science based on experi- 
ment. 

nO Novum Organum, V, 234- 
89. 


Astronomy (and Physics) 
Galileo (1564-1642), V, 290-308. 
Laws of motion. 
Thermometer invented. 
Discovered mountains of 
moon, the moons of Jupiter, 
and the phases of Venus. 

For the Copernican System, 
V, 292-302. 

Condemnation by Inquisition, 
V, 302-306. 

Recantation, V, 306-307. 

Tycho Brahe (1546-1601). Com- 

piled the Rudolphian Tab- 
les, V, 308. 

Kepler (1571-1630), V, 208-315. 

Planets move in elipses, V, 
309. 

Areas swept over in equal 
times are equal, V, 309. 

Cubes of distances proportio- 
nal to the squares of the 
times, V, 310. 

The Principles of Astronomy, 
V, 311-315. 

Medicine 
Harvey (1577-1657), 
The circulation of the blood 
discovered, VI, 7. 
Medicine and Biology 
Asellius discovers the lacteal 
circulation, 1622, WI, 117. 
Physics 
Clatis Rtidbeck found that the 
lymphatics -furnished the 
heart with material for 
new biood (1649), VI, 117. 
Malpighi and Grew discovered 
the air celis in the lungs, 
the capillary cells, the cells 
in plants, ete., VI, 118. 


Anthony von lLeeuwenhoeck 
(1632-1723), VI, 119-123. Dis- 
covered the red corpuscles 
in the blood; the animalcu- 
lae in water; the capillary 
circulation. Also an inves- 
tigator of insects. 

Torricelli invented the barom- 
eter (1644), VI, 117. 


N 


Natural Sciences 


Guericke invented the air-pump 
(1650), VI, 118. 

Pascal proved that it is the 
weight of the air that 
eauses the rise of the mer- 
cury (1656), VI, 118. 

Guericke invented first electri- 
cal machine (1676), VI, 118. 

Leibnitz invented differential 
Calculus, VI, 79F.">, 

Newton (1642-1727), Vi, 123-141. 

Invented method of fluxions, 
VI. 123. 
The Composition of Light, 
WI, 124-134, 
The Theory of Gravitation, 
WI; 185-141. 
Applied the theory to ex- 
plain the tides, ete. (1682). 

Roemer estimated the velocity 
of light to be 199,000 miles 
a second (1676). Proof, Vi, 
118, 146-148. 


Huyghens (1609-1695), V1, 141- 
150. 


Discovered the rings and the 
sixth satellite of Saturn 
(1655). 

Invented the pendulum clock 
(1657). 

The Wave Theory of Light 
(1690), VI, 142-150. 

Chemistry 

The Beginning of Chemistry, 

VI, 150-151. 

Robert Boyle (1627-1691), YI, 
152-154. 

Law of compressibility of 
gases. 

Stahl (1660-1734). The phlogis- 
ton theory that combustion 
is the driving off of a “‘fire- 
element”, Vi, 151. 

Highteenth Century 
Biology 

Boerhaave (1668, Dee. 31—1738), 
VI, 242-247, 

Studied the absorption by 
plants of substances from 
the soil, VI, 240, 242. 

Physiological conceptions, 
VI, 242-247. 

Linnaeus (1707-1778), Wi, 247- 
265. 

New System in botany. 

The sex system in plants, VI, 
248-261. 

Geology 

Werner and the “Neptunist” 

theory in geology, VI, 3138. 


30 GENERAL INDEX 


N 


Natural Sciences 
Hutton and the “Vulcanist”’ 
theory in geology, Vi, 312- 
334. 
Physics 
Franklin (1706-1790), VI, 261- 
272. 


Hlectrical experiments. Pos: 
itive and negative electric- 
ity, VI, 262-266. 

The identity of electricity 
and lightning. The light- 
ning rod, VI, 266-269, (1747). 

The kite experiment, WI, 270- 
272. 


Joseph Black (1728-1754), VI, 
272-278. 

The discovery of “fixed air’ 
(carbonic acid gas), 1753, 
VI, 272-278. 

Latent heat, VI, 272. 

James Watt (1736-1819). Ap- 
plied the principle of latent 
heat to the steam engine 
and invented the separate 
condenser, VI, 305. 


Chemistry 
Priestley, VI, 279. 
The discovery of oxygen. 
Scheele (1742-1786), VI, 284-290. 
Discovery of oxygen. 
Cavendish (1781-1810), Vi, 290- 
297. 
The composition of water. 


Lavoisier (1743-1794), VI, 297- 
305. 


The Permanence of Matter. 
The Nature of Combustion. 
Respiration a Combustion. 
Lavoisier overthrew the 
phlogistern theory and be- 
gun scientific chemistry. 


Astronomy 
William Herschel (1738-1822), 
VI, 335-349. 

Discovery of Uranus (1781), 
VI, 335-337. 

Nebulous stars, VI, 337-347. 

Discovered two of the satel- 
lites of Uranus, two more 
of Saturn, and binary stars 
revolving around a common 
center, VI, 335. 

That the whole solar system 
is rushing toward the con- 
stellation of Hercules, VI, 
347-349. 

Laplace (1749-1827), VI, 349-358. 

Worked out the movements 


of the solar system in de- 
tail. 


h. 

Natural Sciences 
The Nebular Hypothesis, VI, 

350-358. 

Physics 

Galvani (1790), noted that elec- 
tricity contracted the mus- 
cles of a frog’s leg, VI, 358. 


Volta (1745-1774). Invented the 
voltaic baitery, (1800), VI, 
358-361. 

Medicine and Biology 
Edward Jenner (1749-1829). 
Theory of Small Pox Vacci- 
nation, 1789, VIII, 404-412. 
Bichat (1771-1802). 
The Doctrine of Tissues, 
VIII, 396-404, 
Physics 
Count Rumford (1753-1814). 
The Nature of Heat, VIII, 
435-441, 
Thomas Young (1773-1829). 
On the Interference of Light 
Waves, VIII, 442. 


Nineteenth Century 


Chemistry 
John Dalton (1766-1844), VIII, 
368 


The Atomic Theory (about 
1801-1804). 
On the Constitution of 
Bodies, VIII, 368. 


On Chemical Synthesis, 
VIII, 370. 

Gay-Lussae (1778-1850), VIII, 
375. 


On the Combination of Gas- 
eous Substances with each 
other (Law of Multiple Pro- 
portions), 1808, VIII, 375. 


Humphry Davy (1778-1829), 
VIII, 361. 
Discovery of alkalies by elec- 
trolysis, VIII, 362. 
Avogrado (1776-1865). 
Law of equality of molecules, 
VIII, 384-389. 
Dulong and Petit, VIII, 384. 
Relation of specific heat and 
atomic weights (1818). 


Biology 
Lamarck (1744-1829). 
Evolution by “Use,” 
412-418, 


Cuvier (1769-1832), VIII, 418. 
Believed in the Permanence 
of Species. 
The Mutual Relations of Or- 
goneed Beings, VIII, 419- 


Vill, 


GENERAL INDEX 31 


N 
Natural Sciences 
; Sir Charles Bell (1774-1842). 
The Relation between Motor 
and Sensory Nerves. 
On the Nervous Circle, VIII, 
425. 
Physics 
Haraday (1791-1867). 
Liquification of 
1823, VIII, 390. 
Oersted. 
Identity of electricity and 
magnetism, IX, 5. 
Joseph Henry. 


Chlorine, 


Electrical experiments, IX, 
10. 
Faraday. 
Electricity from Magnetism, 
IX, 17-21. 
Biology 
Charles Lyell (1797-1875). 
Uniformity in the past 


changes of the earth, IX, 
214-233. 
Theodor Schwann (1810-1882). 
Cell Theory (1839), IX, 233- 
259, 
Physics 
Meyer, Colding, and Joule. 
The Conservation of Hnergy, 
IX, 370. 
Hermann 
1894). 
The Conservation of Energy 
(1847), IX, 360-389. 
Evolution 
Herbert Spencer, 
Progress: Its Law and Cause 
(1857), IX, 259-300. 
Charles Darwin (1809-1882). 
National Selection (1858), IX, 
300-344, 
A. R. Wallace. 


National Selection, IX, 300. 
Ernest Haeckel. 
Fundamental Law of the Ev- 
olution of Organism (1866), 
IX, 344-360. 


Chemistry 
Kirchloff and Bunsen. 
Spectrum Analysis (1860), IX, 
389-400. 
Inventions, IX, 420. 


Philology, Laws of Letter 
Changes. The Aryan Lan- 
guages, X, 367. 

Biology 

Broca, X, 337. 
Hilzig, X, 337. . 
Ferrier, X, 338-358. 


Helmholtz (1821- 


N 


Natural Sciences 


The Localization of Func- 
tions in the Brain. 
Weismann, X, 285-309. 
Theory of Heredity. 
Devaine, X, 284. 
Pasteur, X, 349-336. 


Fermentation. 
Inoculation for Hydrophobia. 
Koch, X, 309-319. 
Theory of Bacteria. 
Cohn, X, 285. 
Behring, X, 285. 
Chemistry 
Mendeléeff, X, 254-270. 
The Periodic Law. 


Lockyer, X, 270-283. 
Chemistry of the Stars. 
Von t’ Hoff, X, 253. 
Loeb, X, 254. 
Physics 
Maxwell, James Clerk, X, 209. 
Electricity and light vibrations 
in the Ether, 
Hertz’ Waves, X, 215-226. 
Marconi’s wireless telegraphy, 
X, 248-253. 
Rontgen, X, 227-243. 
The X-Rays. 
Kelvin, X, 254. 
Crookes. 
Crookes, X, 358-367. 
Telepathy. 

Nebular Theory 
Herschell, VI, 335, 337. 

Kant, VI, 201. 
Laplace, VI, 349. 

Neo-Platonism (See Philo Judaeus, 
(Vol. I11) and the Arabian philoso- 
phers (Vol. IV). 
erva 


Decree for care of indigent chil- 
dren, III, 94. 
Netherlands 
Declaration of Independence, V, 
189. 


Newton, Sir Isaac 
Biography and discoveries, VI, 123. 
The Diffusion of Light, VI, 124. 
The Theory of Gravitation, VI, 135. 

Nile 
Hymn to, I, 79. 

Nirvana (The Indian Heaven, assimi- 

lation with Brahma, the infinite), 
I, 122, 126, 156, 160. 

Normans 

And Saxons, I¥, 384. 

Cities, IV, 390. 

Laws, IV, 397. 

Magna Carta, IV, 401. 

Mea under Ball and Tyler, IV, 


32 GENERAL INDEX 


N 


Nullification (See Government and 

United States). 

Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, 
VIII, 96. 

Marshall, John, VIIT, 161-195. 

Benton, VIII, 196. 

Calhoun, VIII, 211-236. 

Hayne, VIII, 237. 

Webster, VIII, 247. 

Ordinance of, VIII, 270. 

Jackson, VIII, 274. 

Compromise of 1833, VIII, 285. 
See Secession. 


0 


Odysseus 

Descent to Hades, Account of by 

Homer, II, 35-49. 

Origen 

Biography, LV, 29. 

Principles of Faith, IV. 29-35. 
Osiris 

Worship of, I, 29-79, 


P 


Paine, Thomas 
Biography, VII, 209. 
Common Sense, VII, 209-229. 
Painting (See illustrations and bio- 
graphics on respective tissue pages) 
Pandora 
And the entrance of evil, II, 16, 27. 
Paracelsus 
Turns alchemy to the aid of medi- 
eine, VI, 5. 
Parliament 
The House of Commons founded 
1265, IV, 401. 
In the Puritan Revolution (1628- 
1641), V, 391-430. 
Supremacy of, VII, 5. 
And the’ American Colonies, VII, 
55, 165. 
Parmeniides 
Biography, II, 156. 
Extant Fragments, II, 156-160. 
Pascal 
Proved it is the weight of the air 
that causes the mercury to rise, 
VI, 118. 
Pasteur 
Biography, X, 319. 
On Fermentation, X, 320. 
theca n for Hydrophobia, X, 


Patterson, William 
In the Federal Convention 
The New Jersey plan for a con- 
federation, VII, 277, 281. 
On the compromise report, VII, 
344, 354. 


Peasant Revolt in Germany, V, 134. 
Penitential Psalms, I, 25. 


P 


Pericles 
Aristotle on, II, 75. 
Periodic Law, X, 254. 
Permanence of Matter, VI, 290, 297. 
Persia, I, 354. 
Persecutions, IV, 5. _-—~ 
Petition of Right, V, 893) 
Petrine Theory of the Papacy. 
By Leo I, IV, 125. 
By Gregory VII,, IV, 320. 
Petty, Sir William ' 
Economic ideas, VI, 156. 
Phillips, Wendell 
Biograpny, TX, 104. 
The Murder of Lovejoy, IX, 105. 
Philo Judaeus 
Biography, ITI, 355. 
The Creation of the World, III, 355. 
Pre-Christian Ascetics, III, 364. 
Philology 
Bopp, X, 367. 
Grimm, X, 367. 
Verner, X, 367. 
The Consonants, X, 368. 
The Vowels, X, 371. 
The Deviation of English from 
, Latin, X, 373. 
Philosophy 
Jewish, 
See Proverbs, Job, Ecclesiastes, 
Book of Jesus, Son of Sirach. 
Zoroaster (between 15th and 10th 
century B. C.) 
The dual principle in the uni- 
verse, I, 354-381. 


The Brahmans, 

The Upanishads, showing the 
later philosophical development 
of the religion. The Brahmans 
gradually reduced their many 
natural gods to one, and iden- 
tified that one in nature with 
the self of the individual. This 
knowledge was made essential 
to salvation and _ jealously 
guarded by the caste. 

The idea of the identity of the 
universe with the self, I, 126, 
154-160, 185, 194, 217, ete. 

See the Upanishads through- 
out. 

Katha Upanishad, the secret dis- 
closed by Death to Nakiketas, 
I, 116-126. 

Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, the 
gradual unfolding of the Brah- 
man belief by Yagnavalkya, I, 
127-161. 


Khandogya Upanishad, other un- 
foldings of the secret, ete., I, 
162-195. 

The Creation, I, 195. 

The Ages, I, 200. 


GENERAL INDEX 33 


hd 


Philosophy 

Transmigration of souls, and re- 
wards and punishments, I, 208- 
227. 

Confucius (551-478 B. C), . 

Ethical Rules of Life, I, 382-411. 

Buddha (5th century B. C.), 
Buddha objected to the caste 
system of the Brahmans and 
. made a better life hereafter 
depend on right conduct and 
purposes rather than merely on 
knowledge. He still retained 
the Brahman idea of an imper- 
sonal God (Brahma) and the 
transmigration of souls. 

All of Buddha’s sermons are 
ethical in their nature. 

Foundation of the Kingdom of 
Righteousness, containing the 
“eight-fold path,” I, 220-224. 

On Knowledge of the Vedas, 
against the Brahmans, I, 225- 
245, 

All the Asavas, the ideas that 
should be cherished or abon- 
doned, the rules of conduct, 
against the soul, etce., I, 245-253, 

The Last Days of Buddha, the 
Life of Buddha, the Buddhist 
Gospel, I, 253-321. 

Dhammapada, the choicest Bud- 
dhist thoughts and sayings, I, 
322-353, 


Greece, 

The first step in Greek philosophy 
was made by asking what is 
the permanent, unchanging 
reality behind the _ shifting 
changes of nature. The early 
philosophers touch on many 


things, but this question runs | 


through them all. 


Thales (about 585 B. C.), thought 
this source of all things to be 
water, II, 138-140. 


Anaximander (610 B. C.—after 
456 B. C.) thought there was an 
infinite but indeterminate sub- 
stance back of things which 
produced things by separating 
into its opposites. He thought 
man came from other animals 
in the beginning, arguing from 
the length and helplessness of 
human infancy, II, 140-148. 

Anaximenes (latter half of 6th 
eentury B. C.) thought the 
world substance to be infinite, 
but air, II, 143-145. 


Pp 


Philosophy 


Pythagoras (about 570 B. C. ? ). 
Most of the legends about 
Pythagoras are mythical; the 
‘sayings that seem most surely 
to go back to him are like the 
taboos of a ‘‘medicine man,” 
II, 145, 146. 


Xenophanes (about 571 B. C.— 
after 479 B. C.) believed the 
universe to be one unchange- 
able God, and satirized the 
Greek idea of many human-like 
gods. II, 146-148. All things 
from earth and water. 


Herakleitos (around 500 B. C.), 
thought the characteristic of 

the world-substance to be a 
continual flux from opposite to 
opposite, and the source of all 
things to be fire, II, 148-156. 

Parmenides (515 B.C.—440 B.C.?) 
believed the universe to be 
without beginning or end in 
time, immovable and unchange- 
able. Hence in his developing 
the idea of the unity of the uni- 
verse to its limit, he denied any 
real change at all, II, 156-160. 


Hmpedokles (first half of 5th 
eentury B. C.) tried to combine 
these theories. He sought to 
find in water, air, fire, and 
earth, the four elements of 
things, with love and hate as 
ine causes of motion, II, 160- 

(2. 

Anaxagoras (1st half of 5th cen- 
tury B. C.) thought there are as 
many elements as there are 
qualities, with Mind ruling all 
the mixture, II, 175-180. 

Zeno (489 B. C.— ? ) reinforced 
the idea of the unity of the uni- 
verse held by Parmenides, by 
showing the difficulties involv- 
ed in the idea of many elements 
and plurality, Ii, 180-182. 

Melissos, the general of Samnos, 
victor over the Athenian fleet 
in 440 B. C., argued for the un- 
reality of our perceptions and 
the paradoxical unity of all 
things, IT, 182-185. 

The Pythagoreans thought the 
constant number relations were 
the true reality of the universe, 
IT, 185. 

Protagoras (480 B. C.— ?) thought 
all knowledge is merely a 
question of personal opinion, 
and hence true science impos- 
sible, II, 186, 201—. 


"masini 


fu 
é 


34 


7 


GENERAL INDEX 


P 


Philosophy 


Leukippos and Demokritos (460 ? 
B. C.— 360 ? B. C.) developed 
the idea of the atom and of the 
universe being developed from 
the accidental rushing together 
of purposeless atoms, II, 187. 


Socrates (470 B. C.—399 B. C.) 
began, with the Sophists, to 
turn philosophy to the discus- 
sion of life and happiness. He 
believed that happiness would 
be brought by virtue, virtue se- 
cured by knowledge, and that 
things may be grouped into 
classes and defined, and a gene- 
ral statement made of the class 
that will hold good. Hence the 
goal of science would be classi- 
fication and definition, [1, 187, 
191-139. 


Plato (429 B. C.—348 B. C.) 

The possibility of science, IT, 
191-239, 

The doctrine of Ideas, II, 239- 
249, 

The Ideas as final causes, and 
the question of immortality, 
II, 249-311. 

The philosophy of the state, II, 
311-338. 

Diogenes the Cynic (412 B. C.— 
323 ? B. C.) believed the great- 
est good to be freedom from 
wants; hence he rebelled 
against all civilization, II, 339- 
348. 

Aristotle (384-343 B. C.) 

The relation of the general to 
the particular (logic), II, 350. 

The interrelations of things 
(the categories), II, 345-350. 

The examination into existence, 
culminating in the proof of 
God, II, 352-363. 


The basis of ethics; happiness, 
the greatest good, is the re- 
sult of the activity of the 
soul in accordance with its 
greatest excellence; virtues, 
habits; the law of the mid- 
dle path, II, 364-382. 

ireriient of the state, II, 388- 

Developed Rhetoric. 


Zeno the Stoic (350 ? B. C.—258 ? 
B. C.) thought the chief good to 
be a virtue that by calm sub- 
mission to natural law, by do- 
ing one’s duty, rose superior to 
pleasure, trouble, desire, or 
fear, II, 418-425. 

Epicurus (841 ? B. C.—270 B. C.) 


P 


Philosophy 


The chief good the highest 
form of pleasure, II, 426-430. 
Roman, 
Cicero 
Scipio’s Dream, III, 233-241. 
The Contempt of Death, III, 
241-262. 


Lucretius. The atomic theory. 
Philo Judaeus (20 B. C.—40 A. D.) 
Neo-Platonism. 
The Creation of the World. 
Pre-Christian Ascetics, IV, 355- 
369. 
Seneca (4 B. C.—65 A. D.) 
The Stoic philosophy of Peace 
of Mind, III, 328-354. 


Epictetus (? -117 A. D.) 
Stoic, Philosopher. 
Discourses, III, 392-407. 
Aurelius 
“Thoughts’—the Stoic Philoso- 
phy. 
Arabian 
Avicenna (Ibn Sina), (980-1037) 
doctor, and neo-Platonist, IV, 
279. 
Eternity of universe and iden- 
tity of universal intelligence 
in man. 


Avicebron (1028-1058), poet and 
neo-Platonist. The Will of 
God the final cause of the 
world, IV, 280. 

Averroes (1126-1198), commenta- 
tor of Aristotle, IV, 281. 
Moses Maimonides (1135-1204) at- 

tempted to combine Jewish 
eat! and Aristotle, IV, 
1. 
Method of proving God’s exis- 
tence, IV, 282-284. 


A Parallel between the Uni- 
verse and Man, IV, 284-293. 
Sean esata admitted, IV, 293- 
Scholasticism 
St. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274). 
ee of God’s Hxistence, IV, 
Theory of Knowledge, IV, 363. 
Modern . 
Giordano Bruno (1550 ? - 1600). 
Mystic. Believed the universe 
a@ great animal. Burned at 
the stake in 1600 for openly 
teaching the Copernican sys- 
tem. 
Francis Bacon (1561-1626). 
The philosophical doctrine of 
experiment, 
renter Organum, V, 234- 


GENERAL INDEX 35 


P 
Philosophy 


Descartes (1596-1650), VI, 41. 
Meditations, VI, 42-63. 

The new starting point for 
philosophy. Principle of 
certainty; ‘Cogito, ergo 
sum;” dualism between 
matter and mind. 


Geulincx (1625-1669), VI, 38. 
Matter and mind run in har- 
mony as do two clocks, be- 
cause controlled by their 
maker, 
Malbranche (1638-1715) 
“We see all things through 
God.” VI, 38-39. 
Spinoza (1632-1677), V1, 63-78. 
Transformed Descartes dual- 
ism into a monism. God 
the only substance, all else 
manifestations, 


Leibnitz (1646-1716), VI, 78-93. 
The Monadology; idea of the 
monad and pre-existing 
harmony. 
Hobbes (1588-1679), VI, 93-101. 
The beginning of the sensualis- 
tic psychology. All con- 
sciousness Can be reduced to 
motion. 
John Locke (1632-1704), VI, 101- 
116. 


All ideas from sensation and 
reflection. No innate idea 
or unconscious thought, VI, 
39, 101-116. 

Things and the soul are taken 
for granted by us as a ground 
for our ideas. As clear an 
idea of spirit as of matter, 

Highteenth Century 
Berkeley (1685-1753) 

Idealism, VI, 172. 

Principles of Human Know- 
ledge, VI, 173-184. 

Hume (1711-1776) 

Scepticism, Hconomic Ideas, 
VI, 185. 

Against the Principle of Cause 
and Hffect, VI, 185. 

Against Personal Identity, VI, 
189. 

Kant (1724-1804) 

The matter of knowledge from 
experience, the form from the 
mind. Space and time and 
the categories are mental 
forms. We can know only 
phenomena, and only phe 
nomena are bound by the 
natural laws we Enow. God 


LLL A 


be 


Philosophy 


and the Soul are things in 
themselves, not so bound, but 
free. 
Biography, VI, 201. 
Place in philosophy, WI, 40. 
The Prolegomena, VI, 203. 
Critique of Pure Reason, VI, 207- 
239. 
Nineteenth Century 
Fichte (1762-1814) 
Idealism, VIII, 318. 
Doctrine of Knowledge, VIII, 
319-330. 
T. B. Malthus (1766-1834) 
Principle of Population, VIII, 
293-305. 
Shelling (1775-1854), VIII, 330. 
Hegel (1770-1831), VIII, 330. 
The Universe the Realization of 
the World Spirit. 
The Development of Spirit, 
VIII, 330. 


David Ricardo (1772-1823) 
Theory of Rent, VIII, 305. 
Schopenhauer (1788-1860), WIII, 
337. ; 
Kant’s thing-in-itself is natura} 
will. | 
The Will in Nature, VIII, 338. 


Auguste Comte (1798-1857), VIII, 
344, 
Time at hand for a “positive’’ 
philosophy. 
The Positive Philosophy, VIII, 
345. 
Helmholtz, Mayer, Colding, Joule: 
The Conservation of Energy, 
IX, 360-389. 
Evolution, IX, 214-260. 
Photography, 1X, 426. 
Physiocrats, VI, 156, 392. 
Physics (See Natural Sciences and 
Astronomy) 
Egypt, 
Mensuration and art of building 
shown in the pyramids. 
Greek, 
Leukippos and Demokritos (460 ?- 
360 B. C.) 
The atomic theory, II, 187. 
Archimedes (287-212 B. C.), dis- 
covered the principle of the 
lever, specific gravity, the 
water-screw, etc., thus found- 
ing mechanics, III, 288-290. 
Hrastosthenes (276- ? B. C.) meas- 
ured the circumference of the 
earth, III, 290. 
Roman, 
Lucretius (98-55 B. C.), the atomic 
theory, ITI, 262-275. 


ig 


Physics 
Pliny the Elder (23-79 A. D.). 
The Scientific Ideas of the 
Time. 
The Inventors 
Things. 
Arabs, 
Alhazen (1000 ? - ?), 
Optics, refraction of light, 
used convex lenses, IV, 279. 
Mediaeval, 
Roger Bacon (1264-1292), 
au Experimental Science, IV, 
Flavio Giopa (1300 ? - ?), 
Invented mariner’s compass. 
Modern, 

Baptiste Porta (1545 - ?). Invents 
the camera obseura. 

Dr. Gilbert (1540-1603). Made the 
first few experiments on elec- 
tricity. Found that certain 
substances attract when rub- 
bed. 

Francis Bacon (1561-1626). 

All science based on experi- 
ment. 
rerio Organum, V, 234- 
Galileo (1564-1642), VY, 290-308. 
Laws of motion. 

Thermometer invented. 

Torricelli invented the barometer 
(1644), VI, 117. 

Guericke in vented the air-pump 
(1650), VI, 118. 

Pascal proved that it is the 
weight of the air that causes 
the rise of the mercury (1656), 
VI, 118. 

Guericke invented first electrical 
machine (1676), VI, 118. 

Leibnitz invented differential cal- 
eulus, VI, 79. 

Newton (1642-1727, VI, 123-141. 

Invented method of fiuxions, 
Vi, 128. 

The Composition of Light, VI, 
124-134. 

Phe Theory of Gravitation, VI, 
135-141. 

Applied the Theory to explain 
the tides, ete. (1682). 

Roemer estimated the velocity of 
light to be 190,000 miles a sec- 
ond (1676), Proff, Vi, 118, 146- 
148. 

Huyghens (1609-1695), VI, 141-150. 

Discovered the rings and the 
sixth satellite of Saturn 
(1655). 

Invented the pendulum clock 
(1657). 


of Various 


a A 


GENERAL INDEX 


P 


Physics 

The Wave Theory of Light 
(1690), VI, 142-150. 

Franklin (1706-1790), V1, 261-272. 

Hlectrical experiments. Posi- 
tive and negative electricity, 
VI, 262-266. 

The identity of electricity and 
lightning. The lightning rod, 
266-269. (1747). 

The kite experiment, VI, 270- 
272. 

Joseph Black (1728-1754), VI, 272- 
278. 

The discovery of “fixed air’ 
(carbonic acid gas. 1753. VI, - 
272-278. 

Latent heat, VI, 272. 

James Watt (1736-1819), VI, 305- 
312. Applied the principle of 
latent heat to the steam en- 
gine and invented the separ- 
ate condenser. | 

Galvani (1790), noted that elec- 
tricity contracted the muscles 
of a frog’s legs, VI, 358. 

Volta, (1745-1774). Invented the 
voltaic battery (1800). VI, 
358-361, 

Count Rumford (1753-1814) 

The Nature of Heat, VIII, 435- 

441, 

Thomas Young (1773-1829) 

On the Interference of Light 
Waves, VIII, 442. 

Humphry Davy (1778-1829), VIII, 
361. 

Discovery of alkalies by elec- 
trolysis, VIII, 362. 

Faraday (1791-1867) 

Liquefication of Chlorine, 1323, 
VIII, 390. 

Electricity from Magnetism, 
IX, 17-21. 

Meyer, Colding, and Joule: 

The Conservation of Energy, 
IX, 370. 

Hermann Helmholtz (1821-1894) 

The Conservation of Energy 
(1847), LX, 360-389. ~ 

Maxwell, James Clerk, X, 208. 

Electricity and light vibrations 
in the Ether. is 

Hertz’ electric waves, X, 215. 


Marconi’s wireless telegraphy, X, 
243. 

Rontgen, 
The X-Rays. | 

Kelvin, X, 254. 

Crookes. 
Telepathy, X, 358. 


GENERAL INDEX 37 


P 


Physiology (See Biology, Medicine 
and Natural Science). 
Pierce, William 
In the Federal Convention 
A citizen not of a small State but 
of the United States, VII, 322. 
Pinckney, Gen. Charles Cotesworth 
In the Federal Convention 
Against the House alone originat- 
ing money bills, VII, 275, 352. 
That the State legislatures con- 
trol the election of Representa- 
tives, VII, 307, 309. 
Proposed a compromise com- 
mittee, VII, 335. 
Against adjournment before 
drafting a constitution, VII, 
365. 
Pinckney, Charles. 
In the Federal Convention. 
On committee to prepare rules, 
VII, 251. 
Plan for a Constitution. 
For appointment of Senate by 
State legislatures, VII, 269. 
Evils of the Confederation must 
be remedied, VII, 285. 
Against equality in Senate, VII, 
335, 357. 
For counting the blacks the same 
as the whites, VII, 348. 
Pippin 
Donation of, IV, 203. 
Pisistratus 
- Aristotle on, Il, 63-67. 
Pitt (See Chatham) 
Plato 
Biography, II, 199. 
The Possibility of Science (Theaet- 
tus), II, 191. 
The Doctrine of Ideas (Parmen- 
ides), II, 239. 
Phaedo, II, 249. 
The Ideal State, II, 311. 
Origin and Hducation, II, 311. 
Community in the State, II, 328. 


Plebeians, III, 5-91. 
Pliny the Elder 
Biography, III, 298. 
Account of the World and Its Hle- 
ments (Ideas of Time), III, 294. 
The Inventors of Various Things, 
III, 305-310. 
Pliny the Younger 
On the Christians, IV, 7. 
Plutarch 
Biography, III, 370. 
The Training of Children, III, 370- 


391, 
Lycurgus, II, 105-135. 
Political Economy (See Economics). 
. Political Science (See Government, 
Science of). ; 


P 


Polybius 
Biography, III, 166. 
An Analysis of the Roman Govern- 
ment, III, 166. 
The Military Institutions of the 
Romans, III, 172. 
Rome and Carthage, III, 186. 
Pope (See Religion). 
Praetorship established, ITI, 46. | CAS poe Lie Sy 
Presbyterian, V. Rae sgh. Se 
Priestley, Joseph | BMT a at 
Biography, VI, 278. 
The Discovery of Oxygen, VI, 279. 
Printing, V, 5. 
Procter, Redfield 
Biography, X, 135. 
Conditions in Cuba, X, 135. 
Protagoras 
Biography, IT, 186. 
Opinions, I, 137, 186, 201-239. 


Protection and Free Trade (see Free 
Trade and Protection). 
Psychology (See Philosophy and Bio- 
logy) 
Thomas Aquinas (1225 ? -1274), 
Theory of Knowledge, IV, 368. 
Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679), 

All consciousness reducible to 
motion, VI, 98. 
John Locke (1632-1704) 

On sensation, ideas, 
stance, VI, 101. 
Berkeley (1685-1753), 
Principles of Human Knowledge, 
VI, 178. 
Hume (1711-1776), 
Against Cause and Bffect, VI, 
185. 
TTA Personal Identity, VI, OMEN} 
° a 
Kant (1724-1804), A io 
Prolegomena, VI, 203. 
Critique of Pure Reason, VI, 207.. 
Fichte (1762-1814), 
Doctrine of Knowledge, 


and sub- 


Vili 


319. 
Comte (1798-1857), 

Law of progress, VIII, 345. 
Lotze, Fechner, and Wundt, X, 337. 
Broca, X, 337. 

Hitzig, X, 337. 
Ferrier, 
Localization of Functions in the 
Brain, X, 338-358. 
Crookes, 
Telepathy, X, 358-367. 
Ptolemy 
Theory of the heavens, III, 290, 
Publie ownership, X, 5-124, 
Publilian Laws, III, 47. 
Punic Wars, Iii, 166. 
Puritan Revolution, VY, 391-430. 


38 GENERAL INDEX 


gc 


Pym 
In the Puritan Revolution, V, 392. 
Speech against Strafford, V, 399. 
riagwecs Remonstrance, V, 4038- 
Pythagoras 
Biography, II, 145. 
Sayings, ITI, 145. 
Pythagoreans 
Introduction, II, 185. 
Number Theory, II, 185. 


Q 

Quesnay 

Biography, VI, 392. 

General Maxims, YI, 392. 
Quaestor, III, 52. 
Quintilian 

Biography, III, 312. 

The Ideal Education, III, 312. 


R 
Ra, I, 33-79. 
Randolph, Edmund 
In the Federal Convention 
Object. of the Convention, VII, 
268, 254. 
Defects of the Confederation, 
VII, 254. 
reas for the Constitution, VII, 


On method of representation, 
VII, 259. 

For a small Senate, VII, 263. 

Necessity of national power over 
individuals, VII, 285. 

On the compromise committee, 
VII, 338, 349. 

Against equality in the Senate, 
VII, 364, 


Read, George 
In the Federal Convention 

That the question of representa- 
tion be postponed, VII, 260. 

That the Senate be appointed by 
the Executive, VII, 266. 

Favored restriction of Senate on 
money bills, VII, 274. 

Proposed system not national 
enough, VII, 319. 


Reformation 

The Reformation, V, 102. 

Erasmus (1466 ? -1536), V, 103-110. 
Translated the New Testament. 
Satirized the foibles of the 

church and clergy. 
Benefice-Hunting. 
The Penitent Virgin. 
ycnie Mebane (1483-1556), V, 111- 


Ninety-five Theses, V, 112. 
Against Catholicism, V, 119. 


R 


Reformation 
Justification by Faith, V, 127. 
The Peasant Revolt (1525), V, 134. 
The Twelve Articles (Demands) 
of the Peasants, V, 185. 
John Calvin (1509-1564), V, 140. 
Doctrine of eternal election, V, 
141-150. 


The whole case of the Protestants 
as given to the world in the 
Augsburg Confession (1530), 
V, 151-179. 

Loyola (1491-1556), V, 179. 

The Jesuit Constitution, V, 180- 
188. 

Revolt of the Protestant Nether- 

lands, 1566-1609, V, 189. 
Religion 
Chaldea 

Babylonian Account of Creation, 
Oa ; 

The Chaldean Flood Story, I, 16. 

Legend of Sargon, 3800 B. C., I, 
21 


Ishtar’s Descent into Hades, I, 22, 
Penitential Psalms, I, 25. 
Hgypt 
Worship of Osiris in Book of the 
Dead, I, 29, illustrating the 
Egyptian belief in the life 
after death, the intense ma- 
teriality of that life, the 
power of assuming various 
forms, the judgment of the 
dead, rules of life, ete. 
Hymn to the Nile, I, 79. 
The Jews 
See Genesis, the Psalms, and the 
Prophets. 


The Brahmans 
Vedic Hymns, showing the early 

personification and worship of 
the forces of nature: 

To the Unknown God, I, 109. 

To Vata (The Wind), I, 110. 

To Agni (Fire), and the Maruts 
(Storm Gods), I, 110. 

To the Maruts, I, 111. 

To the Maruts, I, 112. 

To Rudra (Lightning), I, 113. 

To Vayu (The Wind), I, 114. 

To Agni and the Maruts, I, 114. 

To Rudra, I, 115. 

The Upanishads, showing the 
later philosophical develop- 
ments of the religion, The 
Brahmans gradually reduced 
the many gods of nature to 
one, and identified that one 
in nature with the self of the 
individual. This knowledge 
was made essential to salva- 
tion and jealously guarded by 
the caste. 


GENERAL INDEX 39 


R 
Religion 

Katha Upanishad, the secret dis- 
closed by Death to Nakiketas 
I, 116-126. 

Brihadaranyaka Upanishad, the 
gradual unfolding of the 
Brahman belief by Yagnaval- 
kya, I, 127-161. 

Khandogya Upanishad, other un- 
foldings of the secret, eice., I, 
162-195. 

The Creation, I, 195. 

The Ages, I, 200. 

Transmigration of souls and re- 
wards and punishments, I, 
208-217. 

Persia 

Zoroaster (somewhere between 
the fifteenth and tenth cen- 
tury B. C.) 

The Gathas—the Good and 
Evil Principles, I, 354-381. 
China 

Confucius (551-478 B. C.) 

More ethical than religious, I, 
384, 386, 391, 399, 409. 
Buddha 

Buddha (fifth century B. C.), ob- 
jected to the caste system of 
the Brahmans, and made a 
better life hereafter depend 
on right conduct and pur- 
poses rather than on merely 
knowledge. He still retained 
the Brahman idea of an im- 
personal God, (Brahma) and 
the transmigration of souls. 

Foundation of the Kingdom of 
Righteousness, containing the 
“eight-fold path,” I, 220-224. 

On Knowledge of the Vedas, 
against the Brahmans, I, 225- 
245. 

All the Asavas, the idea that 
should be cherished or aban- 
doned, the rules of conduct, 
pecan the soul, ete., I, 245- 

53. 

The Last Days of Buddha, the 
Life of Buddha, the Buddhist 
Gospel, I, 253-321. 

Dhammapada, the choicest Budd- 
hist thoughts and sayings, I, 
322-3538. 

Greece 
Hesiod, ITI, 3-34. 

The Creation, II, 4. 

Genesis of the gods, II, 6-26. 

Conquest of Uranus by Cronos, 
aD 7%. 

Conquest of Cronos by Zeus, II, 
13. 

The theft of fire for man by 
Prometheus, II, 15, 27. 


R 


Religion 


Woman (Pandora) and the en- 
trance of evil, II, 16, 27. 
Subjection of the Titans, II, 17. 
The Four Ages, II, 28. 
Rules of life, II, 32. 
Ideas of the Future Life 
Descent of Odysseus _ into 
Hades, and his description of 
Hades, II, 35-49. 
BRlysium, II, 49-52. 
The mysteries, II, 52. 
Thales (585 B. C.), IT, 139. 
Pythagoras (about 510 B. C.), 
founded a religious order that 
for a time held the political 
power in Croton, II, 145. 
Greek anthropomorphism satiriz- 
ed by Xenophanes (571 ? -470? 
B. C.), I, 146. 
Herakleitos, II, 150. 


Transmigration of souls believed 
in by Hmpedokles (ist half 
5th century B. C.), II, 160. 

Protagoras (480 B. C.—?) was 
banished for doubting the ex- 
istence of the gods, II, 186. 

Socrates (470-399) was executed 
for introducing strange gods. 

On immortality, II, 249-311. 

Plato (B. C. 429-348). 

The Phaedo, II, 249-311. 

Aristotle (B. C. 384-348). 

Basis of ethics, II, 364-382. 
Proof of God’s Existence, II, 
352-363. 

Zeno, 

Stoicism, IT, 418. 

Rome 

The Roman religion was closely 
related to the Greek, and was 
later indentified by the Ro- 
mans with the Greek. As in 
the case of the Brahmans 
and Greeks, their gods origi- 
nally represented natural 
forces. They developed but 
few myths about them, but 
later adopted the Greek. Pe- 
culiar Roman religious insti- 
tutions were the household 
gods called the lares, the 
judging the wills of the gods 
through auspices, ete. 


ieee eet eat (186 B. C.), III, 65- 
q. 


Cicero (105-43 B. C.) 

On immortality, III, 233-241. 

ye Contempt of Death, III, 
Lucretius (98-55 B. C.) 

On immortality, III, 275-285. 
Philo-Judaeus (20 B. C.—40 A, D.) 


~ 


40 


R 


Religion 


The Creation of the World, ILI, 
355-364, 

Pre-Christian Ascetics, LII, 364- 
369 


Seneca (4 B. C.—65 A. D.), 
Peace of mind, III, 328-354. 
Persecution under Nero (64 A. 
D.), IV, 6. 
Pliny, Trajan and Hadrian on the 
Christians, IV, 7. 
Epictetus (?—117 A. D.). 
Discourses, IIT, 892. 
Mareus Aurelius (1461 A. D.). 
Thoughts, ILI, 406. 
Persecution under Marcus Aure- 
lius, A. D. 177, IV, 9. 
Hary Church 
Tertullian (150—220-240). The 
eee of the Soul, IV, 21- 
9 


Origen (186-258). Principles of 
Faith, IV, 29-35. 

Cyprian, (200-254). The Unity of 
the Church, LV, 35-51. 

Persecution under Valerian (254), 
IV, 18. 

Persecution of Diocletian, IV, 14. 


Edict of Toleration by Galerius, 
303 A. D., IV, 17. 

Synod of Hivira, IV, 111. The 
problems of the church. 
Decree of Milan, 313 A. D., IV, 19. 
Origin of Asceticism, IV, 51-62. 
St. Athanasius (298-373). Exposi- 
tion of the Faith, IV, 71. 
Nicene Creed (825 A. D.), IV, 122. 

Athanasian Creed, IV, 128. 

Suppression of heathenism and 
heresy, LV, 62-71. 

St. Ambrose to Valentinian, IV, 


Enactments from the Theodosian 
code, LV, 69. 
St. Augustine (354-4380). God’s 
Foreknowledge and Man’s 
Free Will, IV, 75. 
Original Sin, IV, 90. 
Redemption, IV, 97. 
Faith, Hope and Love, IV, 102. 
Leo I, and the Petrine Theory of 
the Papacy, (440-461), IV, 125. 
Middle Ages — 
_ Monasticism, IV, 128-165, by St. 
Benedict. Customs and Rules. 
Conversion of the Franks, 496 A. 
D., IV, 202, by Gregory of 
Tours. 
Conversion of Kent,*596 A. D., 
IV, 190 (by Bede). 
Conversion of East Angles, 627 
A. D., (by Bede), IV, 194. 


GENERAL, INDEX 


R 


Religion 


Victory of the Roman Church in 
Britain, 652 A. D., TV, 196 (by 
Bede). 

Mohammed (570-632). Era of Mo- 
hammedanism in Asia Minor, 
Africa, Spain and Turkey be- 
gins. . 

The Koran, IV, 241-277. 

Donation of Pippin, 756 A. D., IV, 
208. 

Donation of Karl the Great, 774 
A. D., IV, 204. 

Avicebron (1028-1058). 

God’s Will the “Final Cause” 
of the Universe, IV, 280. 
Moses Maimonides (1135-1204). 
Method of Proving God’s Exis- 
tence, [V, 282. 
A Parallel between the Uni- 
verse and Man, IV, 284-293. 
Gregory VI11., 1073-1085, IV, 320. 
Declarations of the Church, sim- 
“ony, lay investiture, celibacy, 
annual confession, transub- 
stantiation, LV, 323. 

Gregory VII. vs. Henry IV., IV, 

323 


The Crusades, IV, 3385-350. 

William of Tyre on Peter the 
Hermit. 

Urban II, Speech at Clermont, 
1095. 

The Truce of God. 

Privileges of the Crusaders. 

Account of the Start. 

St. Thomas Aquinas, 1225 ? -1274 
A. D. The philosophy of the 
ehurch. Scholasticism on the 
existence of God, IV, 359. 

Theory of knowledge, IV, 3863. 

John Wycliffe (1320 ? -1384). . 

Conclusions, IV, 379. 
Wycliffe and Pope Gregory XI, 
IV, 380-388. » 

Modern Times 

The Reformation, V, 102... 

Hrasmus (1466 ? -1536), V, 103-110. 

Translated the New Testa- 
ment. ‘ 
Satirized the foibles of the 
church and clergy. 
Benefice-Hunting. 
The Penitent Virgin. . 


mre Luther (1483-1556), V, 111- 
Ninety-five Theses. (1517), ¥, 


Against Catholicism, V, 119. - 
Justification by Faith, V, 127. 
The Peasant Revolt (1525), V, 134. 
The Twelve Articles (Demands) 
of the Peasants, V, 185. 


GENERAL INDEX 41 


R 
Religion 
John Calvin (1509-1564), V, 140. 
Doctrine of eternal election, V, 
141-150. 

The whole case of the Prote- 
stants as given to the world 
in the Augsburg Confession 
(1630), V, 151-179. 


Loyola (1491-1556), V, 179. 
The Jesuit Constitution, V, 180 
-188. 
Revolt of the Protestant Nether- 
lands, 1566-1609, V, 189. 
Wesley (1703-1791, VI, 362-377. 
The Early Methodists (1739). 
General Rules. 
Doctrine of Justification. 
Voltaire (1694-1778). Struggled 
against intolerance in reli- 
gion and government. 
On Toleration, VI, 377-391. 


Renaissance, V, 5, 103. 

Republics (See Athens, Plato, Aris- 
totle, Rome, Cicero, Sovereignty of 
the People, United States, etc.) 

Republican Party founded, IX, 144. 

Ricardo, David 
Biography, VIII, 305. 

Place in economics, VIII, 292. 
Theory of Rent, VIII, 305-316. 


Rights, Bill of, VII, 10. 
Robespierre 
In the French Revolution, VII, 372- 
373. 
Roemer 
Proof of the velocity of light, VI, 
118, 146-148. 


Roentgen 
X-Rays, X, 227. 

Roman Law (See Law and Institu- 
tions). 

Rome (See Volume III, entire, and 
Volume IV, 5-125. See Govern- 
ment, and Institutions, Religion, 
Philosophy, Science. Also the 
Chronological Index). 

Rousseau 

Biography, VII, 47. 
The “Contrat Social’, ‘WII, 47%. 
In Education, VII, 47; IX, 21. 
Rtidbeck, Olaiis 
Material for new blood furnished 
by the lymphatics, WI, 117. 
Rudra, To, I, 118, 115. 
Rumford, Count 
Biography, VIII, 4384. 
Nature of Heat, VIII, 435-441, 
Rutledge, John 
In the Federal Convention 
That representation be in accor- 
dance with contribution, VII, 
270, 346. 


R 


Rutledge, John 

Iravored election of Senators by 
State legislatures, VII, 308. 

Against sending for other dela- 
gates, VII, 324. 

That something, however imper- 
fect, should be accomplished, 
VII, 366. 


shia t p Ss 4 —_ 
See dm “4 


my c t 


“the Franks, IV, 177-188. 
Sanatkumara, I, 185. ve 
Satyakama, I, 162. 

Saxons (See Anglo-Saxons). 
Scheele, Karl Wilhelm 
Biography, VI, 284. 
Chemical Treatise on Air and Fire, 
VI, 284-290. 
Schelling, Friedrich W. J. von 
Biography, VIII, 330. 
Place in philosophy, VIII,330. 
Scholasticism 
Moses Miamonides (1135-1204), IV, 
281. 

St. Thomas Aquinas (1225 ? -1274), 
IV, 359. 

Roger Bacon (1214-1292), IV, 369. 

Montaigne (1533-1592) against, V, 
198. 

Frances Bacon (1561-1626), V, 234. 


Schopenhauer, Arthur 
Biography, VIII, 337. 
The Will in Nature, VIII, 338. 
Sculpture (See Illustrations, espec- 
ially Vols. II, III, and V. 
Secession (See Government. Devel- 
opment of Political Ideas in the 
United States, Wols. VIII and 
IX). 
Idea of State Sovereignty 
Kentucky and Virginia Resolu- 
tions, VIII, 97. 


Northern tendencies toward 
Josiah Quincy, VIII, 122-1384. 
The Hartford Convention, VIII, 

134-148. 
Marshall in favor of Federal pow- 
ers, VIII, 161-196, 


Nullification 

Benton on the rise of, VIII, 196. 

Calhoun: Address on the Relation 
of the States and the General 
Government, VIII, 211-236. 

Hayne: The Doctrine of Nullifi- 
cation, VIII, 237-246, 

Webster: The Supreme Court the 
Final Arbiter, VIII, 247, 

The Ordinance of, VIII, 270. 


Teens Proclamation, VIII, 


‘ LA a, hy wh ; sen va e.. \ ty Ay “4 , 
Salic Law—the laws and ‘customs of 


42 GENERAL INDEX 


Ss 


Secession 

The Compromise of 1833. 

Slave conditions (Hall and Marti- 

neau), LX, 46-83. 

Geo. McDuffie. 
Rights of Slavery, EX, 83-94. 
Garrison. 

The Liberator, IX, 95. 

The Constitution a Covenant 
with Hell and an Agreement 
with Death, IX, 97. 

No Union with Slaveholders, IX, 
98 


Wendell Phillips, IX, 104. 
Calhoun: On Texas and Slavery, 
IX, 111. 
siege The Compromise of 1850, IX, 
William H. Seward. 
The Higher Law, IX, 122. 
Stephen A. Douglas. 
Squatter Sovereignty, IX, 182. 
Appeal of the Independent Dem- 
oa Sumner, Chase, etc., IX, 
Chief Justice Taney. 
The Dred Scott Decision, IX, 153. 


Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865). 
Against Squatter Sovereignty 
and the Dred Scott Decision 
(1858), IX, 177. 
Jefferson Davis. 
The Senate Resolutions, IX, 196. 
The Platforms of 1860, IX, 199. 
Douglas Democratic. 
Southern Democratic. 
Republican. 
Constitutional Union. 
Secession, IX, 208. 
Ordinance. 
South Carolina’s Statement of 
the Case. 
Seneca 
Biography, III, 328. 
Peace of Mind, III, 328-354. 
Seward, William Henry 
Biography, IX, 122. 
ye in United States History, IX, 


The “Higher” Law”, IX, 123. 
Sherman, Roger 
In the Federal Convention 

Thought House should be elected 
by the State legislatures, VII, 
261, 308. 

‘Also the Senate should be elected 
by the State legislatures, VII, 
VII, 264, 265. 

Opposed election by the people, 
VII, 268. 

For proportionate representation 
in the House and equal in the 
Senate, VII, 270, 353, 358. 


S 


Sherman 

Against restricting the Senate on 
money bills, VII, 275. 

Equality in suffrage between rich 
and poor necessary, VII, 315. 

The Congress had not power to 
enforce its provisions, VII, 329. 

For the compromise, VII, 356. 

That the government would act 
as partly national and partly 
federal. WII, 362. 


Sieyés, Emmanuel Joseph 
Biography, VII, 394. 
“What is the Third Estate?” VII, 
395. 
Skepticism 
Hume, VI, 185. 
Slavery in the United States 
In the Federal Convention, 
248, 276; IX 127, 128. 
Basil Hall. 
Slave Conditions (1827), IX, 46. 
Harriet Martineau. 
Morals of Slavery, IX, 62. 
Geo. McDuffie. | 
ape Rights of Slavery (1835), LX, 
33. 


Vil, 


Garrison. 

The Liberater, IX, 9b/ 

The Censtitutien a ; “Cevenant 
with Death and an Agreement. 
with Hell IX, 97. 

one Union with Slaveholders, IX, 

8 


In Support of the American Anti- 
Slavery Society, IX, 99. 
Wendell Phillips. 
The murder of Lovejoy, IX, 104. 
John Calhoun. 
Texas and Slavery, IX, 111. 


Clay. 
Compromise of 1850, UX, 117. 
William Henry Seward. 
The Higher Law, [X, 122. 
Stephen A. Douglas. 
“Squatter Sovereignty,” IX, 132. 
Sumner, Chase, etc. 
Appeal of the Independent Dem- 
ocrats, IX, 144. 
Chief Justice Taney. 
The Dred Scott Decision, IX, 153. 
Abraham Lincoln (1809-1865). 
Against Squatter Sovereignty 
and the Dred Scott Decision 
(1858), IX, 177. 


Jefferson Davis. 
The Senate Resolutions, IX, 196, 
The Platforms of 1860, IX, 199. 
Douglas Democratic. 
Southern Democratic. 
Republican. 
Constitutional Union, 


GENERAL INDEX 43 


S 


Slavery in the United States 

Secession, IX, 208. 

Ordinance, 
South Carolina’s Statement of 
the Case. 
Smith, Adam 

Biography, VI,°399. 

The Principle of the Commercial 
or Mercantile System’ (against), 
VI, 399-427. 

The Colonies and Free Trade, VII, 
117-165. 

Influence, VII, 19, 58; VIII, 292. 

Social Compact Theory. 

Hobbes, VII, 19. 

Locke, VII, 25. 

Rousseau, VII, 46. 

Socialism, X, 5-124, 

(See Government Economics, Insti- 
tutions, Law, Education, Social- 
ism, etc.) 

Socrates 

Biography, II, 187. 

The Possibility of Science, II, 191- 
239, 

See Plato, entire. 

Solon 
Aristotle on, II, 57. 
Sociological Poems, II, 57-63. 
Soul, The (see Immortality) 
Spaight, Richard Dobbs 

In the Federal Convention 

On Rules, VII, 252. 
For choosing of Senate by legis- 
latures, VII, 253. 
Spartan Institutions, II, 105-135. 
‘Spencer, Herbert 

Biography, IX, 259. 

Progress; Its Law and Cause, IX, 
259-300. 

Spinoza, Benedict 
~ Biography, VI, 63. 
Place in Philosophy, VI, 39. 
Ethics, VI, 64. 
Stahl, VI, 151. 
State, The (see Government) 
State and Church 

Rome and Harly Christians, IV, 5- 
21; 62-71. 

Pippin, IV, 203. 

Karl the Great, IV, 204. 

ear VII., and Henry IVY., IV, 

Marsilius of Padua, IV, 423, 

Reformation, V, 102-198. 

Treaty of Westphalia, V. 

State Rights (see Government, Con- 
stitution, Secession). 
State Sovereignty (see Gaia 
ment, Constitution, Secession). 
Steam Engine, VI, 305. . 
Stephens, Alexander 

Vice-President of the Confederacy, 

ix, 44, 46. 


S 


Stoic Philosophy (see Philosophy; 
also Zeno, Seneca, Aurelius, Hpic- 
tetus). 

Strafford 

In the Puritan Revolution, V, 391- 
430 


Strong, Caleb 
In the Federal Convention 
For the commitment, VII, 338. 
Kor the compromise, VII, 359. 
Sumner, Charles 
Appeal of Independent Democrats, 
IX, 45, 144. 
Sumptuary Laws 
Suppression of Heathenism and 
Heresy (see Religion). 
Under the Roman Empire, IV, 62- 
71. 
Cyprian (200-254). 
The Unity of the Church. 
Synod of Elvira, IV, 111. 
St. Augustine, IV, 75. 
Leo I., IV, 125. 
Conversion of Barbarians, IV, 190- 
196, 
State and Cuurch, IV, 318. 
Galileo, V, 302. 
In the Netherlands, V, 189. 
Voltaire on Toleration, V, 372. 
Surgery 
Antiseptie. 
Brain. 
Svetaketu, I, 169, 177. 
Synod of Elvira—the problems of the 
early Church, IV, 111, 


A fy 


Taxation (See Economics). 
Telegraph, IX, 426. 
Telephone, LX, 480. 
Telescope, VY, 290. 
Tertullian 
Biography, IV, 21. 
The Witness of the Soul, IV, 21-29. 
Thales 
Biography, II, 138. 
Sayings, II, 138-140. 
Theaetetus, II, 191-239. 
Theodosian Code, IV, 69-75. 
Theosophy 
See Brahmanism and Buddhism, 
especially. 
Tiamat, I, 9-15. 
Titans, II, 17. 
Cena invented the barometer, VI. 
Hs Bf 
Trade Unions and Guilds, IV, 390, X, 
5-52, 101-124. 
Trajan 
On the Christians, IV, 7. 
Transmigration of Souls 
EHepytians considered it a boon sub- 
ject to magical control after 
death, I, 29-79. 


44 GENERAL INDEX 


fy 


Transmigration of Souls 
Brahman ideas of as a reward or 
punishment, I, 208-218. 
Tribunes, III, 3, 16, 24, 30, 77. 
Trusts (See Monopolies). 
Turgot 
Biography, VII, 390. 
In the French Revolution, VII, 369. 
On Accepting Office (His Program), 
VII, 391. 
Twelve Tables 
Cicero on the, III, 11. 
Fragments of the, III, 9. 


U 


Uddalaka, I, 181. 
Universities, Medizeval, IV, 350. 
United States (see Government). 
Upakosala, I, 97, 165. 
Upanishads, I, 108, 116-195. 
Uranus, II, 7. 
Urban II. 

Speech at Clermont, IV, 338. 

V 

Vaccination, VILI, 404. 
Valerian, IV, 138. 
Vata, To, I, 110. 
Vayu, I, 114, 162. 
Vedas, I, 108, 109-116. 

Buddha on Knowledge of the, I, 

225. 

Verner’s law, X, 367, 370. 
Vesalius 

Work in anatomy, VI, 5. 
Vespasian 

Growth of Royal Power under, III, 

3 


93. 

Decree, III, 93. — 
Virchow 
Volta.. 

Biography, WI, 358. 

New Galvanic Instrument, VI, 358. 
Voltaire 

Biography, VI, 377. 

On Toleration, VI, 377. 


WwW 


Wallace, TX, 300. 
Walpole 
Washington, VII, 248, 250; VIII, 25. 
Washington, George 
In the Federal Convention 
Chosen president, VII, 250. 
Watt, James 
Biography, VI, 305. 
Invention of the Steam Engine, VI, 
305-312. : 
Wave Theory 
Of Light, VI, 141, 442. 
Of Electricity, X, 208-227. 
Wealth (see Economics). 


WwW 


Webster, Daniel 
Biography, VIII, 246. 
In United States History, VIII, 29. 
On the Tariff of 1828, VIII, 199. 
The Supreme Court the Final Ar- 
biter, VIII, 247-270. 
Werner, VI, 313. Weis rorann, Au , 
Wesley, John X85 
Biography, VI, 362. 
The Early Methodists, VI, 363. | 
General Rules of the Society, VI, 
365. ; 
The Doctrine of Justification, VI, 
367-377. 
Williamson, Hugh 
In the Federal Convention 
Preferred a small Senate, ,VII, 
265. 
States would remain equally sov- 
ereign, VII, 311. 


On new States to the westward, 
VII, 312. 

On compromise, VII 338, 344. 

Against restricting the Senate on 
money bills, VII, 367. 

For a per capita vote in the Sen- 
ate, VII, 367. 


William of Tyre 
vie ash of Peter the Hermit, IV, 
Wilson, James 
In the Federal Convention 
That the House should be drawn 
immediately from the people, 
VII, 262, 308. 
Thought the Senate should be 
elected by the people, VII, 264, — 
265, 267, 315. 
Contrasted the two plans, VII, 
282. 
The States should be preserved 
in a subordinate position, VII, 
302. ' 
The States not independent of 
each other, VII, 304. 


More danger of encroachments 
by the States than by the Gen- 
eral Government, VII, 305. 
Against equality in the Senate, 
315, 330, 354, 356, 361. 
On the compromise committee, 
VII, 339, 349. 
Against restricting the Senate on 
money bills, VII, 350, 351, 352. 
Winterbotham, W. 
Conditions in the United States 
(1790), VIII, 15. ; 
Wundt, X, 337. 
Wycliffe 
Biography, IV, 379. 
Conclusions, IV, 379: 
And Pope Gregory XI., IV, 380. 


GENERAL INDEX 


WwW Z 
Wythe, George Zeno the Stoic 
In bee Piney Convention, VII, Bicerapny ir 418! 
v4 The Stoic Philosophy, II, 418-425. 
Yagnavalkya, I, 127-161. Zeus conquers Cronos, II, 18. 


Yates, Robert 7, he Ti II, 1 
Agaimeeithe Constitation, VIET 247, ico one 
249. Zoology (See Biology). 
Young, Thomas Zoroaster 
. Biography, VIII, 442. ¢ 
On. the Interference of Light The Gathas, I, 354-318. 
Waves, VIII, 442. Zwingli, V, 151. 


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UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS-U RI NA 


ON 


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